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There is still little discussion on how community-based organizations (CBOs) may help counter violent extremism (CVE) in Nigeria. This research explores the implications of CBOs' use of external networks for CVE and the distribution of humanitarian aid in North-East Nigeria. It finds that because CBOs depend so heavily on outside funding, they are constantly exposed to the demands and whims of donors. We therefore urge the government to prioritize CBOs in CVE programmes and operations to reduce external influence and to limit the spread of violent extremism in the region. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This study examines the funding of community-based organizations (CBOs) as instruments for reducing the extreme behaviors of violent extremist organizations (VEOs). Evidence abounds that CBOs in industrialized nations like the USA and Canada have budget lines designated for government expenditures to deal with extremist behaviors in their local communities. This state-level effort to reduce violent extremism and VEOs behavior is absent throughout Africa, especially in Nigeria. This gap is the focal point of our investigation into how external resource dependence affects CBOs in northeast Nigeria. We triangulated our data sources using secondary data, in-depth interviews, and focus group discussions. However, this study discovered that in Nigeria, external donor agencies, NGOs, and organizations that support CBOs financially, logistically, materially, and in terms of training also tend to impact their programming selection, training content, and accountability. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

While previous studies have interrogated the motivations of Boko Haram and the role of security agencies in counterinsurgency, explanations of the escalation of Boko Haram attacks on Nigerian security agencies have received limited academic attention. This study re-examines the dynamics of counterinsurgency operations in Nigeria within the context of the fragile state thesis. It argues that fragility of relevant state institutions has compromised the military-led counterinsurgency operations by flipping out strategic intelligence to the terrorists, embezzlement of arms procurement funds, sabotage and deplorable welfare condition of combatants, among others. Thus, the relevant state institutions should be strengthened to proactively respond to the maladies bedeviling the military-led counterinsurgency operations in the North-East region. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

While earlier studies have concentrated on the political and historical dynamics of the Cameroon Ambazonian separatist conflict, there is little knowledge on the effects of the conflict in Anglophone regions on Cameroonian refugees in Nigeria. The study used the mixed method to show how decades of Cameroon's repressive governance system that favors Francophone Cameroonians against Anglophone Cameroonians accounts for the Ambazonian separatist movement, forcing Cameroonians into migration and generating humanitarian crisis for Cameroonian refugees in Nigeria. It recommends that the intervention of the United Nations is capable of mitigating the conflict and preventing the humanitarian consequences in Nigeria. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

While previous studies have assessed the linkages between the implementation of the coronavirus disease 2019 (COVID-19) lockdown and human rights issues in non-African contexts, how the state containment of COVID-19 pandemic affected human rights in African context has been understudied, particularly in Nigeria. Using a qualitative-dominant mixed methods approach, this study assessed how state containment of COVID-19 pandemic affected human rights in Nigeria. It demonstrated that the state's security operatives repressed the citizens during the implementation of COVID-19-induced full and partial lockdown in Nigeria. Despite the prospects of COVID-19 lockdown in mitigating the spread of the virus, state repression of citizens has implications for shrinking the civic spaces and engendering human rights violations. The study concluded that judicial reform and promotion of rights-based education among security operatives involved in the implementation of COVID-19 lockdown present opportunities for regulating the excesses of the state officials during public health emergencies, preserving human rights as well as advancing democracy and development in Nigeria. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The Multinational Joint Task Force (MNJTF), comprising soldiers from the Lake Chad Basin countries (Cameroon, Chad, Niger, Nigeria, and Benin), has been countering insurgency in the region since 2015. Frictional relationships resulting from mutual distrust affected the commitments of MNJTF contributing countries in counterinsurgency operations in Lake Chad. Chad, notably, considered itself an arrowhead in the counterinsurgency due to the laxity of other coalition countries. The devastation its soldiers suffered and the waxing strength of the operation of Boko Haram and allied groups in the region motivated the late Chadian President Idriss Déby to declare in December 2019 the exiting of his soldiers from the MNJTF to concentrate on protecting the borders of the country. The study relied on extant literature and explorative qualitative techniques to investigate the consequences of such exit on northeast Nigeria. At the very least, it reveals that Chad's exit betrayed the MNJTF counterinsurgency coalition and has negative consequences for the security complexity in northeast Nigeria. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

While extant literature has examined how autochthony claim-making and narratives account for violent conflicts, they neglect how ethnic groups traversed by Nigeria–Cameroon boundaries manipulate autochthony claim-making and generate ethnic identity crises in the Mambilla Plateau. Using the qualitative dominant mixed-method approach, this paper describes the various ways in which people have come to understand themselves and deploy the autochthony narratives to construct group identities in the Mambilla Plateau. It also examines how the couching of these autochthony narratives and their politicization reinforce contested territorial ethnic claims and generate ethnic identity crises in the region. Relying on social identity thesis, the study argues that extreme ethnic in-group and out-group divides undermine peaceful coexistence of ethnic groups, drive identity crisis as well as fuels ethnic hostilities and population displacements in the Mambilla Plateau. The study concludes that nuanced and inclusive autochthony claim-making presents an opportunity for reducing inter-ethnic hostilities and promoting the peaceful coexistence of ethnic groups in the Mambilla Plateau and other multi-ethnic societies in Africa. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Researches have been interrogating the influence of international migration on life satisfaction but ignoring the influence of internal migration on life satisfaction. This study therefore examined the influence of inter-provincial migration on life satisfaction in South Africa. Data for the study were from the fifth and latest wave of the National Income Dynamics Survey (NIDS) conducted in South Africa in 2017. Data were analyzed by descriptive statistics, Pearson Chi-square and ordinary least-square (OLS) regression. The results showed that the migrants (mean = 5.73) had significantly (Chi = 48.8; p < 0.001) better life satisfaction than non-migrants (mean = 5.54). In addition, there existed significant variations in the level of happiness (Chi = 9.97; p < 0.002), subjective income classification (Chi = 16.8; p < 0.001) and perceived physical health (Chi = 8.65; p < 0.002). Finally, the OLS coefficients showed that respondents with average and above average subjective income classification, respondents with good perceived physical health, respondents with happier happiness level, females, married respondents, non-Blacks, respondents earning higher than R5000, household with 7 + persons and province of residence were associated with increased life satisfaction among migrants and non-migrants. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

COVID-19 pandemic has undermined the functionality of formal and informal economies globally, with developing countries suffering the social, political and economic effects of the pandemic. Economic downturns in the global south, including Nigeria, have given rise to declining state control in the face of human insecurity. This study, hinging on the neoliberal political economy thesis, examines the economic crisis and declining state control the COVID-19 pandemic lockdown engendered in managing the security situation in Nigeria. The study, utilizing the dominant qualitative methods, comprising interviews, focus group discussions, and documented evidence, highlighted that the COVID-19 pandemic lockdown disproportionately affected the people, mainly poor people, households and communities in different parts of the country. The failure of the government to engage in an effective social protection policy generated discontent and led to criminal activities undermining security in Nigeria. The study concludes that the insecurity and economic crisis the COVID-19 pandemic lockdown engendered have weakened the state's authority in Nigeria. The study suggests that engaging effective social protection policy presents an opportunity for mitigating security challenges to bring about socioeconomic stability in Nigeria. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The debates on hate speech regulation have divided scholars and practitioners. While the liberals largely argue that hate speech ban is anti-democratic and counter-productive for preservation of fundamental human rights, the humanists posit that hate speech is harmful and its regulation is relevant in order to avert the collateral damage/harm it inflicts on human dignity and equality of human beings. Despite the significant efforts in Africa to regulate hate speech, its debates focus on United States and Western Europe. Thus, the account of hate speech regulation in African context is largely understudied. This study therefore examines the impact state regulation of hate speech on sustainable democracy in Africa. Using the qualitative dominant mixed methods approach and data generated from Nigeria and Kenya, the paper argues that state regulation of hate speech presents an opportunity for fostering order, advancing national cohesion, reducing hate speech and promoting inclusive governance for all, irrespective of age, sex, disability, race, ethnicity, origin, religion and economic status. The paper concludes that implementing hate speech legislation alongside other non-legal, dialogue-based, egalitarian, voluntary approaches are relevant for diminishing hate speech and the harms it engender as well as promoting sustainable democracy in Africa and beyond. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Climate change has remained a major problem around which global development policies are framed. The effects of climate change are rising tremendously and are more evident in Africa with low adaptive capacity to the impacts of climate change and where climate change has led to drought and desertification with consequences for safety and security in the region. Although the connection between climate change and conflicts is well studied, there is little research on the geopolitical contribution of climate change to conflicts. Using a dominant qualitative approach based on secondary data and eco-violence theory, this study examines how geopolitics affects climate change-induced conflicts and displacement in West Africa. Drawing largely from Nigeria and Mali, the study argues that, despite the destructive effects of anthropogenic activities created by insufficient competing areas for livelihood and subsistence resources, the implementation of climate resolution among countries and regions of the world has remained obscure. The repercussions of the geopolitics of climate change are the insurgencies and cattle herders' unrest in Africa, especially the West African region. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Previous studies have examined the impact of the relationship between international nongovernmental organisations and the military on peacekeeping operations and humanitarian programming. However, how relations between international nongovernmental organisations and military actors affect preventing/countering of violent extremism has not been central to existing debates. By using the qualitative-dominant mixed methods approach, this paper investigates relations between these actors in Northeast Nigeria and argues that the dynamic interactions between international nongovernmental organisations and the military largely breed mistrust and conflict between them. This undermines the capacity of international nongovernmental organisations to prevent/counter violent extremism. The paper concludes that mutual respect for the operational procedures of the military and international nongovernmental organisations in the Northeast is relevant for an enhanced relationship between them and sustainable preventing/countering violent extremism programming in Nigeria and beyond. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

While previous studies have focused on how political and economic factors fuel herder-farmer conflicts, there is a dearth of knowledge on how desertification-induced migration amidst ungoverned spaces affect herder-farmer conflicts in Nigeria. Using data from qualitative dominant mixed method, this study interrogates how desertification-induced migration and state failure to provide security governance affect herder-farmer conflicts in Nigeria. It argued that poor security governance escalates the southward migration of herders and contributes to the intensification of herder-farmer conflicts in Nigeria. These conflicts endanger livelihoods, fuel population displacements, and undermine human security. The study concludes that effective security governance amidst increased desertification in Northern Nigeria presents an opportunity for regulating southward migration of herders, mitigating herder-farmer conflicts, and promoting human security in Nigeria. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The outbreak and spread of coronavirus disease (COVID-19) is probably the most serious global challenge since World War II. While research has paid considerable attention to the technical, epidemiological and public health aspects of the pandemic in Africa, it neglects the social, economic and political dimensions. Relying on analysis of data on trends of COVID-19 infections from the World Health Organization and Africa Centres for Disease Control and Prevention, and a rapid review of available international and national policy/programme documents on COVID-19 control responses in Africa, this study assessed the extant protocols and responses to COVID-19 in relation to urban governance principles. Utilizing the political economy framework, the social conditions of informal labour and business activities during the COVID-19 pandemic are explored with accession to social habitus of informality. The paper argues that in as much as the COVID-19 pandemic is a pervasive health problem it should be treated more as a social and political economy challenge given the large informal nature of urbanism in Africa. The study concludes that urban governance that incorporates collective organization, community groups, non-state and informal actors offers scope in the battle against COVID-19 in Africa. Rethinking African urbanism in line with the principles of the Global Campaign on Urban Governance is also canvassed. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Although research has considered how poor governance, exclusionary politics and electoral malpractice affect election violence, the effect of hate speech on election violence has not received adequate academic attention. Using a mixed methods approach with qualitative dominance, this study examines the effect of hate speech on election violence in Nigeria during the 2011, 2015 and 2019 presidential elections. The article demonstrates that an entrenched culture of hate speech is an oft-neglected major driver of election violence in Nigeria. The study concludes that the implementation of existing anti-hate speech laws presents an opportunity for protecting the rights of minority groups, promoting political inclusion and preventing election violence in Nigeria and beyond. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Although there are several security threats in Nigeria, the Boko Haram insurgency in the Northeast region remains the most critical security problem in the country. While previous studies have examined how unemployment, poverty, poor governance, corruption, weak judiciary system affect insecurity and the impact of exclusionary politics on insecurity in Nigeria, the role and challenges of the Nigerian military in countering the Boko Haram insurgency in Northeast Nigeria has received limited scholarly attention. This paper examines the role and challenges of the Nigerian military in countering the Boko Haram insurgency in the Northeast region of Nigeria. Using secondary data and the structural-functional theory, this study argued that the Nigerian Armed Forces face several operational, strategic, and tactical challenges in their counterinsurgency operation, including inadequate funding, inadequate and outdated weapons, the presence of a 'third force' sabotaging the war efforts and a lack of personnel motivation. These challenges undermine the capacity of the military to protect the territorial integrity of Nigeria and promote national security. This study concludes that improved funding of the military presents an opportunity for proper equipping of the armed forces, improved morale of personnel, effective countering of Boko Haram and the mitigation of insecurity in Nigeria. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

COVID-19 pandemic and the lockdown policy it engendered restricted the entrepreneurial freedom and skills promoted by the neoliberal market structure. It also undermined the strings of social networks and collective organisation which protect the individual informal workers, particularly women in the peri-urban areas. Using the qualitative dominant methods, this research probed into the effects of COVID-19 pandemic on informal women workers in peri-urban communities in Nigeria. The study argued that the COVID-19 pandemic and the accompanying lockdown devastated the informal economic activities of women in peri-urban areas due largely to lack of social protection programmes to support vulnerable populations. It also undermined Nigeria-Cameroon trade relation which is a major source of livelihood for most people, reduced the personal income of informal workers in the peri-urban areas and government revenue in Taraba State. The study concluded that providing financial capital, material palliatives and affordable social protection facilities to informal women workers in peri-urban communities is relevant for sustainable economic development in Nigeria. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Background:Over the past two decades, pastoralist-farmer conflicts have become a pressing security challenge in Nigeria, especially in the North Central region. This study analyzed how pastoralist-farmer conflicts fuel population displacements in the North Central, Nigeria. It also assessed the livelihood of the internally displaced persons in the region. Data Source and Methods: The study employed primary data comprising key informant interview of 37 stakeholders and field observations. It also utilized secondary data on pastoralist-farmer conflicts and population displacement largely sourced from Centre for Democracy and Development. We used simple percentage, frequency tables and content analysis of the qualitative data. Results:The failure of the Nigerian state to manage pastoralist - farmer conflicts escalated the attacks and the forceful displacement it engendered. The displacements have worsened the humanitarian crisis as it has increased the number of people in immediate need of food, security, health, school, livelihood, shelter, protection, non food items, water, sanitation and hygiene. Conclusion:The study concluded that building inclusive societies is relevant for de-escalating pastoralist-farmer conflicts, reducing population displacements, mitigating humanitarian crisis and achieving sustainable development goals in Nigeria and beyond. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Using the qual-dominant mixed methods approach, this study analysed the impact of the separatist threat and the militarization of elections on voter turnout during the 2017 governorship election in Anambra State, Nigeria. Findings indicate that perceived and real marginalization of the Igbo in Nigeria's state-building is largely driving the neo-Biafra separatist threat to boycott elections in Anambra State. This does not only account for the state militarization of elections in order to guarantee security; it also inadvertently engendered fear among citizens, undermined voter turnout and exacerbated political exclusion. This study concludes that inclusive political development presents an opportunity for de-escalation of separatist threats, demilitarization of elections and enhancement of voter turnout in Nigeria. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The past two decades that coincide with the return of civil rule in most African countries have witnessed the reinforcement of ethnic nationalism and separatist agitations. While scholarly attention has focused on ethnicity to explain the revival of ethnic nationalism, how ethnic and class discourses conflate in the pursuit of ethnic nationalism remains understudied. Using a qualitative-dominant approach, this article interrogates how the Igbo petty bourgeoisie use ethnicity to mask the underlying differences in their material conditions in relation to the alienated masses. It also examines how these differences shape post-war Igbo nationalism. In the main, this article argues that the intersection of ethnic and class discourses is underpinned by unequal distribution of rights and powers accruing from productive resources. This unequal distribution of rights and powers results in differential material well-being and gives rise to conflicts between the dominant and subordinate classes. This explains the divergent approaches of the different factions of Igbo petty bourgeoisie to Igbo nationalism in Nigeria. The article concludes that understanding the political economy of the intersection of ethnic and class discourses is relevant for resolving the nationality question and the Biafra secessionist agitations in Nigeria and others across Africa. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The study explores how glocalization of COVID-19 responses affects the management of the pandemic in Africa. Using data from 20 selected African countries, the study found that the reliance on local medicines alongside other salient global initiatives for containment of COVID-19 is effective in managing the pandemic in Africa. It concluded that despite the high vulnerabilities of African countries to COVID-19, the glocal approach has yielded positive outcomes by increasing the number of patients that recover from COVID-19 and scaling down the fatalities compared with the other regions. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This briefing examines the major developments in Nigeria's automobile industry since 1960. It argues that inconsistent implementation of automobile policies reinforces the capacity of non-indigenous automobile manufacturers to dominate the sector, and concludes that consistent auto-policy implementation that promotes the interests of indigenous manufacturers is relevant for increased local production and sustainable job creation in the sector. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Lagos is undoubtedly the cultural capital and economic hub of the West African sub-region. The challenge of municipal solid waste management (MSWM) in the megacity has remained intractable due partly to the increasing rate of population growth. While solid waste policy reforms, investments, and management practices in Lagos are in the upswing in the formal economy, the role of the informal economy in engendering sub-regional material linkages and livelihoods remain unexplored. Adopting a multi-stakeholder approach and data from interviews, this study critically examines how value reclamation from informal MSWM advances green neoliberalism and inclusive development. It shows that while informal transboundary trade of recyclable materials in the West African sub-region have previously been left out of analyses of MSWM in Lagos, the informal economy of waste and new investments in MSWM have neoliberal underpinnings beyond the megacity scale. The paper concludes that integrating the informal economy in framing MSWM policy in the megacity offers scope for evolving an inclusive development strategy while also enabling sustainable MSWM in the post-2015 era. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Globalisation has promoted the connections among sovereign states in the international political economy. Despite the preponderance of neo-protectionist tendencies in the United States and some European countries, the import of regionalism in global political economy has not waned. While economic regionalism was adopted in the advanced capitalist formations as a logical consequence of and/or the instrument for the universalisation of capitalism, the emergence and/ or revival of regional groupings like the African Union (AU) and the Economic Community of West African States (ECOWAS) was a reactionary outcome of the twin problems of colonialism and globalisation. Specifically, West African states reached out to one another in order to mitigate the negative effects of globalisation and advance their common interest through economic integration. This study interrogates the relevance of ECOWAS in the international political economy within the global resurgence of protectionism. Although ECOWAS is impaired by multifarious political and socioeconomic challenges, this study demonstrates that its achievements in free movement of goods and persons, promotion of peace, security, good governance, and democratisation make it remain relevant in the global political economy. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The United Nations Security Council Resolution 1325 on Women, Peace and Security, and the Millennium Development Goals, brought the inclusion of women in the security agenda into the international limelight. Although these global frameworks, and other international resolutions, underscore the importance of women's participation in the politics of peace and security, Nigeria's frameworks have not been inclusive. Extant literature has examined the role of women within the context of mainstream responsibilities for "counter-terrorism and counter-insurgency" that are held by the military and paramilitary forces. This study interrogates the role of women-led civil society organizations in "countering violent extremism" activities in Nigeria. Using a mixed-methods approach, it demonstrates that the participation of women-led civil society organizations in "countering violent extremism" activities has generated certain positive results for achieving women's inclusion and gender equality in politics and society. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This study assesses the impact of traffic sign deficit on road traffic accidents in Nigeria. The participants were 720 commercial vehicle drivers. While simple random sampling was used to select 6 out of 137 federal highways, stratified random sampling was used to select six categories of commercial vehicle drivers. The study used qual-dominant mixed methods approach comprising key informant interviews; group interviews; field observation; policy appraisal and secondary literature on traffic signs. Result shows that the failure of government to provide and maintain traffic signs in order to guide road users through the numerous accident black spots on the highways is the major cause of road accidents in Nigeria. The study argues that provision and maintenance of traffic signs present opportunity to promoting safety on the highways and achieving the sustainable development goals. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This Special Issue of African Population Studies/Etude de la Population Africaine brings together current research of faculty members at the University of Nigeria, Nsukka on topics relevant to the Sustainable Development Goal (SDGs) but which have tended to be overlooked in population and development research. It pays particular attention to issues of vulnerable children including alternative care system and placement decision, attitude and determinants of exclusive breastfeeding, and socio-environmental justice in children's (almajirai) involvement in waste management. Adults also received some attention in a paper on the role of the church in the support and care of older adults, human trafficking and domestic violence, determinants of physical intimate partner violence, and determinants of fertility rate among women in Ghana and Nigeria. Another cross-cultural analysis engages with issues of climate change through examination of newspaper framing of climate change mitigation in two West African countries. Topical issues of census activities and incidents of infant mortality arising from gastroenteritis were also examined using spatial analysis. In sum, all the papers in this special issue relate to any of the three major dimensions of sustainability and culture. Thus, this special issue would be relevant in proffering solutions to some of the pressing challenges in Ngeria and in other African countries when development practitioners, governments and communities integrate the findings of these studies in their plans and interventions to enhance social cohesion, economic progress, environmental protection, and cultural diversity. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The use of hate speech for political mobilisation and its overall impact on democratisation have generated debate and controversy in both post-colonial formations and more advanced democracies. This is because hate speech tends to promote hatred between different ethnic groups. In Nigeria, it is usually deployed in the build up to elections. Using mixed methods approach, this study interrogates the consequences of hate speech as a political campaign strategy on electioneering and democratisation in Nigeria. The study argues that the use of hate speech in political campaign entrenches hatred and discriminatory voting pattern among citizens. It grossly affects democratisation, the quality of party programmes and candidates chosen by voters. Despite its appeal to extreme right populism based on ethnic voting and other forms of exclusionary politics, the use of hate speech as a political campaign strategy neither promotes the principles of majoritarian democracy nor protects minority rights. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article examines the political economy of collective organising in the motorcycle taxi economy of Nigerian cities. Using the mixed-methods approach, this study demonstrates the nature and problems of collective organising in the motorcycle taxi economy. It notes that implementation of a neo-liberal development policy in Nigeria in the 1980s gave rise to job losses and catalysed the creation of a motorcycle taxi sub-system as a livelihood. While collective organising in the motorcycle taxi sub-system is sometimes exploited to advance the ambition of some politicians, the informal economy is often paradoxically victimised through the initiation and implementation of hostile urban policies, such as banning motorcycle taxis, soon after electoral mandates are secured. This paper, however, argues that despite the challenges, collective organising represents a struggle to influence urban policy and could present an opportunity for a new form of engagement between the state and the informal economy in development policy and urban governance. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper examines the nexus between hate speech and post-election violence in Africa. Illustrations were mainly drawn from Nigeria and Kenya. It argues that political leaders in Africa neglect the provocative tendencies of hate speech so long as it enables them to remain in power. Observably, most hate speeches in Africa are made by political leaders. This paper recommends that African governments and civil societies should monitor the media especially the native language television and radio stations who broadcast most of these hate speeches. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper locates the root causes of frequent democratic upturns in French West Africa to subversion of democratic standards and institutional weakness of ECOWAS. The paper noted that coups in Africa are distinctive phenomenon that disregards fundamental values and challenges persons, societies and laws. Instances of military interventions in Africa appear to be more rampant in the French West African countries than in other countries in the sub-regions. The paper further noted that the French military policy in West Africa which aims at securing the needed raw materials and market for French defense and non-defense industry is responsible for the frequent coups in French West African states in the sub-region. Although, ECOWAS has enough mechanisms and institutions to address the teething security problems in the sub-region, several gaps and defects exist. These gaps account for the inability of the sub-regional organization to control the rampant cases of coups in West Africa. So long as ECOWAS depends on United States, France, European Union, United Nations and North Atlantic Treaty Organization for military and non-military assistance, the future of West African democracy is blurred and coups will continuously be used to subvert democratically elected leaders who oppose the capitalist global military and non-military interests. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In this paper, we examined the African Growth Opportunity Act (AGOA) aimed at facilitating socio-economic growth and development in Africa in line with the neo-liberal ideology. We largely relied on centre - periphery model for our analysis and argued that African countries especially the Sub Saharan African countries expected to benefit from this US development policy would be unable to do so because they lack independent technological base, capital and manpower to permeate and compete in the American market. Again these states in Africa are in the periphery and US is a centre nation. While the later state expropriates the resources of the former because of this relative weakness of the periphery, the former designed AGOA as one of the strategies of intensification of US exploitation of Africa through trade. This paper calls for a global support for technology and capital exchange to enable African (Industries) to effectively compete in US markets. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]