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A recent global reconnaissance of Christian higher education found a number of key themes that shaped current developments, such as the pressing challenges of secularization and nationalization but also the advantages of privatization and massification. This article provides an update to this older analysis by taking a birds-eye view of trends within the past 70 years of global Christian higher education. It reveals that privatization and massification trends do not predict new developments in countries and outliers always exist. Furthermore, it highlights some findings missed in previous analyses related to the importance of indigenous Christian groups and Christian general education.

By placing a strong emphasis on one's national, cultural, and ethnic identity, neonationalism, as a contemporary political and cultural movement, prioritizes 'sameness' over diversity. This phenomenological case study focused on Turkish universities which have been under increasingly oppressive neo-nationalist policies within the past 10 years. It examined the lived experiences of a multilingual scholar in regard to his identity (re)construction and socialization upon his return from the US to Türkiye (Turkey). Descriptions of Anil's lived experiences were longitudinally collected via in-depth interviews, anecdotal records, and bi-weekly journal entries. The findings indicated that one's country of origin or nation-state becomes a source of discrimination not only in study abroad contexts, but also when international students and scholars return to their home countries. In other words, neo-nationalism in higher education institutions (HEIs) not only influences 'the Other' but also those within the same 'nation' with more progressive pedagogical beliefs and practices. The findings also underline the need to consider the phenomenon of "transnational intersectionality" when accounting for multilingual scholars' identity (re)construction and socialization. Such an approach would help situate the complexities of transnationalism within the larger discussions of how HEIs are shaped by current neo-nationalist policies. This study also calls for further research to pay attention to colonial legacies such as linguicide and epistemicide within HEIs so as to encourage multilingual scholars to resist and dismantle oppressive policies and practices that govern academia both at local and global contexts.

In this paper, we focus on the situatedness of teacher identity and agency within sociopolitical contexts dominated by neo-nationalist discourses and rely on data from online conversations among preservice and in-service teachers of English in Türkiye and the United States (US). We report on data constructed in a telecollaboration (a.k.a., virtual intercultural exchange) that we, four TESOL teacher educators, designed for teachers to discuss issues of social justice (particularly for minoritized immigrant students) and to have a discursive and experiential space in which to negotiate their language teacher identities (LTI). Gathering 117 teachers from five universities (three in Türkiye, two in the US) and underserved school districts in both contexts, this telecollaboration is our pedagogical, agentive response to dominant neo-nationalist discourses in the two countries. To make quantities of data more manageable, we analyze interactions from one-third of those 117 participants (five of 15 small groups) to address this research question: How do preservice and in-service teachers from Türkiye construct their teacher identities in response to neo-nationalist discourses in their sociopolitical context? In particular, how do they engage in this identity work through asynchronous small-group discussions in a social justice-focused telecollaboration with teachers from the US? Findings indicate that participants from Türkiye discussed teacher agency, conservatism and cultural difference in the society, and discrimination/xenophobia against refugees as important factors that shape their work with minoritized English language learners. They experienced tensions in their identity construction between their desire to advocate for their students and the external forces coming from meso- and macro-level policies that impact their instruction and assessment procedures. We discuss our findings in relation to previous research on language teacher identity and social justice in sociopolitical contexts shaped by neo-nationalist discourses. We also share the implications of our study for pedagogizing identity in teacher education.

This essay compares and contrasts the educational movements of three nations--the United States, Mexico, and the Soviet Union--established according to Eurocentric cultural values. In each country, mass education was undertaken to help produce an assimilative national culture during formative periods characterized by instability. In two of these nations, the U.S. and Mexico, this foundation eventually required an accommodation to address multiculturalism. This latter-day perspective is designed to recognize, respect, and appreciate a variety of cultures. This essay examines the ways in which these two oppositional goals--monoculturalism and multiculturalism--have intersected in schools.

This article examines the evolution of the borderlands as an organizing trope by focusing on how the transcendence beyond cultural nationalist perspectives traces the shift from Chicano/a to Latinx discourses. In order to address this issue, I will analyse two twenty-first-century Latinx texts that delve into the intricate ways in which transnational forces collide with economic, cultural and political processes that persistently revolve around the framework of the nation-state: Alicia Gaspar de Alba's "Desert Blood: The Juarez Murders" (2005) and Maya Chinchilla's "The Cha Cha Files: A Chapina Poética" (2014). The corpus of works selected will focus on the political readings derived from textual negotiation with a changing political, social and economic reality. This results in constant tensions between globalising processes, worldwide interconnectedness and transnational interactions, on the one hand, and the regulatory power of the state, on the other.

Doctoral education is often lauded as a site of academic socialization and research training for nascent scholars. However, discussions of socialization seldom problematize the dangers of intellectual imperialism and methodological nationalism inherent in doctoral researcher socialization. As such, the traditional socialization practices for doctoral students in the United States (U.S.) must be interrogated and expanded to move towards equitable practices for research, especially for students conducting international research. Using social and spatial positioning as our conceptual framing, we problematize and question current approaches and practices to doctoral researcher training in the U.S. We use the academic hood, which is granted upon successful completion of doctoral studies, as a metaphor to reconsider how to reflect upon and navigate power dynamics and knowledge production within the U.S. academy.

This study demonstrates ways that geopolitics may interfere with the pursuit of global science. In particular, the study sought to understand the impact of the U.S. Department of Justice's China Initiative on the U.S. scientific community, especially among those of Chinese and other Asian descent. Based on a survey of about 2,000 scientists in top U.S. research universities, findings show a consistent pattern of neo-racism, neo-nationalism, and the consequences for future international collaborations and maintaining highly skilled talent. The findings show how neo-racism and neo-nationalism may be sabotaging the efforts of the U.S. to be globally competitive.

Reality television (RT) programming is frequently and rightfully criticized and yet its popularity among adolescent and young adult viewers is also undeniable. In response to the need for media literacy programs to address the pleasures, the problems, and the pedagogy of the genre, we have chosen to take a cross-national, comparative approach and to model a process for teaching through our own research. Three popular reality tv programs were selected from each of our respective nations (China, South Korea, the United States) from one of three subgenres: Dancing, Restaurants, and Travel. We each watched episodes of all nine programs, inventoried their features and took notes. We then compared and contrasted the programs cross-nationally and across genres, and identified four themes: Pedagogy; Individualism and Collectivism; Tradition and Modernity; and Globalism and Nationalism. We found striking differences across nations in our analysis that provide important insights into our respective national cultures. In conclusion, we discuss the implications of our process for teaching about RT.

Integrating twenty-first century competencies into the curriculum has become an important issue for education reform worldwide. This study examines and compares twenty-first century competencies demonstrated in mother tongue curriculum standards in China, the United States and Finland. It identifies key similarities and significant differences among them. It shows that the Finnish Curriculum has a more balanced distribution of twenty-first century competencies. While communication and critical thinking are stressed in all three, critical thinking is prioritised in the American Curriculum. In addition to communication and critical thinking, the Chinese Curriculum emphasises citizenship based on national identity, metacognitive strategies and aesthetics. The American Curriculum focuses on information and ICT literacy, and the Finnish Curriculum highlights personal and social responsibility concerning cultural awareness and citizenship. The significant differences between these three Curricula are related to the countries' tradition of curriculum theories -- the Chinese integrate Western theories and the Confucian tradition, the American follow the Anglo-American curriculum and the Finnish have roots in "Bildung-Didaktik." Curriculum objectives should take into consideration both subject knowledge and skills and the student as a whole person. Additionally, different curriculum traditions should be considered and learned during the curriculum design process.

This article draws upon the cross-continental experiences of teacher educators in Australia, Germany, and the United States to contextualize and connect localized experiences in each country in the education and training of teachers as glocal phenomena. Through a glocal lens, the paper suggests that the dynamics working against the successful education and training of teachers are multifaceted, locally significant, and globally consistent. Two relevant areas are considered, resonating in both the local contexts of the authors and in their global reach, connectivity, and consistency: 1) internal university resistance and fighting over funding, status, and role and 2) over-reliance on market economies that depend on cheap labor fueled by nationalism, neoliberalism, and xenophobia. The authors address issues related to enrollment, reduction, and accreditation within university-based teacher education and training programs as particular areas of common complexity before yielding to discussion of the effects of those concerns situated within neoliberalism and neo-nationalism. The glocalized analysis and critical approach taken by the authors serve as foils to combat the negative scenario that encapsulates the education and training of teachers. Finally, questions are framed to help readers join in the broader discussion in their particular contexts, extending the capacity for democratic dialogue.

The aim of this research is to introduce the opinions of the social studies teachers who receive education in USA and Turkey in relation to the concepts of nationalism, patriotism and global citizenship comparatively. The basic research design belonging to the research is of a case study model. The multiple techniques have been used to transform the data sets to findings. According to the results of the research, it becomes evident that the constructive patriotism attitudes that belong to the participants from both countries are high and if comparison is made, the blind patriotism attitudes that belong to the participants from Turkey are higher than the participants from USA. On the other hand, if the global citizenship attitudes are taken as a basis, the participants from USA are more prone to global citizenship in comparison to the participants from Turkey.

Since 1990, a large and dynamic global science system has evolved, based on grass roots collaboration, and resting on the resources, infrastructure and personnel housed by national science systems. Euro-American science systems have become intensively networked in a global duopoly; and many other countries have built national science systems, including a group of large- and middle-sized countries that follow semi-autonomous trajectories based on state investment, intensive national network building, and international engagement, without integrating tightly into the global duopoly. The dual global/national approach pursued by these systems, including China, South Korea, Iran and India, is not always fully understood in papers on science. Nevertheless, China is now the number two science country in the world, the largest producer of papers and number one in parts of STEM physical sciences. The paper investigates the remarkable evolution of China's science funding, output, discipline balance, internationalisation strategy and national and global networking. China has combined global activity and the local/national building of science in positive sum manner, on the ground of the nationally nested science system. The paper also discusses limits of the achievement, noting that while China-US relations have been instrumental in building science, a partial decoupling is occurring and the future is unclear.

Educators everywhere consider how best to prepare students with the knowledge, skills, attitudes and behaviors to be informed, engaged, and caring 21st century citizens. This article provides a report of an ethnographic transnational field study examining how 30 educators located in Costa Rica, Myanmar, and the United States, conceive of citizenship and civic education based on textbook use, classroom materials, pedagogical practices, and instructional strategies. Data sources included field logs, debriefing sessions, one-toone interviews, focus group discussions, classroom observations, textbook evaluations, and review of media documents. Participants in the United States network emphasized multiple perspectives applied as a lens to the study of contemporary global issues. Costa Rican participants mirrored this description but with emphasis on nationalistic goals to equip students with skills to work for tangible improvements in the lives of Costa Rican citizens. In the Myanmar context, participants relied almost exclusively on textbooks; in this case, context and culture informed the aims and approaches of civic and citizenship education. Implications contribute to transnational discourse addressing the practice of civic and citizenship education globally. This study expands dominant definitions and the importance of an ethnographic transnational framework to examine citizenship and civic education between diverse systems.

This study examined the role of history education for nation building in Ethiopia, Germany Rwanda, South Africa, Switzerland, and USA using a comparative research method. Student textbooks and syllabi were the main data sources. Document review was the principal data-gathering tool and the data was analysed qualitatively. Findings revealed that there are some aim and learning objectives embedded in the textbooks and syllabi to cultivate unity and patriotism, and promote democratic values that facilitate nation building. Except in the context of Rwanda and USA, in all countries national history textbooks gave more emphasis to regional and global topics than national topics. In Rwanda, South Africa, and Ethiopia centrally prescribed one-size-fits-all contents focused on national narratives that appear to intentionally overlook ethnic-narratives. After the historic genocide in Rwanda and apartheid in South Africa, history textbooks focused on peace and reconciliation, and settlement of ethnic and race-based clashes. In the United States, Switzerland, and Germany, the instructional materials' preparation process is decentralized to regional states or cantons. Except in South Africa, virtually in all countries, history is a compulsory subject. In Ethiopia, South Africa, and Switzerland history is taught as a separate subject, where as in the remaining countries it is taught as a combined social studies subject. Vis-à-vis the pedagogy, learner-centred methods and continuous assessment techniques appeared in the curricula often. The main lessons for Ethiopia include the need to incorporate more contents that help to ensure peace and national understanding, settle ethnic-based clashes, and facilitate national integration and the nation-building process.

The guiding thesis of this article is that international comparisons have been shaped by nationalist, and thus potentially imperial, religious and consequently also latent missionary, motives. By means of selected milestones in the last 250 years, this thesis is made plausible by asserting a historical development of nationalism that started from an almost defiant national self-determination in the eighteenth century, leading to learning from strangers in the long nineteenth century, and resulting in the imperially minded instruction of others in the course of the twentieth century.

In this article, we provide a comparative analysis of public education in Germany and the US, focusing on historical and contemporary challenges to education, "Bildung," and citizenry in the modern nation state. In particular, we examine relations among nation building processes and education, transnational discourses, mutual influences, and relations regarding public education over time, and identity building and citizenship within and between federal, nation state and international levels. Comparative methods are utilized to examine policy documents as well as the literature, looking for similarities and differences among key concepts and discourses. The article concludes by pointing out that a number of contemporary developments bringing public education to a crossroads today are not entirely new and that foundations of education theory are still relevant. At the same time, we suggest new cross-national dialogues regarding the challenges bringing public education to the crossroads today.

This article introduces the topic of the special issue, 'Public education at the crossroads', by pointing to some of the debates and controversies surrounding the topic of public education and by framing the theme, while explaining the context and some components of the educational systems of the countries under examination -- namely the USA and Germany. In both countries, control of public education is seen as the states' responsibility within the respective nation states. Despite different developments, both countries are experiencing similar challenges to public education; for example, highly diverse classroom settings, pressure from neoliberal politics, or debates about citizenship education in a world that is increasingly globalized on the one hand, and facing growing nationalism on the other. Finally, this introduction presents articles in this special issue that further discuss the competing factors bringing public education to a new crossroads.

In this article, we explore how locally situated educational practices and policies aimed at inclusion and integration may contribute to racialised exclusion for students. Our analysis brings together two ethnographic studies of how minoritised Muslim youth navigate secondary schooling in Denmark and the US. Our cases illustrate how assumptions held by school staff toward the youth in our studies were rooted in both Islamophobic tropes and deeply held nationalist beliefs about the benevolence of the US and Denmark. Cindi Katz's notion of 'countertopography' is critical to our argument that Islamophobia is productive of similar practices of surveillance and exclusion across disparate educational settings. As an analytical framework, countertopography opens important possibilities for critical and comparative qualitative inquiry, with specific promise for highlighting how seemingly dissimilarly educational spaces may be imbued with similar social meanings, and how these meanings are constituted by recurring unequal social relations between individuals and groups therein.

In predominantly white universities in the United States, international students are frequently exposed to racism, xenophobia, and other forms of exclusion. This ethnographic research examines how students from China's Pearl River Delta negotiate a predominantly white Midwestern university in an era of reenergized racism and nationalism. It reveals the persistence of the ideology of whiteness and culture-based exclusion, which not only racialize foreign students of color, but also engage with this student population to perpetuate white supremacy. It also highlights race as a transnational construct, where China's state ideology of anti-Blackness and Han ethnocentrism powerfully push Chinese students to isolate from Black and Asian American communities.

This paper attempts to compare interactions between social changes and the integration of nationalism and multiculturalism in the context of music education by focusing on the ways in which the governmental politics of mainland China and the United States have managed nationalism and diversity in school music education. This paper also explores the ways in which music education, in response to different sociopolitical contexts, relates to the teaching of both musical and non-musical meanings in the dual context of nationalism and multiculturalism, and discusses some of the challenges facing music education in music classrooms today in these two nations. This paper argues that the interplay of tensions in the current wave of nationalism and multiculturalism seen in both mainland China and the United States show the enduring nature of state ideologies in a dynamic, contentious process of social construction.

This paper argues that it is important for educators in democratic education to understand how the rise of right-wing populism in Europe, the United States and around the world can never be viewed apart from the affective investments of populist leaders and their supporters to essentialist ideological visions of nationalism, racism, sexism and xenophobia. Democratic education can provide the space for educators and students to think critically and productively about people's affects, in order to identify the implications of different affective modes through which right-wing populism is articulated. Furthermore, this paper points out that 'negative' critique of the affective ideology of right-wing populism is not sufficient for developing a productive counter politics. An affirmative critique is also needed to set alternative frames and agendas which endorse and disseminate alternative concepts and affective practices such as equality, love and solidarity. These ideas provide critical resources to democratic education for developing a culture and process of democracy that transcends the negativity of mere critique of either right-wing populisms or inadequate forms of democracy.

This paper reveals the complex intersectionalities of immigrant identity construction, nationalisms (and national exceptionalisms), and how Greek culture/language schools in the United States significantly influenced and created a Greek and Greek-American Identity. Drawing on the Chicago experience and the Socrates and Koraes Greek-American Schools, this paper interrogates the collaborative relationship between the Greek state, the Greek community in the United States and Greek culture/language schools. Part I of this paper discusses the spatial/scalar character of the construction of the Greek culture/language school phenomenon, and the role of the Greek state played in fixing the definition of "Greekness" by establishing a normative historiography and national identity for the homeland. Also considered in this part is the complex relationship of immigrant identity construction, nationalisms and the construction of Greek national identity using geography and history. Part II surveys the empirical dimension of the phenomenon of Greek culture/language education in the United States. Early Greek immigrant efforts sought to preserve a Greek cultural identity through the Greek culture/language schools. Over time questions arose on what type of Greek identity would be (or could be) preserved in the United States.

Farzana Shain reviews two books: (1) Seeing Race Again: Countering Colorblindness across the Disciplines, edited by Kimberle Williams Crenshaw, Luke Charles Harris, Daniel Martinez HoSang and George Lipsitz, 2019; and Education and Race: From Empire to Brexit, by Sally Tomlinson, 2019, Bristol, Policy. Shain begins this review by saying that we are now entering a new period for race relations in the US and UK. What Gramsci (1971) described as the 'morbid symptoms of the interregnum', can be seen in the revival of populist politics and renewed enthusiasm for nationalist policies across a number of countries as they respond to the impact of the global crash in 2008. Immigrants, those seeking asylum and minorities were the first to be blamed for the failures of flawed neoliberal financialisation policies and the wild speculation that went with it, which most economists now agree caused the crash (Bresser-Pereira 2010; Pettifor 2017). From the UK's Brexit referendum in 2016, the Trump election in 2016, to the nationalist policies pursued by Prime Ministers' Narendra Modi in India, Shinzo Abe in Japan, Jair Bolsanaro in Brazil, and President Recep Tayyip Erdogan in Turkey, the minority groups within each nation-state are being blamed for declining living standards. Similar trends have been identified in the Philippines, China and India and in South Africa. Across European countries, recent elections have seen a rise in support for parties that promote xenophobic nationalism, economic protectionism and anti-immigration rhetoric. There has been a shift to right populism by existing parties in order to win votes (Inglehart and Norris 2016; Dennison and Geddes 2019) in the particularly volatile and uncertain economic and political context following the global crisis of 2008, the effects of which are still continuing -- this is the 'new interregnum'. Political analyses of events such as the Brexit referendum and Trump's victory in the US election in 2016, and a number of right populist parties' performances in the European elections in 2019, have noted that a significant proportion of the electorate was motivated to vote for anti-immigration parties not only because of economic insecurity but for long standing reasons of cultural insecurity, racial resentment and a marked hostility to 'others', most notably, Muslims and asylum seekers. These sentiments are captured within the cultural backlash theory of voting behaviour. Slogans such as 'Take Our Country Back' (Brexit, UK, 2016), 'Make America Great Again' (Trump election campaign 2016), and 'Get Brexit Done' (UK General Election 2019), do not explicitly mention race but speak to the cultural insecurities of many whites through plugging into a nostalgia for the 'good old days'. In this review, Shain asks the following questions: (1) What is the cultural nostalgia for? and what role does education play in feeding it? Shain identifies these questions as at the heart of the two books under review and she discusses those questions in detail in the sections of this review that follow. She notes that the books contain many rich examples of the methods that sustain white supremacy including the operation of apparently race and power-blind discourses such as merit and opportunity. Both books speak to these decolonising movements which are still in the process of agreeing what decolonise means and how it must be achieved. Shain closes the review by saying that while neither book offers a substantive conclusion chapter, both books make an invaluable contribution to current debates at a time when the right populism is on the rise again. She states that there are, inevitably, some gaps in the books however she found them extremely timely and will no doubt be referenced widely in interdisciplinary conversations focussed on challenging new racisms in education.

The policies and discourses of the Trump administration reflect such extreme examples of inhumane policies and racializing logic that they are easy to identify and call out. In this essay, I focus instead on the less obvious and more everyday processes of racialization and anti-immigrant sentiment that are taken up by various actors in schools. I consider how tropes and stories generated by nationalist policies and discourses around the world seep into teachers' commonsense understandings about who immigrant students are and what they require to be successful. In doing so, I draw on Michael Agar's (1986) notion of the ethnographic "breakdown" to explore individual breakdown moments in my own research in a Danish public school and teaching in a US school of teacher education as a useful mechanism for discerning how policies and discourses shape everyday exclusions in schools.

Given the critical dynamics between students' national identity and study abroad experiences, this study explores the meanings Chinese international students in the US make of national identity within the context of China's rise on the world stage. Drawing on qualitative interviews with 23 Chinese undergraduate students studying at a US research public university, this study demonstrated how cultural values, patriotic education received in China, and experiences in the US influenced students' understandings of national identity. Students' identities of being Chinese were renegotiated resulting from meaningful intercultural interactions. Contrary to the conventional wisdom that Chinese international students lost their national identity abroad, findings documented a heightened sense of national identity and increased patriotism among Chinese intentional students. The case of Chinese international undergraduate students adds to the existing literature on the impact of study abroad on identity development and extends the use of neo-nationalism in higher education research.

This 17-month ethnographic case study, which is grounded in the notions of citizenship, language, and Bakhtin's ideological becoming, examines the complex interplay of ideologies of citizenship, language, and identity in a church-based citizenship class in a Northeastern U.S. city. This study reveals the disconnects of ideologies of citizenship between refugee-background Bhutanese adults and their instructor. It also reveals the educational, cultural, and linguistic disconnects of citizenship practices in the class. This study illustrates that ideologies of citizenship education are not just about citizenship acquisition alone. Rather, they also index and enact ties of language and culture to being, to becoming, to doing, to valuing, and to knowing. This study contributes to a nuanced, situated, complex, and contested view of citizenship and fills a theoretical gap in the conceptualization of citizenship pedagogy.

In this essay we develop the concept of 'cosmopolitan nationalism', offering a working definition and suggesting ways sociologists of education might draw on it in their future work. We show how it is a useful analytical lens through which to examine contemporary policies and practices that navigate global processes (ranking systems, mobility of people, expectations for futures) but also take account of nationalistic tendencies, as well as local and national attempts to challenge persistent inequalities within education systems. By using policy examples from three countries (South Korea, Israel and the US), we illuminate how cosmopolitan nationalism is evident across various initiatives in these countries, and the varied implications this has for education systems in terms of equality, access and quality.

This article introduces a collection of papers comprising the special issue, "Competing interests: Parents, Schools and Nation States." Drawing on the seven papers in the collection, and situating them in recent developments in the sociological field, the article discusses globally shifting relations between families, schools and the state across a range of nations in the late twentieth and early twenty-first centuries (Australia, Germany, India, Norway, Singapore, Sweden, USA). The article proposes that the school is a crucial site for relations between family and state, and argues that a significant focus of the material and occupational investment of contemporary parents is the formal education of their children, re-shaping not only the relationship between parents and schools but also the nature of parenthood itself. In the contemporary context of global neoliberal education reform, parents are analysed both as local actors in schools and as subjects of national and international policy regimes.

This study explores the interplay of nationalism and English Language Teaching (ELT) classroom practices, as reported in 11 interviews with ELT educators in various locations (e.g., United States, Serbia, France, and Saudi Arabia). The study approach is informed by theories of discursive nationalism which interpret nations and nationalized things (e.g., nationalized cultures) as social constructions maintained and managed through discourse. Qualitative analysis of interview data identified teacher-reported practices reflective of national reproduction (e.g., analogy-making and neutral stance-taking) and of national transformation (e.g., recasting nationalized things to global levels and engaging students with cultural and linguistic diversity within an otherwise coherent nationalized culture). The data reporting national reproduction are consistent with the existing literature, and the teacher reports of national transformation offer something new to the existing literature on nationalism in ELT. The analysis further highlighted teacher-reported use of assimilation/dissimilation discursive strategies in representing nationalized things to their students. The study findings contribute to a comprehensive understanding of how the ideology of nationalism intersects with ELT classroom practices. Such an understanding is valuable to the critical project of raising teacher sensitivity to the implications national representations have for social relations of power and privilege outside the classroom.

Emma Willard's map-drawing geographic pedagogy revolutionized early nineteenth-century American education, turning students into participants in the crafting of the new nation. This essay explores the conditions under which map drawing was transported to American missionary schools in South Asia and helped instigate a Tamil nation in British Ceylon. What did the missionaries intend the teaching method to impart? What were the consequences of this pedagogical form on dominant Tamil portrayals of space and identity in Ceylon? To answer these questions and to track the foreign career of American didactic mapmaking, this essay draws on print and manuscript archival materials, including two maps by a Tamil student at the American Ceylon Mission named Robert Breckenridge. The essay argues that the use of map-drawing pedagogy in Ceylon partially transmitted American ways of being in the world, which were consequential for local spatial knowledges and the crafting of a Tamil national identity on the island.

This study examines the linguistic resources by which foreign language (L2) learners express their ideological positions in online discussions taking place in a telecollaborative encounter during one semester. More specifically, the study attempts to decipher how L2 learners discuss and argue their points of view regarding their first culture, their second culture, and the topic in general, depending on the issue under discussion (immigration and nationalism or patriotism) and to the country where the learners were based (US or Spain). Twenty-four learners, organized into six groups, each with two students from the US and two from Spain, participated in three online forums. For the analysis, learners' postings were subjected to quantitative and qualitative content analysis applying two discourse-semantic subsystems of the Appraisal framework, Engagement--the linguistic resources used to reflect the writer's position and willingness to recognize alternative positions--and Attitude--the linguistic resources used to indicate positive or negative assessment of people, places, things, and states of affairs. This study concludes that there were clear differences in the discursive styles between both sets of learners and topics. Overall, for instance, the learners employed more monoglossic statements when discussing nationalism or patriotism rather than immigration and Spain-based learners made more use of judgment markers than their US-based counterparts did.

White nationalism has emerged in the mainstream of U.S. political discourse, and restricting all forms of immigration has become a central focus of isolationist, "America First" policies. In August 2017, TESOL International released its "Position Statement on Immigration Policy and Reform in the United States." The authors respond to the position statement and address Mexican English teachers' views towards the immigration debate in the United States, how this debate reflects what Mexicans see as discourses of White nationalism and xenophobia, and the impact they have on the everyday work that teachers do in English classrooms in Mexico. They begin by giving a brief historical background on the closely intertwined relationship between the two countries, and then discuss the effects of the current climate on language educators' work. They explain that manifestations of anti-Mexican xenophobia in the United States increase the difficulty of Mexican English language educators as students of all ages are well aware of the rhetoric coming from the United States, and are increasingly translating these negative words and images into a negative sense of what it means to learn English. Three strategies are described that English teachers in Mexico often use within their classrooms to engage students in exploring the connection between English and the United States, harnessing the potential of the language classroom as a forum for naming, understanding, and contesting discourses that promote intolerance and racism.

The author examines whether gains of learning of Asian students are the same or different if they are from (a) East Asia, (b) South and Central Asia, or (c) Southeast Asia at undergraduate and graduate levels. Results indicated that East Asian students' gains of learning in personal development, science and development, general education, vocational preparation, and intellectual skills were statistically different from other students from South and Central Asia and Southeast Asia. Graduate Asian students' gains of learning in all domains were found higher than undergraduate Asian students' gains of learning. Based on these findings, the author offers implications and recommendations for educators and practitioners to improve international students' support and their college experience.

We write from a public university in Mexico's interior, as 2 language professors from countries with fraught, yet intertwined, sets of histories--Mexico and the United States. Having lived in 2 countries with dramatic increases in nationalist policies, we reflect on having lived abroad through the increases in nationalism in our lived experiences. We also explore our understandings of "retornados," the transnational returnees to Mexico, and how these students impact us and our teaching in Mexico in an English teacher education program. We conclude with implications for educators, as well as tempered senses of hope in these fraught political times.

The recruitment of overseas trained teachers (OTTs) in England is a matter that has received as much attention inside the United Kingdom as outside. Education systems in small island and developing states, especially, were believed to have been placed 'at risk' following the departure of experienced and qualified teachers. Correspondingly, the presence of OTTs in England has contributed to, "inter alia," workforce stability, behavioural management solutions and curriculum enhancement. Despite these contributions, however, very little is known about the career progression of OTTs in England. Through a tracer study of OTTs recruited between 2001 and 2008, in the first phase of teacher migration to the UK, this qualitative study explored the perceived factors that facilitate and/or hinder the progression of Caribbean OTTs in England. Drawing on postmodernism, critical and social identity theories, this paper examines how institutional racism and discrimination play a part in restricting the promotion and career progression of OTTs.

This article draws comparisons between young children's material explorations and the national and global politics surrounding the U.S.--Mexico border in order to theorize early childhood art education and art education curricular approaches, practices, and policies. Border theories of fluidity and new materialist notions of becoming are discussed in relation to children's and artists' explorations of unfamiliar and playful materials. The concepts tool analysis and apparatus are employed to discuss the onto-epistemological and political nature of border materials, processes, and art to advocate for the learners and citizens who are produced through these apparatuses.

A developmental model of children's understanding of nationality (Nationality Perspective-Taking Ability or NPTA) was proposed and evaluated in this study. The NPTA model expands extant definitions and provides a theoretical foundation for the developmental progression of national identity. Children (Mean age = 9.33 years) from Latin American and Asian countries who were sojourners in the U. S. for an average of 20.70 months were administered the NPTA assessment and scored according to the NPTA model. Results indicated children's understanding of nationality was predicted by children's chronological age and by the amount of their cross-national exposure. Additionally, the relative importance of children's identification with their national, racial and linguistic status was explored. A developmental trend revealed that children's identification with nationality increases across age while identification with racial status declines across age.

The reinvigoration of popular nationalism in the USA and UK has largely been framed as counter to the cosmopolitan globalization associated with their elite universities over the past decade. Opposing these two sets of values may be too simplistic, however, given the cultural and political ties long institutionalized between elite universities and the nation. This article endeavors to highlight these entanglements--which were present before the election of Donald Trump or the fateful vote for Brexit--by drawing on interviews conducted with personnel at four elite research universities in these two countries from 2013 to 2014. In particular, this article focuses on the way these individuals invoked symbolic boundaries drawn along national lines as common sense, natural, and enduring, seeing their universities as embodying national characteristics, and as obliged to serve national interests. In providing ontological order to the world, the presence of this "banal" or "everyday" nationalism has arguably been central to the conceptualization and enactment of internationalization in these and other universities. These findings complicate discussions of elite universities as globalizing and unmooring from the nation-state framework, or otherwise working against the forces of nationalism. The article also raises new questions about divisions between different constituents of today's globalizing academy.

This article reviews the history of international mobility of students from China to other countries over the century and a half from 1870 to the present day. Different motivations, goals, courses, and knowledge are considered, together with how the purposes of individuals have matched national policy. Implications for the future development in a globalized context are briefly considered.

This article uses a comparative historical approach to examine the Teachers for East Africa (TEA) and the Teacher Education in East Africa (TEEA) programs, an influential educational development effort that involved U.S. and British college graduates in East African schools and colleges during the decade of 1961-1971. Drawing on postcolonial theory and Andreas Kazamias's humanistic view of education, the "'Paideia' of the soul," it explores how U.S. teachers interpreted the education system they encountered in Kenya, Tanzania, and Uganda at the end of the colonial era, seeking to made sense of a radically different system of schooling. The comparison of U.S. and British teachers' views on pedagogy in this critical historical period as discerned in the TEA and TEAA archive illustrates deep fissures in the putative edifice of "Western" education.

2018 marks the 50th anniversary of Enoch Powell's infamous "Rivers of Blood" speech, an intervention that is still viewed as one of the most incendiary statements of the perceived decay and violence likely to follow legislation intended to assure minoritised British citizens of equal rights regardless of their ethnic origin. In this essay, Sally Tomlinson (one of Britain's foremost multicultural theorists) reflects on Powell's legacy and the contemporary scene where in the US, UK and across Europe, White resentment and fear is increasingly shaping "mainstream" debates about nationhood, migration and education.

In this essay, the author examines how two groups of undergraduates, from Australia and the United States, negotiate their national and global identities in the context of studying abroad. In doing so the author demonstrates the nuances of "global citizenship" as it is actually experienced. Drawing on Craig Calhoun's (2002) scholarship on national identity and Martha Nussbaum's (2002) philosophical framework of global citizenship, the author argues for a more complex understanding of the dynamics of nation and globe and for a paradigm of "global citizenship" grounded in critical self-awareness, mutual respect, and reciprocity. This is not to suggest, however, that the author is advocating one simple model or paradigm of "global citizenship" which can be universally applied. Instead, the author proposes that global citizenship is inflected differently in diverse national contexts, as the contrasting experiences of the Americans and Australians abroad demonstrate. (Contains 1 note.)

During the US Occupation of Japan (1945-1952), a victorious America attempted to reform Japanese education by replacing Japan's tradition system of values with one that promoted American democratic values. The United States had considered the source of Japan's militarism to lie in the selfless loyalty and love of country that many older Japanese had valued. They wanted to replace these older values with new ones that would ensure a more pacifist outlook. Thus, in the name of democratization and pacification, Japan lost some important aspects of its cultural heritage. But why did the United States want to eliminate these natural sentiments from the Japanese psyche? And what was the cost of these changes? This paper focuses on the first four months of the Occupation when Japan's first postwar education minister, Maeda Tamon, attempted to change education in the direction of a new democratic Japan. Maeda, Japan's preeminent liberal at the time, took the position of minister of education on August 18, 1945, before the Allied Occupation officially began. In his first two months, he quickly initiated a number of educational reforms without interference from American officials. He wanted these reforms not only to meet American expectations but also to preserve what he believed to be the unique aspect of Japanese culture--the emperor system. However, Maeda's understanding of the word "democracy" differed dramatically from what America wanted, and this difference incited the US to intervene with a different set of educational reforms. This paper examines Maeda's efforts, and the US reaction to them. (Contains 94 endnotes.)