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In a world of growing international competition and rivalry between China and the United States, Latin America and the European Union (EU) are caught in the same thorny dilemma. Positioned between these global giants, both regions are facing a retorn to a Westphalian system of nation-states, which undermines their roles as emerging regional players. In view of these new global challenges in Latin America and the EU, this paper uses a qualitative and comparative approach to explore foreign policy discourses on autonomy in both regions. It examines their goals and priorities and assesses the potential regional and interregional consequences. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Since the imposition of the US embargo, sixty years ago, Cuba became a laboratory for different strategies of democracy promotion implemented by Washington to change the regime and by Brussels to promote a reform from within. The maintenance of the one-party-system confirms not only the failure of these policies but their contribution to the consolidation of the revolutionary regime in place since 1959. The article asks why both actors maintain their policies towards Cuba. Through a qualitative and comparative analytical framework, it explores the dynamics between instruments and results of US and European Union (EU) strategies towards Cuba. It includes theoretical debates on political regimes, transitions and democracy promotion strategies through constructive engagement in case of the EU and through sanctions on behalf of the United States. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The text asks how Europe and Latin America/Caribbean responded to the virus COVID-19 and addressed the challenges for public health. Consequently, we identify five regional governance gaps and explore their application during the management of the pandemic: information and knowledge, norms and principles, public policies, institutions and material resources. From a comparative perspective, we analyse in a two separated sections if the regional governance in the EU and Latin America/Caribbean in these areas increased (or not). Finally, we emphasize similarities and differences and explain the causes behind the diverse evolution of the collective management of the pandemic in both regions. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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Copyright of Revista de Estudios Políticos is the property of Centro de Estudios Politicos y Constitucionales and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Europe is likely to be among the losers, Latin America among the (relative) winners in the global financial crisis. Europe's expected loss of power and a more crisis- resistant Latin America under Brazilian leadership mean that for the first time dialog is possible on equal terms. The changing international positions of the two regions calls for new ways of thinking beyond the traditional North-South and inter-regional approaches, which no longer correspond to the prevailing relationship patterns. Even the notion that Europe could counterbalance the USA in Latin America has proved to be an illusion. Rather Latin America is courting new economic partners, such as China and Russia, and has used the eight-year political detachment from Washington as a regional emancipation process. Inter-regional relations are likely to stagnate in the next few years owing to the recession in Europe. Only the middle-sized power Spain will be able to maintain its involvement in culturally akin Latin America and use the Ibero-American Community of Nations as a platform for improving its international influence. Regarding the next summit, to be held in Spain in 2010, the EU should approach Latin America not as an object of development policy, but as a global partner in the construction of a new, fairer world order. Latin American and European consensus is unlikely on controversial issues such as expansion of the UN Security Council or the stagnating WTO Doha Round, but augurs well in relation to climate protection, promotion of democracy and human rights, and approaching reform of the international financial system within the framework of the G-20. Brazil, as a future regional and, potentially, global power is, like Mexico, a privileged partner of the EU. The change of government in the White House will also facilitate closer relations with the USA, where Latin America, because of immigration and economic interdependence - as in the case of Spain - has become both a domestic and a foreign policy issue. As Latin America's closest partners, Spain and the USA have established strategic partnerships with Brazil and Mexico. The long-standing »problem case« of Cuba, as well as Bolivia and Venezuela, may well prove to be the first test cases of the »transatlantic quartet« of Brazil, Mexico, Spain, and the USA. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Araucaria is the property of Araucaria-Revista Iberoamericana de Filosofia, Politica y Humanidades and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)