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The article is a book review of "North Korea’s Mundane Revolution: Socialist Living and the Rise of Kim Il Sung, 1953–1965" by Andre Schmid. The book explores the socio-economic and cultural transformations in North Korea during the 1950s, focusing on the everyday lives of its people and the public discourse surrounding mundane issues. The author analyzes primary sources such as newspapers, magazines, and personal memoirs to understand how North Koreans were able to influence their society and how the Supreme Leader Kim Il Sung fit into this process. The book challenges the conventional view of North Korea as a monolithic entity and offers a fresh perspective on its development. [Extracted from the article]

To understand the changes that North Korea is currently undergoing we would be well advised to look back and "study the classical, prereform system, for that is the only route to a thorough understanding of the problems, crises, and vicissitudes met with by the socialist reforms, and then of the state of affairs and the problems as the postsocialist transition begins." (Kornai 1992: xxvi). Furthermore, treating North Korea in all isolated way as a special case would be both wrong and misleading. In this paper, I will explore the general characteristics of state socialism as witnessed in the Eastern Block and in particular their relevance for agriculture and contrast them with the specific case of North Korea, relying heavily on the analysis provided by Kornai (1992). Based on this theoretical framework, the reasons for the relative functioning of the North Korean agriculture over the last decades will be discussed, as well as the new circumstances that made a continuation of the old approach impossible and demanded a policy change. A discussion of the various options for reform will be followed by a reality check considering a sufficient likelihood of regime stability as one precondition for a top-down reform process. Finally, I will analyze the actual reform measures and their future prospects. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

North Korea started serious economic reforms in July 2002. The regime's credo is the coexistence of a state-directed economy and a market economy. The weight of the latter will be increased gradually, depending on success and political stability. The paper explores the costs and benefits of the reforms and suggests their support. In the short run, the price reforms resulted in purchasing power gains for everybody, although these gains are now offset by inflation. The reforms have been well prepared ideologically to secure a controlled process. The pragmatic replacement of socialism by nationalism as the core ideology as well as the transformation of the military into the new aristocracy at the expense of the party created new political options for the North Korean government. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The author explains why it makes sense to think about economic engagement with North Korea under the leadership of Kim Jong Un. Despite series of nuclear threats issued by Pyongyang, the author lists a few points that have led to this optimistic outlook. The author downplays the failure of passive or active non-engagement to work in North Korea. He emphasizes the humanitarian consequences respectively of sanctions and economic engagement. The availability of many good reasons to oppose the liberal idea of interdependence is stressed.

The article reports on the death of North Korean leader Kim Jong Il and the assignment of titles and functions to his son Kim Jong Un. It begins with the topic on what does it take to be a North Korea expert. Then it talks about the power of Kim Jong Un and if he will keep it and explores how his legitimacy is being built. Discussions also focused on how will China behave to Kim Jong Un and what will happen to North Korea's nuclear program. Other topics include what will Kim Jong Un's policy will be and what the world should expect for 2012.

The article discusses political issues concerning the selection of the successor of North Korean Leader Kim Jong Il. In opposition to western media speculations that Kim Jong Il has already transferred his powers to his son Kim Jong Un, it is explained that his son was only given a rank of General in the Central Military Commission of the Workers' Party of Korea (WPK) while his sister Kim Kyong Hui gained a post in the WPK Politburo. The reasons why the appointment of Kim Jong Un in the top leadership of the WPK is being considered as an important decision in North Korean politics are explored.

The article examines the use of foreign currency in socialist economies, with an emphasis on North Korea. A document was issued by the Foreign Trade Bank of North Korea to diplomatic missions and international organizations present in North Korea advising them to stop the use of foreign currency. The document requires foreign institutions and organizations to obtain non-cash cheques from the Foreign Trade Bank. The consequences of the North Korean economic policy for the specific case of North Korea in early 2010 are analyzed.

The article traces the developments which have influenced the political, social and economic status of North Korea. The author claims that the reforms following the 2000 inter-Korean summit and the measures implemented by the country in July 2002 led to a domestic situation which became risky and burdensome for Pyongyang leaders. He argues that although North Korea remains a unique society, the monetization of the economy and its access to outside information steadily change it to become like the former socialist Eastern Europe countries. The article also analyzes how the missiles and nuclear tests affected the country.

An essay on Japan's political structure and political condition is presented. The author announces that in early October 2008, the official North Korean media have started to reveal who will be the next leader of their country after the family dynasty ends. The author comments that the recent homage to the Mother Party could be the first step in the process of announcing who the next leader might be and why.

The article focuses on South Korea's prioritization of nuclear power expansion and other responses to the contemporary energy and financial crises facing the nation. In 2006, Korea announced construction of the world's largest tidal power plant followed and the world's largest solar power station to be built. In 2007, it announced plans to increase renewable energy from present two percent levels to nine percent by 2030, although such lofty plans were met with skepticism. Korea plans to build 10 more nuclear power plants by 2030 and to raise its reliance on alternative energy sources five-fold in order to wean itself from fossil fuels.

In this article, the author discusses the prevalence of hunger in North Korea. The author attributes the condition to low temperature, very irregular precipitation, too little arable land, deforestation that makes floods even worse, droughts that cannot be fought properly by irrigation systems because of a lack of electricity and an industry that fails to produce enough fertilizer. He also blames an inefficient agricultural economy that suffers from the limitations of a socialist system. He believes that the country would need financing by a functioning export industry.

The article focuses on the policy of North Korea. It states that one false assumption around North Korea is the claim that this country and its leadership are not predictable. It notes that in the sunshine policy between North Korea and Seoul, the stronger side showed maturity, broke the stalemate unilaterally and used the opportunity that had opened through the economic collapse of North Korea's trade partners, a leadership change and the 1995-1997 famine. It assesses the foreign policy of North Korea. It notes that since 2002, Seoul, South Korea demonstrated its continued interest in North Korea despite the conflict over the nuclear issue, emphasized the commonalities despite the many differences, and thereby successfully undermined anti-South Korean propaganda.