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Copyright of Index.Comunicación is the property of Index.comunicacion and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The issue of the US military presence in Okinawa has marked the political life of the Japanese prefecture since the post-war period. Over time, a composite "community of protest" has taken shape - developing through different organisational models and symbolic references. It is a movement that brings together heterogeneous groups in terms of thematic interests, but which converge on a common goal, namely the removal of US military facilities from Okinawan soil, as well as on an elastic and polysemic repertoire of symbols and memories, which is conveyed through texts, images and songs. This article focuses on the Henoko protest scenario and, through the analysis and interpretation of texts collected through fieldwork, investigates the protest imaginary, questioning its composition and the possible emotional and organisational functions it performs. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Peace Action: Struggles for a decolonised and demilitarised Oceania and East Asia, edited by Valerie Morse. Te Whanganui-A-Tara (Wellington): Left of the Equator Press, 2022, 178 pages. ISBN 9780473634452. THE AIMS of Peace Action as stated by the editor, Valerie Morse, are ‘to make visible interconnections between social struggles separated by the vast expanse of Te Moana Nui-A-Kiwi [the Pacific Ocean] … to inspire, to enrage and to educate, but most of all, to motivate people to action’ (p. 11). It is an opportunity to learn from the activists involved in these struggles.

This article tracks and analyzes the presence of vegetarianism in the Río de la Plata anarchist press throughout the first three decades of the 20th century. Through the review of periodical sources and other printed documents published in Buenos Aires and Montevideo between 1900 and 1930, the hypothesis maintained is that, in the anarchist newspapers, vegetarianism was understood from two heterogeneous perspectives, from which emerged two different diffusion strategies. On the one hand, it was promoted as an antimilitarist ethic, which understood that abstaining from meat consumption implied a habit of conduct on which rested the hope of a world without armed conflicts. Later, it was also promoted as part of a naturopathic diet, according to which the maintenance of a vegetarian diet was a physiological prescription essential for achieving a healthy life. Finally, based on the recovery of different debates raised within the anarchist press due to the presence in it of vegetarian propaganda, it investigates the discomfort that the latter generated and the difficulties it had to overcome to find a place in the anarchist militancy. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

A/S Sulitjelma gruber i Nordland var ein av landets største industribedrifter fram mot 1920 med mellom 1700 og 2000 tilsette avhengig av sesong og konjunktur. Nesten inne ved svenskegrensa i Salten etablerte eit svensk selskap eit stort gruveføretak med ein allsidig aktivitet som kravde store arbeidsstyrkar. Arbeidarane kom frå omlandet rundt og meir langvegs frå, og vart eit kjerneområde for radikaliseringa av regionen. Artikkelen tar oss til ein episode som illustrerer denne radikaliseringa der det primært var dei lokale fiskarbondesønene frå Nordland som tona flagg. Ein av dei, Johan Medby frå Saltdal, er sentral i forteljinga. Det som først var meint som ei antimilitaristisk markering i 1917, vart til ein nasjonal aksjon der Staten sette militær- og politimakt inn året etter for å slå ned eigensinnige, radikale arbeidarar som oppfatta seg sterke nok til å utfordre statens autoritet. Tidlegare har dei meir overordna sidene ved aksjonen vore drøfta. I denne artikkelen søkjer vi å skildre hendingane frå den nordlandske periferien og å få eit betre bilde av kven dei sentrale aktørane i regionen var. Ved å sjå nærmare på dette miljøet vil ein kanskje også få ei større forståing for korfor desse miljø, så vel som Johan Medby, vart verande blant dei mest radikale i norsk arbeidarrørsle også etter splittinga av Det norske Arbeidarpartiet i 1923. Artikkelen drar også fram nye sider ved politisk overvaking og militær koordinering av aksjonen. I tillegg viser den sider ved norsk historie vi er mindre stolte av, som sensur, hindring av ytringar og knebling av politiske motstandarar og ikkje minst bruk av politi og militær vald for å slå ned på politisk protest. Historia er eit døme på eit av lågpunkta i nyare norsk historie når det gjeld gjensidig mistillit mellom statsstyret og statens undersåttar.

This article shows how the influence of Western European expressionism on Ukrainian art contributed to the formation of its national version in the works of Vasyl Stefanyk. The research applied comparative, biographical methods and method of close reading. The outcome of this detailed analysis demonstrates that the common features of Stefanyk’s antimilitary novels and Western European Expressionists are similar and feature such themes as the crisis of cultural values, anti-military issues, condemnation of murder, states of existential anxiety, tragedy of human existence and eschatological feeling. Furthermore, Expressionists and Stefanyk focus on the psychophysical states of characters ‒ death, madness, injury, numbness, screaming, fear, panic, despair, agony, anxiety, prayer.

Objective: to understand the historical horizon of the feelings that are produced regarding the provision of military service, antimilitarist resistance and masculinity alternatives in a peacebuilding and post-conflict context in Colombia. Methodology: the study was carried out from a constructionist perspective, with a hermeneutical orientation. Data were generated through participant observation, interviews, and focus groups with 10 groups of youth antimilitarists in different cities in Colombia. Some of the young men gave an account of their experiences serving in the military. Results: the study describes the ways in which the feelings and subjectivities of young people are molded in military socialization under the referent of hegemonic masculinity (HM). Likewise, the daily practices of resistance and peacebuilding of these young people are presented, possibly thanks to the subjective and affective transformations that occur by resisting the patriarchal and militaristic culture. Conclusions: antimilitarism, hand in hand with non-violence, configures human relationships of respect, love, solidarity, compassion, fraternity and tenderness (feelings that are repressed by the HM model), thereby favoring the change of militaristic values towards other values such as peace, equity and freedom. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article focuses on the Italian Radical Party's (PR) antimilitarism, which combined left liberal with libertarian and anti-authoritarian elements. The aim of the paper is twofold: highlight the existence of a 'third way' of mobilisation for peace, distinct from the communist and the Catholic movements that tend to dominate the literature on Italian peace protest; and investigate peace mobilisation not only during the late 1960s or the early 1980s, but also during the 1970s, a decade neglected by historiography. In so doing, the article traces the development of the Radicals' antimilitarism from its beginning in the 1960s up to the early 1980s, with the aim of understanding the origins of their antimilitarist ideas, their political strategy, their complex mediation between movements and institutions and their efforts to institutionalise antimilitarist issues. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

As the consequence of the events of 1914-1918, the pacifism was on the rise in Western Europe. Societies of England, France and Germany as well as other Western European countries, set themselves the goal of preventing another war from breaking out. International congresses and conventions were organized. They were attended by peace advocates representing various social and political views, which made cooperation difficult. These meetings did not prevent the Spanish Civil War, the aggression against Abyssinia and the outbreak of World War II. In addition to moderate pacifists, Western Europe was also home to radical anti-militarists who believed that way to the world peace led through the abolition of military service. The pacifists in Britain and France were satisfied with their politicians' submissiveness and indecision toward Hitler during the 1930s. Paci- fism and radical anti-militarism also fitted perfectly into the plans of the Comintern. With its help, the USSR weakened the military potential of Western Europe. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Ankara Barosu Dergileri is the property of Ankara Bar Association and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

This paper aims to present a profile of Rosa Luxemburg, who embodies complex and diverse Polish-German relations at the turn of the 20th century. She began her career in the Polish labour movement in the Russian Partition and later continued it in the Social Democratic Party of Germany. She was engaged in all forms of political activity gaining international recognition. The centenary of her tragic death is a good opportunity to look back at the life of a woman who evades simple categorisation and came to be known as an intellectual and leader in a world at that time dominated by men. The focus is on Rosa Luxemburg's involvement in actions against the impending world war. Contrary to the militaristic mood prevailing in the German political circles and German society, she courageously and tenaciously carried her pacifist message, which remains valid to the present day, that a war waged in the interest of a minority brings only destruction and victims. For her peaceful beliefs and uncompromising approach she paid with years of imprisonment as she spent almost the entire war period in prisons: in Berlin, Wronke (now Wronki) near Poznań and Breslau (now Wrocław). The authorities were keen to keep her away from soldiers and workers who were becoming increasingly susceptible to her message. She was not released from prison until 9th November 1918, when the German revolution broke out. It is important to highlight her insightful criticism of the then attitude of the SDP, whose decision to support the imperialist plans of the government ultimately resulted in a split within the labour movement in Germany. The inconsistency and irrecoverable loss of unity of the left as well as its incoherent actions paved the way to power for the Nazis. The paper draws upon Rosa Luxemburg's rich epistolary and journalistic writings and the literature of the subject (which are mostly German sources). [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The aim of the paper is to present the profile of Rosa Luxemburg as an example of complex and diverse Polish-German relations at the turn of the 20th century. She began her career in the Polish labour movement in the Russian Partition and later continued developing her career in the Social Democratic Party of Germany. She engaged in all forms of political activity gaining international recognition. The research problem is to review the figure of Rosa Luxemburg on the centenary of her tragic death, as a woman who evades simple categorization but came to be known as an intellectual and a leader in a world then dominated by men. The focus is on Rosa Luxemburg's involvement in actions against the impending world war. Contrary to the militaristic mood prevailing in the German political circles and German society, she courageously and tenaciously carried a pacifistic message - which remains relevant to the present day - that unleashing a war for the benefit of a minority brings only destruction and victims. For her peaceful beliefs and uncompromising attitude she paid with years of imprisonment as she spent almost the entire time of war in prisons: in Berlin, Wronki near Poznań and Wrocław. The authorities insisted on keeping her away from soldiers and labourers who were becoming increasingly susceptible to her words and influences. She was released from prison only on the 9th of November 1918, the day of the outbreak of the German revolution. It is important to highlight her insightful criticism of the then attitude of the SDP, which decided to support the partition plans of the imperial government which ultimately resulted in a split of the labour movement in Germany. The author states the thesis that the inconsistency and irrecoverable loss of unity of the left-wing party as well as its incoherent actions paved the way to power for the Nazis. The research method used in the study was analysis of Rosa Luxemburg's rich epistolary and journalistic output with reference to mostly German literature on the subject. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The socialist internationalism arises in the late nineteenth century as an innovative phenomenon for the deployment of a sustained response to the rise of militarism and the “new religion” of patriotism. This debate will have an impact on the Argentine socialism, questioned by the border conflict between Argentina and Chile. The 1890s witness a bellicose escalation and mobilization of various sectors of Argentine society and politics, surmounted by the sanction of compulsory military service in 1901. This work thus focuses on two aspects: on one hand, the reception of the debates of the Second International by the rising Argentine socialism; and on the other hand, the forms of antimilitarism intervention that will shape the profile of the Socialist Party in Argentina.

This work tries to analyze some aspects of the life of Clara Zetkin (1857-1933). The German feminist and socialist militant, at the beginning of World War І, took a different position from the majority of her party, the Spd, since she strongly condemned the war and the nationalist values that led the European people to fight each other in this enormous conflict. After the conflict, until her death, Clara Zetkin fought mainly against fascism and national socialism. In opposition to Nazism, she proposed the soviet system, as the one which would free masses from the danger of such violence and oppression. The last part of this work will deal with some aspects of the reception Clara Zetkin had among scholars and feminist movements in the Western culture.

Copyright of Revista UNISCI is the property of Unidad de Investigaciones Sobre Seguridad y Cooperacion International (UNISCI) and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The aim of the paper is to present the profile of Rosa Luxemburg as an example of complex and diverse Polish-German relations at the turn of the 20th century. She began her career in the Polish labour movement in the Russian Partition and later continued developing her career in the Social Democratic Party of Germany. She engaged in all forms of political activity gaining international recognition. The research problem is to review the figure of Rosa Luxemburg on the centenary of her tragic death, as a woman who evades simple categorization but came to be known as an intellectual and a leader in a world then dominated by men. The focus is on Rosa Luxemburg’s involvement in actions against the impending world war. Contrary to the militaristic mood prevailing in the German political circles and German society, she courageously and tenaciously carried a pacifistic message – which remains relevant to the present day – that unleashing a war for the benefit of a minority brings only destruction and victims. For her peaceful beliefs and uncompromising attitude she paid with years of imprisonment as she spent almost the entire time of war in prisons: in Berlin, Wronki near Poznań and Wrocław. The authorities insisted on keeping her away from soldiers and labourers who were becoming increasingly susceptible to her words and influences. She was released from prison only on the 9th of November 1918, the day of the outbreak of the German revolution. It is important to highlight her insightful criticism of the then attitude of the SDP, which decided to support the partition plans of the imperial government which ultimately resulted in a split of the labour movement in Germany. The author states the thesis that the inconsistency and irrecoverable loss of unity of the left-wing party as well as its incoherent actions paved the way to power for the Nazis. The research method used in the study was analysis of Rosa Luxemburg’s rich epistolary and journalistic output with reference to mostly German literature on the subject. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Ayer: Revista de Historia Contemporánea is the property of Asociacion de Historia Contemporanea and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Turkey and Israel project two distinct military regimes which construct gender and sexuality in specific ways as part of their respective security agendas. Despite the differences, however, both entitle women and LGBTQs to certain exemptions from the military service, and in doing so silence their antimilitarist activism. Women and LGBTQs counter this process through their acts of conscientious objection, through which they claim a voice in matters of militarism, security and war. While doing so, however, they reproduce a dichotomous conceptualisation of silence and voice, which falls short of explaining their agency as well as its outcomes. Drawing on a comparative analysis, I argue that a more nuanced understanding of agency necessitates deconstructing the dichotomy between silence and voice, each of which may have multiple meanings, connotations and consequences. Whereas silent acts of grey objection do not always point to a lack of agency and resistance, or domination, and may indeed create change; voice and visibility that follow their declared acts of objection may entail costs and loss of agency, in that not only does it come at the expense of the masculinisation/militarisation of their acts but may also result in the immediate deterioration of their rights to refuse. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article examines the life and work of Marianne Rauze (1875-1964), who rejected her family's multigenerational military heritage to devote half a century to socialist, feminist, and pacifist causes. Beginning before the GreatWar, continuing during it, and magnified following the death in battle of her officer husband, indirectly as a result of her antiwar propaganda, Rauze consecrated her life to protesting war. Self-identified as a war widow and eternal mourner, she devoted herself to the causes of war veterans and all victims of war. Using the moral authority of her widowhood, Rauze called for international alliance against war and for social justice. Associated with noted authors Henri Barbusse and Romain Rolland, Rauze produced a group of antiwar tracts and left an eloquent legacy of wartime observation and antimilitarist protest. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Revista de Paz y Conflictos is the property of Revista de Paz y Confilictos and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

This essay explores Käthe Kollwitz’s antiwar graphic work in the context of the German, and later, international No More War movement from 1920 to 1925, where it played an important role in antimilitarist campaigns, exhibitions, and publications, both in Germany and internationally. Looking at Kollwitz’s production closely, we discover a deeply pragmatic artistic strategy, where the emotionality of Kollwitz’s famed prints was the result of tireless technical, formal, and compositional investigation, contrived to maximize emotional impact. By choosing the easily disseminated medium of printmaking as her main vehicle and using a deliberately spare but powerful graphic language in carefully chosen motifs, Kollwitz intended her art to reach as broad an audience as possible in engaging antiwar sentiment. In connection with the leading antiwar voices of the time, including French Nobel Prize-winning writer Romain Rolland and the founder of War Resisters’ International, Helene Stöcker, she deployed her work to reach beyond the confines of the art gallery, into internationally distributed posters, periodicals, and books.

The creation of Nicolae Grigorescu and that of Vassili Veresciaghin have been considered in scientific works not just once and the works of every artist have been studied not only in his home country but abroad as well. In this article the authors tried a new foreshortening – they focused an aspecst common to these two special plastic artists – the battle theme, approaching the philosophy of Grigorescu’s and Veresciaghin’s creation on the basis of the events that took place during the Russian-Turkish war.

In Karamzin’s ‘Letters of a Russian Traveller’ the narrator displays a strong inclination to confound his readers, to irritate and to provoke them. Under the surface of his sentimental style we encounter persistent violations of norms generally accepted in eighteenth-century Russian society, including the Petrine ethos of service and the relationship of official to private values. The narrator frequently ignores traditional morality. He depicts suicide not as a mortal sin, but as a human catastrophe. The same goes for norms of marital fidelity and social hierarchy; venerable concepts like ‘love of the fatherland’ and ‘historical greatness’ are reinterpreted. The latter phenomenon is especially striking: in 1790, while Russia was fighting two wars (against the Ottoman empire and against Sweden), the Traveller constantly displays a love of peace, implicitly condemning Catherine II and her bellicose foreign politics. A concluding digression touches upon the striking political difference between the youthful and the mature Karamzin. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of IBEROAMERICANA. América Latina - España - Portugal is the property of Vervuert Verlag and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Revista Universitaria de Historia Militar (RUHM) is the property of Centro de Estudios de la Guerra and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

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In 1901 Gustave Hervé's image of the tricolore planted in a dung pile made him notorious. His career became etched into French consciousness when he subsequently shifted from antimilitarism to chauvinism and, between 1914 and 1918, promoted "war to the bitter end" to create a democratic, federated Europe. Because depopulation, alcoholism, and materialism were perceived as threats before 1914, his national socialism shared values with his idealistic prewar socialism. Though Hervé remained a religious skeptic until 1935, the image of an expiatory war was telling. He assailed anyone refusing to support deliverance from Prussian militarism. Hervé's wartime rhetoric soon included references to a new Bonaparte, a resurrected Committee of Public Safety, or a military dictatorship to save la patrie en danger, presaging his later authoritarian or dictatorial programs. Though he stressed legality and deplored both violence and anti-Semitism, much in Hervé's interwar positions could be described as republican fascism. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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This essay traces the evolution of the attitudes of Valentin Fyodorovich Bulgakov, a Tolstoyan Christian anarchist, pacifist, and Russian emigrant, towards the institution of the state, mainly during his interwar period of exile in Czechoslovakia. Its goal is to capture the way the following influences worked together in shaping his ideological conceptions: the Russian prerevolutionary and revolutionary milieu translated into the Central European reality of a national state with a liberal democratic regime; the influence of collaboration with western European pacifist organizations; the influence of the atmosphere in an interwar Europe split into defenders and implacable opponents of the Soviet regime; and of course the influence of the social and political development of Europe between the two world wars and during the second of them. The research methodology is based in an analysis of Bulgakov's journalistic work, organizational activities, and correspondence which is found in the materials from his written estate that are stored in the Memorial of National Literature in Prague, and the Russian State Archive of Literature and Arts in Moscow. These sources are examined in the context of the development of religiously and secularly-motivated pacifism. From the analysis, it is evident that despite his rigorous insistence of maintaining the principle of not participating in armed activities of the state in the interwar period; a time when, particularly in the 1930s, a substantial part of the pacifist contingent was inclined towards some form of armed resistance to the war, the shock of the Nazi expansion represented a turning point for Bulgakov that marked his retreat from ethical radicalism towards a more conformist defense of the purportedly peaceful politics of the Soviet Union. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Gloria Fuertes fue una mujer inapropiable. A su éxito televisivo como "poeta de los niños" se contrapone su desconocimiento como "poeta de adultos" y su falta de reivindicación por ideologías o movimientos que naturalmente debieran haberlo hecho (feminismo, antimilitarismo, lesbianismo...). Una de las constantes que animan su obra es su pacifismo radical, innegociable, y su obra constituye uno de los ejemplos más extensos de compromiso con la consecución de la paz y la denuncia de la violencia y quienes la promueven. Su empatía con las personas que sufren y su punto de vista situado la sitúan en una posición que hemos denominado de "beguina laica", aportando un enfoque original sobre la obra de esta gran poeta madrileña del siglo XX. Gloria Fuertes was an inappropriable woman. Her TV success as "poet of children" is opposed by her ignorance as "poet of adults" and her lack of claim for ideologies or movements that naturally should have been done (feminism, antimilitarism, lesbianism...). One of the constants that cheer her work up is her radical pacifism, not negotiable, and her work constitutes one of the most extensive examples of compromise to the achievement of the peace and denunciation of the violence and those who promote it. Her empathy with those who suffer and her point of view placed place her in a position which we call "secular beguine", what contributes to an original approach about the work of this great Madrid poet of the twentieth Century.

The article -far of the thesis defended for the historiography- study the origins, trajectory and the ideological identities of the Republicans Militia, standing that this organization was not homogeny and that, persuing certain objectives shared for all its members, existed anothers in which is possible to detect differences, what is reflected in their discourses. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The integration of Spain in the military structures of Western capitalism goes back since the early 1953 bilateral agreements with the US, to the effective incorporation into NATO in 1982, ratified in plebiscite in 1986. Consequence of this process was the emergence or revitalization of the anti-militarist and pacifist social movements and their influence on the rebuilding of leftist politic in the Spanish State. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In the period between 1889 and 1914, the debate on peace and war in international socialism was deep and wide. In this essay I will focus on the left-wing positions identifying two models. On the one hand, the "anti-capitalist pacifism", which connects peace to the political and social revolution: the position of Rosa Luxemburg serves as an example. On the other hand, the "political pacifism", which pursues peace here and now as the basic premise of socialism: this position is represented by the anarchist-socialist Gustav Landauer. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Due to the impact of the First World War the New Liberalism is aware that democracy is at risk. L.T. Hobhouse and J.A. Hobson realize that in order to champion the reforming process they deem necessary to emancipate the working classes in the UK, a change is needed in their respective political visions. Whereas Free Trade cannot be given up, they are persuaded that Cobden's optimism is no longer well-grounded. The link between Free Trade and peace, on the one side, and that between war and protection, on the other, is still sound, but it has to be made stronger thanks to a federal view which prevents democracy from becoming authoritarian. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Since the end of the Cold War, Japan has embraced a more active security policy. While some scholars interpret the change within the context of Japan's long-standing antimilitaristic security identity, others forewarn a fundamental shift with the potential to reorient Japan's national security policy. This article views that Japan has not stopped moving toward being a normal country, albeit 'with a slight limp,' since the end of the Cold War and the speed of such movement has accelerated since the late 1990s. What, then, have been the main underlying conditions that accelerated such movement? How did changes in these conditions bring about the speedy shift in Japanese security policy? I seek to answer these questions through examining four critical periods that have exhibited significant transformations of Japan's security policy. The findings will help us to understand the shift in Japanese security norm since the end of the Cold War and its implications for East Asian security. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

When the 1889 Military Law was passed, it established three-year universal conscription and a greater army of citizens to boost military preparedness for war in French colonies and against Germany.Far from its ramifications being of no concern to neo-impressionists, it was the subject of bightingly bitter antimilitarist cartoons by Maximilien Luce and antimilitarist paintings by the neo-impressionist outsider, 'Le douanier' Rousseau. Far from picturing the patriotic honor of becoming a soldier and the victories of war, as did Edouard Detaille, Rousseau did the opposite. In the heat of military slaughter of families at Fourmies, Rousseau revealed how conscription would transform French citizens into le corps militaire to fight not just against their arch-enemy with machine-like precision but against their very own people.

I examine a relatively underexpiored aspect of Japan's early postwar history and seek to explain why attempts to establish a Japanese-style central intelligence agency (JCIA) in the 1950s were unsuccessful. I evaluate three competing explanations drawn from the level of international politics, focusing on US power resources and influence as well as liberal and constructivist styles of analysis—alliance politics, sectionalism, and the norm of antimilitarism—in order to shed light on the historical origins of Japan's intelligence apparatus, which is relatively underdevel: oped and underfunded compared to other middle powers. It highlights the primacy of domestic factors over structural causes in explaining the decision not to establish a JCIA. In particular, I argue that the JCIA proposal failed primarily because of attacks on important proponents that, while sometimes driven by seemingly rational organizational interests, were nevertheless legitimated by growing antimilitaristic sentiments shared by elites from the political center to the left of the ideological spectrum. The newly emerging norm of antimilitarism was predicated largely on a fear of constraints on recently acquired civil and political liberties. These fears, manifested most prominently in vocal Diet and media opposition, were compounded by the norm of secrecy—an important element of intelligence activities—which served to heighten further speculation about the malign intent of postwar Japan's reconstituted intelligence system. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Gustave Hervé's political emergence occurred amidst the Dreyfus Affair. This accelerated his radicalisation. By 1901 he attained notoriety for an apparent image of the tricolour on a dungpile. Soon, his antimilitarist movement called Hervéism attempted to unite the revolutionary Left. After socialist unification, Hervé led the most extreme faction and created a weekly newspaper, La Guerre sociale. In 1905 he joined the Association Internationale Antimilitariste (AIA) which issued a poster based on his ideas. His experience with the AIA presaged several transformations on the French Left. Before 1914 Hervé was a strident voice within European socialism, advocating revolutionary means to prevent war. Years of incendiary campaigns failed to implement his ideas. Despite his dedication, the quixotic Hervé grew frustrated with leftist divisions. His disillusionment arose from a naive reading of an anachronistic revolutionary tradition. Hervé's sincere, yet romantic and eclectic, socialism exhibited atavistic features. Before the war Hervé rallied to ’la patrie en danger’; in 1919 he created a French national socialist party. Such shifts have been tied to Fascism. Though some recent scholars have stressed the dangers posed by antimilitarism, this article documents a more ambiguous picture of Hervé's experience with the AIA and his later antimilitarist activities. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

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Conservative French nationalists had successfully labeled antimilitarism as antinationalist in the two decades preceding World War I. Because some of the more vocal antimilitarists were also involved in anarchist and radical Marxist organizations, historians largely have accepted this antinationalist label while also arguing that French nationalism had lost its connections to the French Revolution and become a more extremist, protofascist movement. A closer look at mainstream antimilitarist arguments, however, reveals the continued existence of the republican nationalism that had dominated the nineteenth century and shows that antimilitarists did not reject their nation. Instead, antimilitarists sought to protect the Republic, which they saw as synonymous with the nation, against an increasingly conservative, anti-Republic military and conservative nationalists, whom antimilitarists saw as a danger to a republican France. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The Day the Earth Stood Still is a rich and complex science fiction film that was clearly trying to communicate many messages to the American film audience of 1951. The film's Cold War themes resonated with its original viewers. But could a contemporary audience extrapolate any meaning from this film nearly six decades after its theatrical release? The author describes how this classic Hollywood film has telling reverberations for what has transpired in America post-9/11. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The paper deals with two Austrian journalists and their dispute. Alice Schalek was a press photographer and reported extensively on her travels before she became the first female journalist in Austria to be accepted as a war correspondent in World War I. She was greatly fascinated by the war and painted a romantic picture of the battles, glorifying a male heroism. For the famous antimilitarist Karl Kraus she became the symbol of everything that was going wrong with the media. But in fighting viciously against the female war correspondent, he singled her out as an aberration of her gender, claiming that it was especially hard for the soldiers to die under the eyes of a woman. The paper argues that in his antifeminism Kraus violated his antimilitarist stance and at the same time Schalek in her glorification of the war abondoned her emancipatory stance, which was visible in her journalistic work both before and after the war. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article shows how the influence of Western European expressionism on Ukrainian art contributed to the formation of its national version in the works of Vasyl Stefanyk. The research applied comparative, biographical methods and method of close reading. The outcome of this detailed analysis demonstrates that the common features of Stefanyk’s antimilitary novels and Western European Expressionists are similar and feature such themes as the crisis of cultural values, anti-military issues, condemnation of murder, states of existential anxiety, tragedy of human existence and eschatological feeling. Furthermore, Expressionists and Stefanyk focus on the psychophysical states of characters ‒ death, madness, injury, numbness, screaming, fear, panic, despair, agony, anxiety, prayer. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This essay explores Käthe Kollwitz's antiwar graphic work in the context of the German, and later, international No More War movement from 1920 to 1925, where it played an important role in antimilitarist campaigns, exhibitions, and publications, both in Germany and internationally. Looking at Kollwitz's production closely, we discover a deeply pragmatic artistic strategy, where the emotionality of Kollwitz's famed prints was the result of tireless technical, formal, and compositional investigation, contrived to maximize emotional impact. By choosing the easily disseminated medium of printmaking as her main vehicle and using a deliberately spare but powerful graphic language in carefully chosen motifs, Kollwitz intended her art to reach as broad an audience as possible in engaging antiwar sentiment. In connection with the leading antiwar voices of the time, including French Nobel Prize-winning writer Romain Rolland and the founder of War Resisters' International, Helene Stöcker, she deployed her work to reach beyond the confines of the art gallery, into internationally distributed posters, periodicals, and books. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article presents how biographical work helps understand the more global mechanisms of an individual’s political conversion. Here the purpose is to unravel the reasons which led a socialist pastor, who displayed no sign of any form of political radicalism at the outbreak of the First War, to turn to Bolshevism during the conflict. A political conversion that led to political, social, and friendly consequences. Jules Humbert Droz is no longer a mere socialist and anti-militarist militant, but becomes, in the eyes of the state, of moderate socialists, and of a section of the population, an agent of the Bolshevik subversion and an actor in the dissemination of revolutionary ideas in Switzerland. A political choice that allowed him to quickly climb the ranks of the international communist organizations and to become a revolutionary on an international scale.