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The history of the October Crisis has often been analyzed through the lens of Quebec. This article wishes to broaden understanding of the repercussions of this crisis outside the borders of the francophone province by looking at the events that shook academic institutions in the Canadian Prairies and the reactions of the student youth that drove them. Based on analysis of student newspapers from Manitoba, Saskatchewan, and Alberta, it attests to the turmoil on university campuses in the months following the implementation of the War Measures Act, when demonstrations, petitions, teach-ins, and intellectual exchanges followed one another. This analysis sheds light on a certain dichotomy of opinions in the West. While Canadian Prime Minister Pierre Elliott Trudeau was strongly criticized for his official language policy and his economic centralism by the people and governments, a lull occurred with the October events, whose management by the federal government was welcomed. Student newspapers offered another perspective, that of an engaged youth sensitive to the issues of Quebec, trying to show the perverse effects of this War Measures Act, deemed liberticidal, hostile to radical discourse, and affecting the entire country. In revisiting this era, this article also explores the student journalistic style of the era-- a style that sought to be on the fringes of mainstream media, seen as biased in its treatment of Quebec and of separatist movements. In the eyes of certain students, the liberation of Quebec could lead only to the liberation of Canada. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article argues that the lines separating different modes of thought on the centre-left of the political spectrum—liberalism, social democracy, and socialism, broadly speaking—are permeable, and that they share many features in common. The example of Tom Kent illustrates the argument. A leading adviser to Lester B. Pearson and the Liberal Party from the late 1950s to the early 1970s, Kent argued for expanding social security in a way that had a number of affinities with social democracy. In his paper for the Study Conference on National Problems in 1960, where he set out his philosophy of social security, and in his actions as an adviser to the Pearson government, he supported social assistance, universal contributory pensions, and national, comprehensive medical insurance. In close association with his philosophy, he also believed that political parties were instruments of policy-making. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper takes the personal narratives of Canadian mothers and fathers as a starting point to examine the broader state of obstetrics in post-war Canada. As natural childbirth ideologies attracted growing North American attention from the mid-1940s onwards, an increasing number of Canadians sought less-medicalised births. Despite these desires, anaesthetisation—often without consent and contrary to the expressed wishes of the labouring woman—remained a mainstay of obstetric practice, and was used to prevent 'untimely' deliveries beyond a physician's control. A growing group of Canadians spoke out against the ongoing use of this strategy, and, in voicing their support for natural childbirth, drew attention to the various types of abuse and mistreatment (both physical and psychological) that expectant mothers received at the hands of medical professionals. Professional tensions sustained a particular culture of harm in Canadian obstetric practice throughout the post-war period. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The realist/liberal internationalist debate in international relations has been ongoing in the modern era dating back to Carr and existed in earlier eras in less explicit terms. This research contributes to the long-standing debate by examining Canadian foreign policy in the 1970s. Canada's behavior is often associated with liberal internationalism. Two sets of hypotheses based on realism and liberalism are developed to test if the standard appraisal of Canadian foreign policy is accurate. Drawing on the cases listed on the Canadian government's own "Historic Timeline," this research finds that although greater support exists for the notion that Canada acted along the lines of theoretical liberalism, realism can also help explain significant Canadian activities. In fact, Realism performs well in cases of high politics. These findings suggest that portraying Canadian foreign policy in broad and sweeping liberal terms may be a misrepresentation or simplification of the reality of this volatile decade. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Cahiers des Dix is the property of Societe des Dix and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

This article examines an often overlooked but nevertheless important element of Canada’s Cold War-era development assistance policies—the export of nuclear reactors to the developing world. In particular, the focus is on societal responses to India’s explosion of an underground nuclear device in May 1974, an accomplishment made possible in part through the export of Canada’s nuclear expertise, technology, and material. India’s entrance into the nuclear club sparked an intense and wide-ranging debate in Canadian society concerning the nature of Canada’s development and foreign policies, and more specifically, the types of policies that would enable the country to fulfill its main international purpose as a middle power—contributing to conditions of international peace and security. The protracted debate which involved not only politicians but many civil society actors revealed stark divisions among Canadians centered on the extent to which nuclear reactor exports served Canadian national interests. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

Lester B. Pearson’s speech at Temple University in April 1965 suggesting a pause in the bombing of North Vietnam enraged United States President Lyndon B. Johnson, who in private the next day at Camp David strongly rebuked the Canadian prime minister. While their stormy encounter has become the stuff of legend, just how the controversial proposal for a bombing pause appeared in Pearson’s speech in the first place has received far less attention. Making use of new archival material, including the private diary of Canadian Under-Secretary of State for External Affairs Marcel Cadieux, among other original sources, this article revisits previous accounts of the Temple speech, offering new details on the origins of the proposal for a bombing pause and examining the hitherto unknown but crucial drafting changes that were made prior to its becoming public. In doing so, this article sheds new light on one of the most significant events in the history of Canadian–American relations. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

During the 1970s, as part of the Third Option policies of the federal government under Pierre elliott Trudeau, Canada's Official Development Aid (ODA) policy for Latin America was revised to give the private sector greater maneuverability within parts of Latin America and the Caribbean. This article's focus on the internal and external institutional debates that surfaced over the shift from a humanitarian to a market-driven agenda reveals a moment in Canadian history when the nation's external affairs cohesiveness was destabilized, marginalizing religious and humanitarian stakeholders that in the past had been instrumental in complementing and advancing Canada's relief and rehabilitation efforts across the global South. An examination of the historical evidence suggests that Canada's public "goodwill" of the 1950s and 1960s did not narrow in on Latin America during the early stages of ODA policy implementation; instead, it was the private sector that focused on this region. The shift in the ODA agenda was a direct response to the private sector's regional business strategy as well as a foreign policy initiative to support US containment. The analysis concludes that this implicated Canada in the humanitarian crisis generated by the implementation of US Cold War policies in Latin America and the Caribbean during the 1970s, forcing humanitarian and religious groups to centre their attention on the region and ultimately leading to an ideological confrontation between sectors of civil society and government. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Montreal's Summer Olympics in 1976 was a turning point in Olympic history: it was the Games' first highly visible security operation. It was also a transformative moment in the history of security planning in Canada: preparations for the games contributed to shifting the Security Services' focus from communism towards domestic and international terrorism. The following article documents, for the first time, the scope of this operation. It is based on five years of requests and appeals under the federalAccess to Information Act, which led to the release of over fifty thousand pages of Royal Canadian Mounted Police documents. I argue that security for the Montreal Olympics was based largely on imagined threats. In addition, I argue that security costs for the Montreal Olympics were high but modest as compared to the overall budget. Nonetheless, Montreal set a precedent for high security costs that have since become the standard for hosting the Olympics. Finally, I argue that the Montreal Olympics had long-term implications for policing in Canada. The scale of the operation produced new resources and inter-agency links that were only made possible as a result of hosting the games. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Kealey reflects on his development as a historian with emphasis on the influential politics of the 1960s and considerable attention to the importance of community in the emergence of a new Canadian social history. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Canadian Bulletin of Medical History is the property of University of Toronto Press and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The accepted narrative of the history of medicare in Canada does not do justice to the struggle between premiers Tommy Douglas of Saskatchewan and Ernest Manning of Alberta over two very different models of universal health coverage. Douglas and Manning were committed advocates of their respective models for ideological reasons, but these political differences had their origins in their conflicting interpretations of Christian teachings and biblical interpretation. These differences are examined in detail in order to arrive at a richer understanding of the values and the key policy design features of their respective models of medicare. Ultimately, Douglas's model of medicare would be adopted in the rest of Canada even though Manningcare was the preferred choice of doctors, insurance companies, the business establishment, the majority of provincial governments, and fundamentalist Christians such as Manning who believed that Douglas's model resulted in an abdication of individual responsibility and moral choice. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The sovereignty of migration policy-makers is never absolute. This has been true for both receiving and sending states. One important check on the receiving nation's immigration policy implementation was the sending nation's own sovereignty over its expatriated citizens. These colliding sovereignties have sometimes created liminal spaces where migrants and their informal facilitators were able to subvert regulations by playing them against each other, while, at other times, they were pressed between formal gatekeepers bent on enforcing their policies. This bilateral dimension is often missing from Canadian immigration history, as is the role of homeland government officials, who brokered and supervised these migrant movements while conciliating the roles of gatekeepers and facilitators. This is especially significant when it involved authoritarian governments, such as Portugal's Estado Novo dictatorship (1926-74). How did Ottawa's relatively liberal immigration policies correspond with the Estado Novo's authoritarian stance on emigration? How did Portuguese officials influence the movement of its emigrants in Canada? How did the migrants react to the concerted top-down arrangements of two imposing governments? This article examines these and other questions in reference to the Portuguese "bulk order", family sponsorship, and clandestine movements to Canada between 1953 and 1974. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Canadian scholars know by heart the exhortation to think globally and act locally. Fewer, however, are familiar with the expansion of scientific knowledge and state policy that made it possible to think of the world as a global system and act on those beliefs. This article explores this interplay of scientific expertise, state power, and environmental politics by analyzing the Science Council of Canada (scc)'s "conserver society" of the 1970s. My research reveals how the scc, a Crown corporation, became a key player in Canadian environmentalism when it used the oil crisis and the Trudeau government's rationalizing reforms as an excuse to pioneer alternative development and to help Canadians grapple with the challenge of long-term sustainability. The article asserts that state experts played a central role in the construction of early forms of sustainability. Their efforts also highlight the multifaceted character of sustainable development as it promised to catalyze national growth, social change, and scientific achievement even as it protected Canadians' ecological future. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article presents an examination into the immigration policy of Canada during the 1960s, focusing on how the policies of that time began shifting away from privileging British-origin immigrants. Topics addressed include the policy considerations of linking immigration policy with needs in the labor market, the development of a points system to evaluate immigration applicants objectively, and discussion of the decade's legacy on the future policy of the country.

An attempt to build the world's largest nuclear power plant on a tiny island off the south shore of Nova Scotia in the early 1970s sparked an anti-nuclear movement that was able, by the end of the decade, to force the provincial government to abandon plans for a united regional electric utility. The provincial movement shared in the creation of national, continental, and even global campaigns against nuclear technology but was fractious within itself. Bringing together peace activists, feminists, counterculture back-to-the-landers, along with classic conservationists, engineers, and fishers' advocates, the anti-nuclear coalition faced inevitable internal disagreement. By the late 1970s, different approaches to government and industry - as partners or as adversaries - had produced a nascent environmental mainstream, and by extension a radical fringe, from activist groups and networks that had achieved success by working together in prior years. The anti-nuclear controversy of the 1970s was key to the shape of the environmental movement in decades to follow. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In the late sixties Canadian young people drew attention to global humanitarian crises through the relatively recent innovation of the hunger march. At its peak of popularity, the Miles for Millions walkathon functioned not only as a fundraising tool but as a consciousness-raising vehicle around issues of global significance, including famine, poverty, and war. Children and youth played both symbolic and material roles in the emergence of international development politics and praxis and were fundamental to making the walkathons a spectacular fundraising success. The Walk helped hundreds of thousands of young people imagine themselves belonging to a transnational community in which children mattered. At the same time, imagining global connections between children and youth became intrinsic to Canadian students' sense of nation that insisted on the importance of the country's response to international need. Empathic, emphatic, idealistic, and at times naïve, Canadian youth met the challenge of the Miles for Millions walkathon and were responsible for the millions of foundational dollars raised for the era's international development projects. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

The Cuban missile crisis was a moment during the Cold War when rhetoric, brinkmanship, and politics intersected with notions of masculinity, empire and colonization to nearly disastrous ends. The crisis occurred at a moment of transition in Canada in which Canadians were profoundly concerned over the state of Canadian–Cuban relations and Canada’s place in the world. This article examines how previous understandings and preconceptions of “Cuba”—such as feminized and infantilized images of Cuban leader Fidel Castro in political cartoons and editorials in newspapers – influenced how Canadians understood the crisis, their nation and how the Canadian government should interact with other powers. While both negative and positive images of Castro and Cuba were present in Canadian public discussion, Canadians utilized the same imagery to argue that their government should act in its own best interests after the missile crisis. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

The confusion surrounding Canada's response to the Cuban Missile Crisis is well documented. Canadian political leadership hesitated to close ranks with our closest ally in defence of the continent. However, by misinterpreting what could have been done, or blaming the lack of an approved Department of National Defence War Book as the chief culprit for the extended delay, the literature does not adequately account for the confused response. This paper will show that useable measures existed by which the Chiefs of Staff Committee could have raised service readiness levels without appealing to Cabinet. By accounting for the confusion evident at the highest levels of decision-making, the paper illuminates the degree of laziness in strategic thought that characterized the nation's war planning. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Urban History Review / Revue d'Histoire Urbaine is the property of University of Toronto Press and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Treading in the footsteps of past generations, Ontario policy advisers journeyed throughout the United Kingdom in the summer of 1966 to directly understand the educational reforms that were being undertaken in that country. On their return, these consultants brought back a number of innovations for discussion with their parent committee in the hopes of possible adaptation by the province. When their final submission was tabled two years later, the ‘Hall-Dennis Report’ (as it became popularly known) went on to reflect the tone for education in the province for a generation. This study examines the impact that Britain’s educational policies in the 1960s, and especially the ‘Plowden Report’ of 1967, may have had on the recommendations found in the Hall-Dennis Report. As well, it ties these two reports to the longstanding legacy of British influence on the Ontario education system1.1A first version of this work was presented at the History of Education Society Conference, held in London, 26–28 November 2010. Thanks are expressed to the Social Sciences and Humanities Research Council of Canada for its support of this endeavour. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

Copyright of Material Culture Review is the property of Cape Breton University Press and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The article presents an examination into the urban planning and local politics of Vancouver, British Columbia between 1952 and 1973 under the leadership of the city's planning director Gerald Sutton Brown. Details are given noting both the large scale economic growth which the city experienced during the period as well as the expansion of the welfare system. Subjects addressed include the influence of modernist thought on urban planning, the early initiatives of Sutton Brown's Board of Administration in the 1950s, and the political resistance which rallied against him in the 1960s.

For the first four years of his premiership, Canadian Prime Minister John Diefenbaker took an immense interest in Canada's relations with Latin America. Diefenbaker and his two foreign ministers, Sidney Smith and Howard Green, actively expanded Canadian links to the region and flirted with joining the Organization of American States. In turn, many Latin American political leaders welcomed Ottawa's focus on their region. However, us President John F. Kennedy's own interest in an expanded role for Canada in the Western hemisphere alarmed many Canadians, including the prime minister. This article examines the Canadian government's formulation of Latin American policy and analyzes the interplay between foreign and domestic policy on this question. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Relying on newly opened documents from Canada and the United States this article examines Washington's effort, from January to October 1962, to internationalise the embargo of Cuba and explores the Canadian response. It argues that the Canadian government sought to support American policy while still maintaining its independent course of action. Although officials in Ottawa did not feel the need to abandon their position, they did come to appreciate that Canada's connections to Cuba were having an adverse impact on their country's vital relationship with the United States. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

The article discusses the Cold War history of the Defence Research Board (DRB) of Canada from 1947 to 1977. It focuses particularly on how the DRB responded to events including: the demobilization of World War II; the Korean War; the Royal Commission on Government Organization led by businessman J. Grant Glassco, also known as the the Glassco Commission; the integration and unification of the Department of National Defence; and the U.S. Senate Special Committee on Science Policy established in 1967, also known as the Lamontagne Committee after Committee Chair Senator Maurice Lamontagne. Also discusses is the relationship between scientists and military personnel, Canada's science policy, and Canada's military policy.

The notion that the prime minister of Canada wields autocratic power is common in popular and academic discourse. Donald Savoie's work on the subject implies that this is an inevitable result of centripetal forces in Canadian politics, combined with a process of centralization that began with Pierre Trudeau in the late 1960s. Peter Aucoin's analysis of the role of prime ministerial management styles, however, suggests that there may be more scope for individual agency than a narrow reading of Savoie implies. An investigation of the decision-making process in the Trudeau government that led to the invocation of the War Measures Act in October 1970 lends credence to the view that, despite centralizing pressures, the exercise of prime ministerial power is significantly shaped by personal style. This suggests that the putative 'elected dictatorship' of the prime minister is not an inevitable consequence of the current institutional configuration of power, as is sometimes suggested. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Drawing upon recently declassified materials from the Canadian government archives, this article investigates how and why Canada formulated its response to the East Pakistan crisis of 1971. As a provider of substantial amounts of development aid and as a partner in Pakistan's nuclear power programme, Ottawa had established an important relationship with Islamabad. Despite knowledge of the atrocities in East Pakistan, the Canadian government chose not to exert hard influence by threatening the withdrawal of aid or technical assistance, but to adopt a four-strand policy based upon public neutrality, the private encouragement of a political settlement in South Asia, calls for restraint to both India and Pakistan, and the provision of humanitarian relief. This approach served to protect Canada's relationship with Pakistan, deemed desirable in terms of national interest, narrowly construed, and maintained Canadian neutrality with regard to a foreign secessionist issue that might have stirred unwelcome comparisons with its own separatist debate over Quebec. It was extremely unlikely, given ongoing support for Pakistan from both China and the US, that firmer Canadian action would have led to the resolution of the crisis. Nevertheless, there remained in Ottawa's policy, and in the government's failure to adjust that policy when it clearly was not working, an unfortunate absence of principle and an uncomfortable air of appeasement. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article focuses on the history of the development of fallout shelters in Canada between 1959 and 1963, in the event of nuclear war. The author discusses the Canadian government's involvement under Prime Minister John Diefenbaker and their advising of homeowners to build shelters at their own expense, and its lack of success due to homeowner's inability to pay for the materials. The author emphasizes the participation of the Canadian military in the building of shelter buildings due to federal and local government's inability to meet the challenges of the changing threats to Canada and the progression of the Cold War arms race. Details relating to the Canadian Army's use of the shelters to collect and disseminate information on nuclear fallout is provided.

The article presents an examination into the history of U.S.-Canadian military cooperation during the administration of U.S. President Dwight D. Eisenhower at the beginning of the Cold War. Focus is given to the Continental Air Defense initiative of 1953-1954, outlining the extent to which Canada resisted pressure from the U.S. and protected its own national interests. Analysis is provided regarding informal and secret meetings held between high officials in both countries during the period, noting how it allowed for communication outside mainstream channels, but also caused confusion between different levels of public discourse.

The article focuses on the efforts of the Canadian government to promote the growth of the solar heating industry in the country between 1974 and 1983. The author discusses the government's encouragement of the development of solar heating technologies during the time period due to the worldwide energy crisis that occurred in the 1970s. The economic and political aspects of the roles of former Prime Minister of Canada Pierre Trudeau and the Department of Energy, Mines, and Resources in the establishment of the Canadian solar heating industry between 1978 and 1983 are discussed. The author emphasizes that the government's ideology of objectivity affected both beginning and the demise of the solar industry in the country.

During the early Cold War, Dr. Omond Solandt became Canada's leading defence research diplomat. As Chairman of the newly created Defence Research Board, Canada's first peacetime defence research organisation, Solandt established strong ties with Canada's senior allies, Great Britain and the United States, in the realm of military science and technology. His goal was to harmonise Canada's defence research agenda within this informal science alliance and to gain access to Allied scientific knowledge and technology. Solandt's efforts in maintaining strong and co-operative relations with London and Washington are examined, shedding light on the personal nature of Canada's efforts in the realm of defence research diplomacy, including within the controversial realms of biological warfare. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article explores the linguistic history of Canada and constitutional aspects of the case of activist Georges Forest. The author reflects on the history and legislative status of the French language in Manitoba. Emphasis is given to divisions within the French community in relation to the Forest case wherein Forest contested a unilingual parking ticket all the way to the Supreme Court. Other topics include the educational rights of Francophone citizens, the political activity of the Société Franco-Manitobaine (SFM), and French translations of laws in English.

Even though theorists disagree over the ability of newly mobilised interests to engage meaningfully with established parties, limited empirical research has probed the institutional circumstances under which outsiders 'break in'. Second-wave feminist movements since the 1970s offer an important case study opportunity; they not only attracted women to mainstream political activism - including at top elite levels - but also challenged parties in organisational as well as policy terms. Focusing on the years 1975 and following, when nine women mounted ten campaigns to be party leaders across the Canadian ideological spectrum, this study examines how selection processes, electoral competitiveness and left/right positioning shaped elite-level success. It concludes that women's ability to win top posts was facilitated by weak electoral competitiveness and positioning outside the political right, meaning victorious candidates assumed positions of responsibility in parties that were far from the corridors of power. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article discusses the foreign policy of Canada early in the Cold War, from 1945 to 1957, a period that culminated in the Nobel Peace Prize being awarded to then-foreign minister Lester Pearson for organizing the United Nations peacekeeping force that resolved the 1956 Suez Crisis. These early successes raised subsequently unfulfilled expectations that Canada would play a prominent role in world affairs. Reasons for the decline in Canada's influence are discussed, including domestic politics and economics and international factors.

The article presents an exploration into the history of the first Canadian communications satellite system and the political debate surrounding its government policies and regulation. Focus is given to the events and discourse concerning the Telesat Canada Act formulated in 1969. The questions raised in the years surrounding the first satellite telecommunications policy formulations are discussed in-depth, including issues such as the financial management, the public utility oversight provisions, and the broader scope of the government's technological policy stance.

Copyright of Cahiers des Dix is the property of Societe des Dix and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Cahiers des Dix is the property of Societe des Dix and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

This article provides a sociological analysis of the discursive interpretations of the criminal law mitigation frameworks underpinning infanticide law in England and Canada. The passage of infanticide legislation by the Canadian Parliament in 1948 and 1955 is described. The account is contrasted with Tony Ward's analysis of the passage of English legislation in 1922 and 1938. The Canadian legislation of 1948 was based on the English Infanticide Act of 1922. Ward claims that his account shows that, despite obvious appearances and the views of sociolegal commentators writing during the 1980s and 1990s, infanticide law is not an example of the medicalization of women's deviance but, if anything, more closely exemplifies law as an autopoietic system of communication which "enslaves" medical concepts, adapting them for its own strictly legal purposes. We argue that, while Ward's critique of the medicalization interpretation of infanticide law is broadly apposite, autopoiesis theory provides an overwrought alternative. This is especially true for the Canadian legislation. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Historical accounts of the postwar National Film Board (NFB) typically begin with the purges of NFB staff against the backdrop of the Red Scare. This article revisits this period by situating the Film Board within a context of postwar economic reconstruction. It focuses on an administrative review of the NFB by the consulting firm Woods Gordon. This article suggests that the report was part of a broader effort to redefine cultural agencies in economic terms. It also represented the emerging influence of accounting discourses in producers of "accountability" within government affairs. In conjunction with a new "National Film Act," the Woods Gordon report was part of a series of measures that placed the NFB on the sidelines of two major developments: the distribution of movies to television and shifts in federal film policy priorities towards feature films and the development of the cultural industries. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article discusses the transportation of oil from Prudhoe Bay in Alaska through Canada and the proposed construction of the Trans-Alaska pipeline in the Mackenzie Valley region. Emphasis is given to the rejection of a routing scheme by the administration of U.S. president Richard Nixon and the Canadian government's responses to U.S. business interests. Other topics include evaluations of environmental impact, the use of tankers, and the views of Prime Minister Pierre Trudeau.

The article discusses the history of the Canadian Naval Shipbuilding Committee under the Chairmanship of a Canadian Maritime Commissioner from 1955 to 1965. Membership of the committee included representatives from various military and government branches including the Royal Canadian Navy (RCN), which held the committee chair; the Department of Defence Production (DDP); the Department of National Defence (DND); and the Treasury Board. The purpose of the organization was to facilitate inter-agency communication in matters related to the design and construction of war ships and other vessels for the RCN.

This paper analyzes some of the changes in financial administration in Canada following the report by the Royal Commission on Government Organization in 1962. The report of the Commission was generally well-received in the various circles of government. The Federal Government acted on the report almost immediately by creating a Bureau of Government Organization within the office of the Privy Council to examine the Commission's proposals. In 1964 the Bureau was transferred to the Treasury Board, which initiated several further inquiries and pilot studies in selected departments to test the applicability of the major recommendations, and the gradual process of change started.

The article discusses Canada's communist group known as the Labor-Progressive Party LPP between 1956 and 1957. Topics include its the 6th National Convention in 1957 held in Toronto, Ontario, the LLP's relationship to the Soviet Union's Communist Party, Marxist-Leninist beliefs, and changes to Communism after the death of Soviet Leader Joseph Stalin.

In the late 1960s and early 1970s, the Waffle movement in the New Democratic Party (NDP) emerged as a leading proponent of Canadian left economic nationalism. The Waffle, which formed around the "Manifesto for an Independent and Socialist Canada" and challenged the leadership of the ndp from 1969 to 1973, represents a dynamic convergence of many of the social movements that comprised the New Left in Canada. This article examines the evolution of the Waffle's position on international unionism alongside the reaction of pro- ndp labour leaders to this New Left incursion into the party. ndp -allied labour leaders expressed suspicion and concern for the group's agenda almost from its inception. The Waffle's success in appealing to younger and nationalist-minded members of international unions turned suspicion into active opposition. As polarization within the ndp increased, workers' support for the Waffle within the Canadian labour movement led moderate union leaders to conclude the group must be expunged from the Ontario ndp. Ironically, after the Waffle's departure from the party the group largely repudiated nationalist breakaways from international unions while, in the ensuing decades, the mainstream labour movement embraced Canadian nationalism. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article introduces an article about Canada's communist group known as the Labor-Progressive Party LPP between 1956 and 1957 written in the 1970s by undergraduate student Karen Levine and considers topics including the 20th Congress of the Communist Party of the Soviet Union; the impact of the death of Soviet leader Joseph Stalin; the Soviet Communist Party led by Nikita Khrushchev; and anti-semitism.