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This article examines Quebecers' attitudes towards welfare recipients and looks at the variation in the level of monthly assistance that Quebecers are willing to give them as a function of the recipient profile. Specifically, the article aims to study the influence of the ability to work as a merit-based heuristic structuring Quebecers' opinions. Our results indicate that Quebecers believe that social assistance recipients should receive monthly supports below what they consider to be the minimum income necessary to cover basic needs. Quebecers' views on the appropriate level of assistance to be provided to people benefiting from social assistance are also strongly structured by the issue of employability and the perception that individuals are in control of their situation. Finally, the ability to work is clearly distinguished from a variety of other individual characteristics that may influence Quebecers' opinions. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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Copyright of Nouvelles Pratiques Sociales is the property of Revue Nouvelles Pratiques Sociales and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Diversity is at the core of any definition of Canada. But can different types of relationships among national symbols co-exist within the same national unit? And do these various symbolic assemblages have different effects on citizens' attitudes and behaviour? This paper uses survey data to uncover patterns in Canadians' attitudes towards 18 national symbols. The results indicate the existence of four distinct national symbolic 'webs'. The first two types are defined by conventional sociodemographic cleavage, while the difference between the two others is defined by the left-right ideological spectrum. In addition, further analysis shows that membership in these web-types is predictive of vote choice. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In recent years, Quebec has been undergoing a re‐evaluation of immigration and integration policies. The secessionist Parti Québécois had become the leader of this debate, which also coincided with a rise of right‐wing nativist, populist and sometimes authoritarian movements in other Western societies. This paper aims to evaluate the similarity or dissimilarity of Quebec's nationalism to these other nationalisms. We use the 2015 Canadian Election Study data to explore the influence of authoritarianism, nativism and populism directly on support for secession and also, indirectly, on voting intentions. We find that authoritarianism has a negative influence on support for Quebec independence and independentist parties, while the pattern is the opposite, and the effects somewhat weaker, for nativism and populism. Hence, we argue that Quebec nationalism does not seem to correlate with the right‐wing populist movement extending throughout many Western societies. Thus, Quebec nationalism was shown to be a distinct form of nationalism. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper studies the prevalence of ballot order effects in two different types of Canadian elections which differ greatly by the strength of party cues they provide to voters. Provincial elections are best described as a typical competition between well established and institutionalized parties, hence providing voters with strong party cues. Alternatively, municipal politics provide voters with much weaker party cues. We use electoral results from recent provincial and municipal elections in Québec and find ballot order effects in municipal elections but not in provincial ones. Although ballot order effects may also be the product of alphabetic preference bias, we argue that in any case these are cognitive biases that are ultimately the product of insufficient cues that voters need in order to cast well-informed votes. The paper, therefore, sheds some light on an understudied type of election in political science. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]