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Across Europe, and in the context of a post-BREXIT situation, society is having to accommodate to large numbers of people from diverse cultures. There is a reported increase in xenophobic incidents, bullying and social exclusion, indicating that diversity runs the risk of intolerance and prejudice. This is played out in all manner of social situations in schools and universities, in the community and in the workplace. This discussion paper, written by three U.K. Social Scientists representing the disciplines of psychology, criminology, education and sociology, focuses on the legal and moral aspects of the issue as well as on interventions that promote tolerance and xenophilia in a range of social contexts. It concludes with recommendations to social scientists in all European countries to enter the debate and carry out research in this challenging and highly topical field.

This chapter conceptualizes forms and processes of erasure and visibility of migrant domestic workers through the analysis of interview data, media coverage, and public policy. This chapter builds on the existing literature on foreign domestic labor by synthesizing a framework to better represent the mechanisms that produce instances of visibility and erasure; these include transnational forces of erasure like sexism, xenophobia, and domestic labor stigma that interact with country-specific policies and norms. Within this framework of visibility and erasure, we also delineate different aspects of each, such as spatial erasure, erasure in the media, and self-erasure. Finally, this chapter explores how each of these components interconnect into a system of erasure, each aspect enabling another aspect in dampening the individuality of migrant domestic workers. This chapter is intended to illuminate the realities of erasure with careful specificity, while still crediting domestic workers for their resilience and creativity in promoting their own visibility. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Revista INVI is the property of Universidad de Chile and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The prevalence of xenophobic violence toward foreigners has hindered South Africa’s ambition to become a developmental state since 2007, when the concept of a “democratic developmental state” was first endorsed during the African National Congress (ANC) conference in Polokwane. This ambition has also been thwarted by the inability of the post-apartheid regime to provide adequate and sustainable services to the citizens. Xenophobia has disrupted economic growth and has contributed to poor service delivery in local municipalities, thus leading to social protests. The developmental state depends mainly on a solid balance of economic growth and human development. It also leans on the capacity of the state to establish policies that address poverty and promote the expansion of solid economic opportunities. In this endeavor, migrants increase economic growth and make it sustainable, increase productivity, and promote the labor market. They also promote the labor force and human capital, economic growth, and public finance, thus enabling the realization of a developmental state. However, xenophobia has limited migrants’ contributions to economic growth and social well-being in South Africa. It has destructive effects on South Africa’s economic structure and growth, thus affecting the delivery of adequate services that would enhance its ability to achieve a developmental state. The paper recommends that there is a need for South Africa to understand that xenophobia affects economic growth and the service delivery framework. To address the prevalence of xenophobia and achieve its ambition of a developmental state, South Africa needs to hasten its responses to curb xenophobia and integrate migrants into economic opportunities. The paper adopted a qualitative research methodology and conceptual and document analysis techniques to collect data that enabled the achievement of the above assertions. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Many scholars in the field of migration and xenophobia have consistently examined various levels and expressions of xenophobic behavior within the South African context. They have contributed significantly to conceptualizing migration as inherently conflict-prone, often citing incidents categorized as xenophobia, Afrophobia, and color-blind xenophobia in both scholarly and public discussions. While ample scholarly evidence exists regarding factors that promote social cohesion between South Africans and African immigrants, as well as their implications for African continental integration, there is a notable dearth of scholarly attention on how Philoxenia, the concept of extending friendship or hospitality to strangers, can contribute to the project of African continental integration. Utilizing qualitative research methods and document analysis as a data collection technique, this paper reveals those certain aspects of the South African migration legislative framework exhibit Philoxenic characteristics. Moreover, the paper provides evidence of multiple economic sectors and communities in the country that demonstrate Philoxenia. The paper concludes that Philoxenia can serve as a catalyst towards achieving a united state of Africa, while "xenophobia", "Afrophobia", "Threats" to social cohesion", "colour-blind xenophobia" and "sibling fights or sibling bullying" are impediments to this long-term objective of the African Union. The paper recommends that, South Africa as one of Africa's dominant African immigrants' host state must come up with legislation that criminalizes the latter actions. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article uses a Polanyian frame to place the plight of Roma in Europe in the context of an age of crisis, as evidenced by faltering neoliberal economies and a corresponding rise in xenophobia and extreme manifestations of nationalism. The situation of the Roma remains precarious, a situation exacerbated by the 2008 economic crises and the COVID-pandemic. Despite a number of social inclusion measures in recent decades, at the national and European level which target the Roma, Roma exclusion remains a serious challenge. The paper assesses why previous policy regimes failed but also reflects on what is the way forward in terms of inclusive policy frameworks. The article seeks to provide some answers to these questions with a vision of a Polanyian countermovement in the form of a New Social Europe predicated on redistribution, recognition and community action but also a re-envisioning of integration and transformative change in structural and cultural terms. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

While incidents of xenophobia, or the occurrence thereof, in some parts of South Africa, are both deplorable and deeply reprehensible, it is important never to ignore the political factors that perpetuate them. Using the interpretive method, this article drew on the literature to present or reinterpret the story of Noah's Ark in Genesis 6:13-9:29 and the Great Commission of Matthew 28:16-20 in a way that is aimed at defusing xenophobia in South Africa. The Missio Politica as used in this paper provided a missiological framework in which political factors perpetuating xenophobia were seen as an obstacle to the goals of the Missio Dei, particularly the complete redemption of humanity. This paper argued that the continued unlawful imposition of international sanctions against some African countries such as Zimbabwe and, moreover, the lack of refugee camps in countries such as South Africa significantly exacerbates the problem of xenophobia. Consequently, pursuant to defusing xenophobia in South Africa, this paper calls for a renewed mission that includes rejecting unlawful sanctions against African countries and establishing refugee camps not only in South Africa but in all African countries. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In examining xenophobia in South Africa, scholars have advanced various theoretical explanations to make sense of its causes and nature. Within this paper, I focus on the ways in which multiple structural arrangements create conditions for the manifestation of xenophobia in post‐apartheid South Africa. By drawing on Louis Althusser's notion of 'interpellation' and Judith Butler's concept of 'the subject,' I disconnect xenophobia in South Africa from the conscious and autonomous human agent and locate it within larger structural frameworks, namely historical residues of othering, neo‐liberal political economy, the exclusionary state and negative media representations of refugees and migrants. I argue that voluntary, conscious attitudes do not primarily lead to violence or other forms of exclusion as some may argue; instead, a constellation of systemic/structural forces shape and inform xenophobic attitudes and violence. This paper asks scholars to look more deeply into the relationship between exclusion/violence and structural constraints than perhaps they have. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper uses desktop review to critique Ndlovu (2014)'s analysis of South Africa's 'exceptionalism' and 'xenophobia' based on the articulations of the minister of Sports Fikile Mbalula at the Cape Town stadium in September 2014. Critical analysis underpinned on interpretivism was used to argue that Ndlovu chose an irrelevant case to frame his problem. This resulted in the biased analysis as published. Ndlovu (2014) is ignorant on the influence of sports rivalrism on human behaviour - especially as it has been historical between Nigeria and South Africa. Ndlovu's (2014) description of Black South Africans affirms Euro-American hostility and attitude on Blackness which to this tradition denotes 'danger' - a sentiment sponsored by the swart gevaar philosophy of the apartheid regime in South Africa. The idea of the swart gevaar philosophy was to assassinate Blackness and Black people's character. It is concluded that Ndlovu (2014) is pontifical - wanting to model immigrant nationals as victims of Black South Africans while positioning white and immigrant nationals as the civilised humans who happened to share social space with the barbarous Black South Africans. This is an antagonistic approach of wanting to solve what could be a real challenge in society however ending with the unintended consequence of broadening existing social polarisation. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Aim: This study aims to develop a comprehensive understanding of nursing students' xenophobic tendencies toward refugees and affecting factors from the perspective of Ecological Systems Theory., Background: Nursing students' xenophobia toward refugees may negatively affect their care for patients. To effectively prevent xenophobia, it is essential to identify its underlying factors., Design: A convergent parallel mixed method., Methods: This study was conducted with third and fourth-grade nursing students at a university in Turkey. In the quantitative phase, online surveys were used, employing convenience sampling, with 227 participants. In the qualitative phase, purposive sampling was used and data were collected through in-depth interviews with 17 participants on the Zoom platform. Data were obtained using the Participant Information Form, Xenophobia Scale and Semi-Structured Interview Form., Results: Nursing students who are male, in their third year, have low economic status, lack immigrant friends, lack immigrants in the family members, receive information about immigrants from social media and live in regions with a high concentration of immigrants have higher levels of xenophobia (p<0.05). In the qualitative phase, our study results showed that negative experiences with refugees, economic and social worries, perception of security threats, cultural conflicts and negative media messages toward refugees can lead to xenophobia. In addition, students stated that lessons about immigrants and caring for them in clinics can improve their ability to empathize with immigrants., Conclusion: Nursing curriculums should cover immigrant care and interaction to combat xenophobia, which can improve empathy skills and raise awareness., Competing Interests: Declaration of Competing Interest The authors declare that there is no conflict of interest regarding the publication of this paper., (Copyright © 2024 Elsevier Ltd. All rights reserved.)

Aim. The goal of the paper is migration processes in the context of globalisation leading to the erosion of cultural identity and the emergence of many heterogeneous cultures in many countries. Modern countries, where traditional societies with minor inclusions of another culture of European origin, have turned into multicultural communities, in which there are many scenarios for intercultural dialogue and multiculturalisation, including such negative options as xenophobia and racism, highlighting that one of the consequences of the multicultural approach in Europe has been a retreat into closed cultural communities. Methods. During the working process on the paper we applied the main methods of social and political studies such as the comparative analysis method; empirical methods; the method of observation; evaluation method and methods of content analysis. The paper is based on empirical research materials, articles, reports, research, and books. Results and conclusion. By way of conclusion, we can say that Muslim migrants who arrive in Europe, for the most part, do not hurry to integrate into the local society. Compared to the local population, they wear different clothes, have different habits, and profess a different religion. All this sets one to consider them y as "others," as strangers, which, under certain conditions, can lead to a feeling of fear or hostility (Alaverdov, 2020). The fact that Muslims maintain respect for their traditions is often seen by residents of their host countries as a sign of disrespect for local traditions. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Since the successful containment of COVID-19 in Wuhan in late March 2020, China had implemented a nationwide highly stringent and restrictive zero-COVID policy to manage the pandemic until the sudden swift away from it in early December 2022. How did the Chinese Communist Party discursively construct it as a 'normal' and legitimate policy? Using interpretivism and poststructuralist political theory, this paper examines how Chinese political elites constructed a discourse of danger for the COVID pandemic, with the dominant discursive narratives full of xenophobic and nationalist languages. The discourse framed 'foreigners' as 'threats' to Chinese people's health, advocated that China should rely on home-made vaccines and medicines and, more importantly, argued that the Chinese Communist rule demonstrates 'institutional superiority' over Western governance. This xenophobic and nationalist discourse has lingered on after the dismantling of the zero-COVID policy. There are grounds for us to concern whether China is seeking self-reliance rather than integrating itself with the world. A Chinese decoupling from the world—a nationalist self-reliance policy similar with that in the Mao era—is not unthinkable. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Xenophobia in South Africa is often depicted as anti-immigrant sentiments and stereotypes that emanate from social, political, and economic misconceptions. This paper argues that though the causes of xenophobia are many and complex, they stem from the dashed hopes of independence and the legacy of apartheid. This narrative has over the years been overshadowed by the view that xenophobic attacks in South Africa are a product of hate and anti-migration. We argue that the failure of successive governments of the ANC to correct the wrongs of the apartheid past and make the economy inclusive has stoked the tensions between citizens and foreign nationals. To underscore this point, this paper undertakes a discussion on the pertinent implications of the political trajectory of xenophobia in South Africa and makes some recommendations on what can be done to reduce incidences of xenophobic attacks in the future. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Lambeth Palace Library's primary function is to preserve the records of the Church of England, but there are ample opportunities for researchers to use these archives to better understand Britain's histories of citizenship, race relations, and migration in the twentieth century. Lambeth Palace Library (LPL) houses documents on projects on race relations undertaken by the British Council of Churches and the Church of England's Board of Social Responsibility's Race and Community Relations Committee, as well as Archbishop Michael Ramsey's correspondence from his tenure as Chair of the National Committee of Commonwealth Immigrants. These papers attest to the Church of England's significant role in urgent national debates on migrant rights and race equality, and the work of organisations representing the interests of Commonwealth migrants as they actively sought the support of church leaders in their campaigns. LPL collections reveal the important place British churches had in building networks, providing funding and supplying resources to support anti‐racist organisations, and the ways ideas of Britishness were contested in the 1960s and 1970s around the passage of the Commonwealth Immigrants Acts and Race Relations Acts. Papers in LPL collections can also be used to critically examine post‐imperial formations of Whiteness, xenophobia and the racialisation of British citizenship. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article reports on the war between the U.S. and Mexico from 1846 to 1848 and James Russell's "The Biglow Papers." It mentions that literature on the war ignore the contradictions in its purpose and instead discusses American exceptionalism and patriotism. The article describes the debates on the war's morality and the mythology which writers created in support of the war. It discusses "The Biglow Papers," a satire against the war by James Russell. The article examines "The Biglow Papers" and its discussion on the war.

South Africa's major cities are periodically wracked by large-scale xenophobic violence directed at migrants and refugees from other countries. Informal sector businesses and their migrant owners and employees are particularly vulnerable targets during these attacks. Migrant-owned businesses are also targeted on a regular basis in smaller-scale looting and destruction of property. There is now a large literature on the characteristics and causes of xenophobic violence and attitudes in South Africa, most of it based on quantitative and qualitative research in the country's major metropolitan areas. One of the consequences of big-city xenophobia has been a search for alternative markets and safer spaces by migrants, including relocating to the country's many smaller urban centres. The question addressed in this paper is whether they are welcomed in these cities and towns or subject to the same kinds of victimization as in large cities. This paper is the first to systematically examine this question by focusing on a group of towns in Limpopo Province and the experiences of migrants in the informal sector there. Through survey evidence and in-depth interviews and focus groups with migrant and South African vendors, the paper demonstrates that xenophobia is also pervasive in these smaller centres, in ways that both echo and differ from that in the large cities. The findings in this paper have broader significance for other countries attempting to deal with the rise of xenophobia. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Nationalism is often associated with xenophobia and isolationism in academic literature. The negative image of nationalism has been further strengthened by the electoral success of far‐right political figures across the world. However, treating all nationalism as a uniformly negative phenomenon risks over‐simplification, as nationalism might manifest differently given different social context and rhetorical resources available. Taking Hong Kong as a case, this paper theorises Hong Kong as a stateless nation and examines the alleged negative association of nationalism. It moves beyond the traditional 'Hong Kong vis‐a‐vis China' framework and explores the relationship between Hong Kong nationalists and non‐Chinese international actors. Drawing on data from major Hong Kong political parties' Facebook page, this paper shows that Hong Kong nationalism exhibits a high level of internationalism in both inward and outward dimensions, theorised, respectively, as the willingness to accept foreign influence and to invite international cooperation, and therefore offers a nuanced understanding about the relationship between nationalism, xenophobia and isolationism. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper analyses whether the human capital levels embodied in immigrants can explain xenophobic trends for 126 regions in 14 EU-15 countries from 1998 to 2018. It tests if xenophobic regions may be rejecting immigrants because they are poor, a phenomenon recently defined as 'aporophobia'. The results indicate that larger inflows of low-educated immigrants working in low-skilled occupations are significantly correlated with a higher rejection of migrants, thus confirming the aporophobia hypothesis. The findings in this paper bring light to the discussion of a powerful concept which underpins the need for a more just society. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Pós: Revista do Programa de POS-Graduacao Em Artes - EBA/UFMG is the property of Pos - Programa de Pos-graduacao em Artes (PPG-Artes) and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

This paper explores the complex dynamics of racialization and whiteness within the context of British Turks’ pursuit of belonging in multiscale public spaces in the UK. It examines how these dynamics ultimately lead them to perceive themselves as “non-British” and affirm their place as “Other” within mainstream British society. Based on their experiences in multiscale spatialities, ranging from urban and provincial cities to university campuses and pubs, this study delves into subtle forms of exclusions and stigmatizations tied to differentiated ways British Turks are racialized, revealing how racial identities are constantly reconstructed and contested in these spaces. Based on the discourses of racialization and whiteness emanating from the social and political context in which xenophobia and Islamophobia emerge, the findings highlight the need to consider the intersections of race, ethnicity, culture, and religion in understanding how British Turks constantly question their place and belonging in the UK and confront racial boundaries and different forms of racisms including Islamophobia within various settings in Britain. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Despite the human rights principles established in South Africa's Constitution, there have been recurrent waves of xenophobia throughout the country's history. Foreigners who live in South Africa have been perceived as the victims of xenophobia and South Africans as the perpetrators. This paper aims to problematise the usage of the 'ubuntu' ideology as a utopian African ethic to promote 'universal' African humanism. It seems that apartheid's heritage, which produced the present-day South Africa in which these xenophobic events occur, is often overlooked when South Africans are characterised as xenophobic and in need of ubuntu salvation. The study makes the case that colonial and political issues, which continue to have an impact on high levels of poverty and unemployment, should be considered as ongoing contributors to xenophobia. Several anti-immigration organisations have emerged as discussion points in the country. This study will only concentrate on one of these: Operation Dudula. This paper critically examines the reasons why Operation Dudula is continuing to expand despite protests from civil society organisations. This paper demonstrates, via media stories, how the media primarily portrays the organisation as vigilante that vex ubuntu and African unification. The paper makes the claim that marginalised South Africans are 'Native Foreigners', as opposed to simply perpetrators, drawing on Neocosmos' idea of native foreigners. Instead of being considered as a problem that needs ubuntu's salvation, the paper argues that anti-immigrant organisations should be understood as a sign of unsolved colonial and political problems that need to be addressed. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Dissimilar to several countries of the world including some African countries such as both Namibia and Botswana, South Africa continues to be without refugee camps nor camp policy. The problems arising from the lack of such measures have become apparent in recent years, as increasing numbers of refugees and asylum-seekers living in host communities have become victims of violent situations. Among some of the challenges resulting from this absence is that during the heightening of xenophobia or at times during public protests, both unsuspecting refugees and asylumseekers are left without protection. To this end, this paper relied upon literature and employed a missio politica framework to align the urgent need for refugee camps in South Africa with the objectives of the Missio Dei. Although South Africa is the case in point, the objective was to argue for the establishment of refugee camps in all of Africa permanently open to accommodate refugees and asylum-seekers. In this way, the main goals of the Missio Dei, especially with regard to total salvation, are achieved at the continental level. Consequently, the scope of this paper provided an opportunity to further examine a new and relatively unexplored significance of refugee camps from a theological and missiological perspective. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Applying theories from sociology and social psychology concerned with the intersection of culture and cognition to in-depth interviews, this paper empirically explores the Norwegian majority population’s perceptions of cultural diversities using a dual-process (DP) methodological and analytic approach. Globalization has produced a mix of new anxieties, opportunities, and curiosities, leaving most people juggling conflicting objectives of self-preservation and selfrealization, and making cognitive self-regulation and behavioural flexibility valorized skills of contemporary life. Instead of identifying xenophobic and cosmopolitan attitudes at opposite ends of a spectrum, the current paper argues in line with current research and theory in studies of DP cognition that they commonly co-exist, albeit in separate automatic and discursive cognitive systems, within the same individual. As a result, people’s perceptions of cultural and ethnic diversities tend to be ambivalent and contextually malleable – for example, in cases where their deep dispositions appear incompatible with their own self-concept or dominant cultural expectations. Most centrally, the current research proposes concrete strategies to elicit responses from both cognitive systems in the context of interpretive interviews. Secondly, the paper proposes clues that help to identify from which cognitive system interviewees’ conflicting cosmopolitan and xenophobic attitudes originate, thereby enabling researchers to further delineate the specific characteristics of these attitudes, including the mode of cultural learning through which they form, their flexibility or robustness to change, their role in behaviour motivation, and the extent to which they are conscious and controllable. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

A central notion of Ubuntu depicts it as a philosophy unique to African affinity and views Africans as communalistic and Westerners as individualistic. Given the reality of xenophobic practices, this paper advances arguments that question this thesis, arguing that the basis for such peculiarity does not inhere in Ubuntu as a distinctive African philosophy; rather it is reflective of the stage of development on each side of the divide. Pursuant of this argument, the paper distinguishes between ontological and axiological Ubuntu. While ontological Ubuntu (OU) refers to, among other constructs, the 'authentic mode of being African', axiological Ubuntu (AU) is a prescriptive moral ideal to which all humanity ought to aspire in an era of modernity. Using the method of critical analysis, the paper submits that xenophobia and other forms of socio-political exclusions greatly contradict the central tenets or humanism of OU and render it untenable in modern times. Conversely, AU is reflective of modernity with its emphasis on individualistic modes of production. Modernity has come to stay and Africa must approach it, not by OU or a 'narrative of return' to a philosophy uniquely African, but by AU, an ethical theory that must guide our pursuit of a humane society not just as Africans, but as human beings. To this end, and contrary to the argument that Ubuntu has 'reached its end' in its entirety, the paper concludes that something is left of it, though not uniquely African. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The paper considers the problem of interethnic tolerance in individuals. The theoretical analysis of the scientific literature shows that interethnic tolerance is an important indicator of the culture of international relations, has a deep axiological meaning, and is closely related to the value perceptions of the individual. The aggravation of interethnic issues in the youth student environment causes local conflicts, xenophobia, manifestations of nationalism, chauvinism, incitement to ethnic hatred, enmity, and intolerance between representatives of different nationalities. In this regard, the difficulty of developing interethnic tolerance when working with the younger generation is of particular importance, which makes it necessary to form a personal social position for young people and raise their level of interethnic culture. The purpose of our work is to study the individual psychological features of the manifestation of interethnic tolerance in a person. The psychodiagnostic complex consisted of the “Tolerance Index” and the “16 Personality Factor Questionnaire” by R. Cattell. The correlation analysis allowed us to confirm the existence of significant relationships between the indicators of interethnic tolerance and personality factors. The qualitative analysis and construction of profiles allowed us to provide psychological characteristics of individuals with different levels of the general indicator of interethnic tolerance. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Revista Guillermo de Ockham is the property of Revista Cientifica Guillermo de Ockham, Universidad de San Buenaventura and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

In South Africa and elsewhere in the world, there is a dominant narrative that contact between immigrants and host nations induces conflict. However, most scholars often shy away from interrogating factors that stimulate peaceful coexistence between African immigrants (from various African states) and South African nationals. In this regard, there is a need to systematically analyse "threats" to and "enhancers" of social cohesion between immigrants and nationals, specifically in the context of South Africa. This paper relied on qualitative research methods and document analysis as techniques to source data. The main aim of this article is to provide revelations of "threats" to and "enhancers" of social cohesion between South African nationals and immigrants from other African states. The paper reveals the existence of various forms of xenophobia and harassment by public officials of the South African Police Service (SAPS) and Department of Home Affairs (DHA) as well as identity differences that serve as "threats" to social cohesion. In contrast, service provider-client and professional relations, sharing community and neighbourhood as well positive contact serve as "enhancers" of social cohesion between South Africans and immigrants of African descent. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Proponents of American exceptionalism suggest that the history and values of the United States set it apart from other nations as a unique example of liberty and prosperity (Tyrell, 1991). The settlement of the American West in the 19th Century has contributed to the development of this ideal (Massip, 2012). This paper explores the impact that the internment of Japanese Americans in the Western United States from 1942 to 1945 has on the exceptionalism narrative and, more broadly, how internment reflects on U.S. foreign policy. Through a micro-political analysis of art and literature created by internees at the Topaz Internment Camp in Delta, Utah, this paper argues that Japanese internment fundamentally contradicts the vision of the American West as an expression of freedom and progress. Furthermore, this paper finds that internment fits into a pattern of xenophobic behavior by the United States that persists today, highlighting the role that fear and race play in shaping U.S. policy decisions. If the U.S. wants to truly embody the values espoused by its constitution, it must confront its past and take action to ameliorate the injustices faced by the communities it has oppressed. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]