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Summarizes the assessment made by Arthur G. Kidston, David E. Brown and colleagues of the hydrocarbon potential for the deep water slope region in offshore Nova Scotia. Probability distributions for oil, gas, solution gas and natural gas liquids; Basis of the basin evaluation; Interpretation of geochemical models and potential source rocks; Components of the hydrocarbon resource assessments. INSET: More 2D in Makassar Straits offshore Indonesia.

Résumé: La politique actuelle de réconciliation qui guide les rapports que l'État canadien entretient avec les peuples autochtones affiche une certaine discontinuité en matière de reconnaissance de leurs droits religieux. D'une part, les gouvernements accordent aux Autochtones certains privilèges à des fins de valorisation de leurs particularismes religieux dans l'espace public, d'une manière qui ne s'étend pas nécessairement à d'autres segments de la société. Parallèlement, par l'entremise de lois et d'ententes politiques, des nations autochtones se sont vu reconnaître des droits et privilèges en lien avec leur sphère religieuse, lesquels demeurent toutefois largement assujettis au cadre normatif établi par la majorité. Enfin, les tribunaux peinent jusqu'à présent à considérer les particularismes religieux des nations autochtones en tant que motif décisionnel. Cette reconnaissance à géométrie variable laisse transparaître un relent de colonialisme suivant lequel la dimension symbolique est valorisée, au détriment des avenues susceptibles de mener à une réelle autonomie des nations autochtones en matière d'expression religieuse. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Background: There is increasing emphasis on engaging youth in research about youth, their needs, experiences and preferences, notably in health services research. By engaging youth as full partners, research becomes more feasible and relevant, and the validity and richness of findings are enhanced. Consequently, researchers need guidance in engaging youth effectively. This study examines the experiences, needs and knowledge gaps of researchers. Methods: Eighty‐four researchers interested in youth engagement training were recruited via snowball sampling. They completed a survey regarding their youth engagement experiences, attitudes, perceived barriers and capacity development needs. Data were analysed descriptively, and comparisons were made based on current engagement experience. Results: Participants across career stages and disciplines expressed an interest in increased capacity development for youth engagement. They had positive attitudes about the importance and value of youth engagement, but found it to be complex. Participants reported requiring practical guidance to develop their youth engagement practices and interest in a network of youth‐engaged researchers and on‐going training. Those currently engaging youth were more likely to report the need for greater appreciation of youth engagement by funders and institutions. Conclusions: Engaging youth in research has substantial benefits. However, skills in collaborating with youth to design, conduct and implement research have to be learned. Researchers need concrete training and networking opportunities to develop and maximize these skills. They also need mechanisms that formally acknowledge the value of engagement. Researchers and those promoting youth engagement in research are encouraged to consider these findings in their promotion and training endeavours. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

A number of core precepts of Canadian constitutional interpretation—that the Constitution is to be regarded as a “living tree” and that the intentions of the framers should not constrain its growth—have led to the common belief that “originalism” is flatly inconsistent with Canadian law and judicial practice. The authors set out to challenge this conventional wisdom. While one popular strain of originalist thought was rejected early in the life of the Charter, originalism has grown, changed and diversified a great deal in the last three decades. Today, most originalists are less focused on the subjective intention of the framers and more concerned with identifying a fixed original meaning of constitutional terms, which seeks to constrain the scope of constitutional doctrine but typically leaves considerable room for evolution in the application of that fixed meaning to concrete modern day controversies. In light of these developments, the authors argue that the conventional wisdom—that originalism has been squarely rejected by the Supreme Court of Canada—is not established by the case law to date, and many key decisions of the Court are fully compatible with modern originalist thought. Moreover, the authors suggest that the breezy invocation of constitutional buzzwords like “living tree”, while neglecting contemporary debates over constitutional interpretation, has led to a degree of malaise regarding how and under what circumstances the judiciary may alter the Constitution on our collective behalf. A better understanding of the debates surrounding modern originalism may help us identify the extent to which constitutional change ushered in through a majority vote of nine jurists, however eminent, is consistent with a commitment to self-governance in a constitutional democracy. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In September 1991 the Canadian government announced that it would station a task force in Germany, to continue Canada's participation in NATO's defence of Western Europe. Six months later the government announced that Canada had cancelled the task force, which meant that by 1993 Canada would have no permanent military presence in Europe. Canada's allies were not pleased with the abrupt change, but while expressing their displeasure to Canada, they also thanked Canada for its military contribution during the Cold War, and reassured Canada that they understood Canada would continue to be an active member of the alliance. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Building on the 1962 Glassco Commission report, this article argues that the duality of collective and individual ministerial responsibility in the Canadian Westminster model is under-recognized and remains highly relevant. While reforms since the 1960s favoured individual responsibility, the growing impact of information and communications technologies ( ICTs) gives renewed significance to collective responsibility. This article reviews accountability challenges arising from ICT-influenced changes in the federal government's organization and relationships, including the shift from a traditional vertical departmental model towards an increasingly horizontal one. Accountability for this re-collectivized environment risks ineffectiveness for two reasons: the prime minister's view of his own role, and Parliament's difficulty in dealing with horizontal issues. If the risks are not recognized, Canadian democracy will be diminished. Sommaire En se fondant sur le rapport Glassco de 1962, le présent article soutient que la dualité de la responsabilité ministérielle collective et individuelle dans le modèle de Westminster au Canada n'est pas suffisamment reconnue et demeure hautement pertinente. Alors que, depuis les années 1970, les réformes ont encouragé la responsabilité individuelle, l'incidence croissante des technologies de l'information et des communications ( TIC) donne une importance renouvelée à la responsabilité collective. Cet article passe en revue les défis de la responsabilité découlant des changements influencés par les TIC dans l'organisation et les relations du gouvernement fédéral, y compris le glissement d'un modèle ministériel vertical traditionnel vers un modèle de plus en plus horizontal. L'imputabilité pour cet environnement re-collectivisé risque d'entraîner l'inefficacité pour deux raisons : la perception qu'a le Premier ministre de son propre rôle, et la difficulté qu'a le Parlement à traiter les questions horizontales. Faute de reconnaître les risques, c'est la démocratie canadienne qui sera perdante. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Osgoode Hall Law Journal is the property of Osgoode Hall Law School and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The article focuses on the strategic defense relationship between U.S. and Canada, along with the use of history to understand the complexities of their alliance during the events of terrorism on September 11, 2001. It highlights the changes of the form and the structure of security and defense organizations in Canada and the U.S. It discusses how the new security and defense affect the alliance of both countries.

This study assesses the impact of majority and minority governments on legislative activity in the Canadian House of Commons. The quantitative analysis spans the 22nd to the 40th Parliaments (1953–2009) and examines legislative productivity and success by government type. The analysis of descriptive data confirms that minority governments are somewhat less productive and successful than their majority counterparts. However, the analysis emphasizes significant variation for majority governments. Neither governing context guarantees success or failure as contextual factors largely condition legislative activity. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

Abstract The goal of the paper is to analyze the Canadian policy towards Bangladesh. In this paper I argue that Canadian approach towards Bangladesh was different in different phases of history. In the liberation war of Bangladesh Canada played a role that went against the interest of Bangladesh and suited with the triple alliance of the US-Pakistan and China. Against the backdrop of Cold War politics, Canadian policy demonstrated the reflection of her national interest. In the dawn of the independence of Bangladesh in the early 1970's Canada revised its policy, immediately recognized the new nation and supported Bangladesh's admission in to the Commonwealth, the United Nations and other international organizations. Since the threshold of Bangladesh's journey Canada emerged as a development partner of the new nation. Apart from significant aid, Canada also provided immigration facilities to the Bangladeshis. All these are consistent with its national interest. I also focus on the Canadian concerns over the violation of human rights and poor governance that gradually eroded the image of Bangladesh among the Canadian policy makers. Finally, I suggest a way out to improve relations between the two countries of the 'North' and 'South'. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article discusses the grand strategy theory of Carl von Clausewitz applied to the culture and strategic choice of Canada in military strategy during the Cold War. It examines the explanations of the region's war strategy related to the theory of foreign policy and international relations. An overview of the conceptual and methodological challenges to Canada's military strategy is provided. It also explores the strategy applied in North Atlantic Triangle in Ottawa, Ontario wherein the strategy requires industrial, human, and military resources.

The article focuses on the relationship between the North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO) and Canada. It explores how and why is that NATO has managed to retain considerable significance to the Canadian security and defense policy a ten years after the September 11, 2011 terrorists attacks. It highlights the pessimism about NATO's future prospects expressed by Canadian Prime Minister Stephen Harper. It notes that Canada was more engaged with NATO than it had been since the start of the early 1950s, an engagement that correspond closely with liberal foreign policy doctrine.

In 1999, Revenue Canada became the Canada Customs and Revenue Agency (CCRA), with a governance model that combines traditional ministerial responsibility in program areas and Crown corporation governance in internal management. The greatest changes were in human resources management, where the agency became a separate employer, providing a rare opportunity to design from first principles. This article discusses the factors that led to the single most ambitious federal government “alternative service delivery” project. It then looks at the agency's governance model and the development and implementation of its human resources management regime, which sought to meet agency business requirements while responding to criticisms of the mainstream public-service model. The agency's workforce is on the scale of the larger provincial governments, and it provides extensive support to the provinces and territories, compounding the need for innovative governance and human resources management. The circumstances of moving to agency status and later reinforcements have contributed to its success and make it unlikely that the decision will be reversed, notwithstanding the later return of the Customs function to the mainstream public service. Tensions with broader public-service management objectives make it equally unlikely that the move will be replicated on a large scale. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Canada's 2005 International Policy Statement announced that the Department of Foreign Affairs and International Trade and the Department of National Defence and the Canadian Forces were committed to “whole of government” interventions in failed and fragile states. This led both the Canadian government and outside observers to declare that Canada was successfully harmonising the aims and practices of its internationally focused departments and crafting a synergised approach to interventions in failed and fragile states. Drawing on Halperin and Clapp's organisational theory of bureaucratic politics, this paper argues instead that the foreign affairs and defence departments embraced the idea of failed and fragile states to reinforce their organisational essences and recycle their existing missions, roles, and capabilities. In addition, the departments used a “whole of government” approach to secure their autonomy, fence their respective functions, and enlarge their unique capabilities, under the guise of greater efficiency. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Private enforcement of securities laws enhances incentives for issuers and other market participants to comply with their statutory and regulatory obligations, especially their disclosure obligations. Assessing the effectiveness of a jurisdiction's private securities law enforcement regime requires not only quantitative evaluations of enforcement intensity, but also anuanced consideration of the qualitative institutional context within which the jurisdiction's enforcement regime has developed and operates. This article contextualises the regime for civil enforcement of securities law in Canada, focusing principally on statutory civil liability for continuous disclosure violations. The development of this statutory remedy, its apparent strengths and acknowledged weaknesses are considered not only within the context of Canadian public enforcement mechanisms, but also within a broader institutional context, including an examination of complementary developments relating to class actions and lawyers' contingency fees and key shareholder-friendly provisions of Canadian corporate law. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The government of Fidel Castro has over this long period maintained correct if not always warm relations with a country which could have been considered one of the least likely to have been in such a position. In 1959 Canada was in a political situation of seemingly exceptional dominance by the United States of its foreign policy and economy. That dependence, in the view of many, has grown even firmer over the last half-century. Yet the relationship between Cuba and Canada, far from flagging, has prospered even though not without headaches as well as ups and downs. This connection is rightly considered extraordinary, but the basic elements of it have remained constant over the years and explain why it has at times flourished and rarely been put in question. The key factor here is that the maintenance of the relationship has always been at least to some degree of mutual advantage for both the states and, in the case of Canada, for the governing party of the time. Other elements come to light as one makes an overview of the fifty years of the relationship but the bedrock of mutual advantage remains present throughout. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

At the Cold War's close, Canada was NATO's 'odd man out', contributing relatively little to western defence. Today, Canada is the third-largest contributor of combat forces to NATO's efforts in Afghanistan. Canada got into Afghanistan partly as an alternative to getting into Iraq. But fighting the Taliban also serves the Canadian national interest in combating terrorism and has dovetailed well with recent efforts to 'transform' the Canadian military and use it more effectively in overseas development efforts. However, the Canadian commitment to Afghanistan beyond the current February 2009 deadline is in doubt. Public support for the combat dimension of the Afghanistan operations remains weak. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Doctoral education in Canada is the constitutional responsibility of provincial governments, which authorize the awarding of degrees by universities, who determine admission criteria and procedures, as well as degree and programme requirements. Admission to a doctoral programme is either with a prior master's degree or by transfer from a master's programme upon excellent academic and research performance. The Canadian doctoral student population includes a high proportion of international students and female students, although both vary by discipline. Tuition fees vary by province, and doctoral students typically receive financial support to cover tuition and living costs through scholarships, teaching assistantships, or research assistantships (from the supervisor's research grants). This article addresses the tensions felt by doctoral students at being both students and employees. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article focuses on the history of military activity on Canadian soil, with an emphasis on the North, specifically examining a set of crucial projects and operations that redefined not only physical terrain but associated imaginative understandings of nature. The history of Cold War Canada is littered with suitable examples, from early military exercises and the construction of the Distant Early Warning (DEW) radar line to more recent missile tests and low-level training flights. According to the author, the case of the Cold War Canadian North is similar insofar as militarization was frequently disguised behind loftier goals.

The negotiation of supranational trade regimes may well be considered by historians as one of the most valuable developments which brought the twentieth century to a highly polarized close. At one pole, the specialized community of trade experts hailed these treaties that set up global and continental institutions as giant steps forward in establishing the universal rule of economic law, with a direct, trade-and investment-expanding impact on the world's economy. The prime consequence of economic liberalization was seen in its power-constraining effects on the world's nation states. Environmental non-governmental organizations, for instance, took to attacking the World Trade Organization (WTO) or North American Free Trade Agreement (NAFTA) as powerful forces sapping the capacity of national policy regimes to achieve ecological sustainability. In return for a necessary loss of formal sovereignty, governments calculate that they extract specific benefits from participating in the new continental or global organizations. There is no Canadian law saying that the federal government must treat foreign-owned furniture companies at least as well as it treats Canadian-owned furniture firms. But since the trade agreements extended the national treatment principle from goods to investments and even to services, if any federal or provincial or municipal government discriminates in favor of a nationally or provincially owned firm, the government of Canada is liable to legal attack by another government belonging to NAFTA or the WTO that deems one of its companies in Canada to have suffered unequal treatment. Indeed much of the constraint that the WTO has imposed on the Canadian state that Canada comply with the U.S.-inspired WTO rules on behalf of U.S.-based pharmaceutical and entertainment oligopolists.

The article examines bilateral relations between the United States and Canada from 1994-2003. The United States applied the basic principles of its foreign policy to Canada. Considered in comparison with the present ill will, U.S. and Canadian approaches to international issues appear to have been more harmonious throughout the eight years of ex-President Bill Clinton's administration than they actually were. Canada consistently denied the U.S. assertion that communist Cuba remained a threat to North American security. Canada's crusade for a world ban on anti-personnel landmines culminated in the multilateral Land Mines treaty signed by more than one hundred countries in Ottawa in 1997; the United States, however, was notably not among them. Canada remains the most important foreign consumer of American popular culture, importing more than $4 billion of cultural commodities annually, four times the value of U.S. cultural imports from Canada.

Focuses on the accelerating globalization and fragmentation of the state of the state in Canada. Redistribution of governmental functions; Interconnections evolving governmental forms with civil society; Analysis of the dynamics that links the level of governance with civil society.

Analyzes the state of Canadian-American relations as of Summer 2000. Achievement of harmony between the two countries; Identification of the structural and situational factors in the relations; Examination of the factors influencing the state of the relation; Roots of the 'remarkable relationship' between the Canadian and American governments; Means and mechanisms for conflict management.

Copyright of Canadian Public Administration is the property of Wiley-Blackwell and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Canadian Public Administration is the property of Wiley-Blackwell and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

In retrospect, 1988 may turn out to be a pivotal year in the evolution of Canadian federalism. The November genera/election was dominated by an intense national debate over the proposed Free Trade Agreement with the United States. Although the Free Trade Agreement was seen to have important ramifications for Canadian federalism, coherent discussion of those ramifications became blurred in the face of a much broader and emotionally partisan debate. Concerns about the nature of Canadian federalism were instead absorbed by, and in part displaced by, an emerging national debate on the Meech Lake Constitutional Accord. The Accord had been reached by the eleven first ministers in 1987, but by the end of 1988 it had yet to receive legislative ratification in Manitoba and New Brunswick. In the aftermath of the 1988 election, debates over free trade and the Accord have become progressively entangled. While this entanglement did not alter the outcome of the free trade debate, it has had important consequences for the Meech Lake Accord, and thus for the future of Canadian federalism. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article reports on the field of telemedicine, which attempts to address the issue of those patients who need the latest advances in clinical treatments to overcome medical conditions, but are without access to it. Researchers in Canada are testing a program in which mental health care is provided from afar to children with conditions such as oppositional defiant disorder and anxiety disorders. Patrick McGrath, PhD, founder of the program, commented on how often the mental health care providers actually see the children.