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The aim of this paper is to analyse institutional change in the Spanish labour market in from a historical perspective, particularly regarding two main areas: labour regulation and collective bargaining. The main thesis is that it is possible to identify four main stages. Firstly, there was an institutional structure unfavourable to workers, which was overcome by the agency of the labour movement in the period of the so-called desarrollismo (1960-1975). Secondly, the years of transition from dictatorship to democracy (1976-1983) were a period of labour market regulation. Thirdly, there was a period of labour market dualism (1984-1996) based on the application of flexibility at the margin in the face of veto power. This was followed by deregulation (1997-2019), which was a consequence of the weakening of power resources resulting from the previous labour market segmentation. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Spain underwent two major labour reforms in 2010 and 2012 under the assumption that deregulating the labour market and decentralizing collective bargaining would automatically reduce unemployment (deregulation hypothesis). This article highlights the impact of demand and the sectoral structure of the economy to explain the behaviour of this variable (structural hypothesis). Analysing subnational panel data, the authors assess the capacity of these two hypotheses to explain unemployment trends. Their results cast doubt on the deregulation hypothesis and indicate the importance of cyclical and structural factors. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article focuses on changes in collective bargaining in Spain during the current phase of austerity. We evaluate how the decentralization and transformation of collective bargaining have affected industrial relations and forms of work and suggest that the policy reforms have led to a deterioration in working conditions and a weakening in collective regulation and trade unions. However, we emphasize the contradictory outcomes, which appear to be drawing the state into new more direct roles, bringing new actors (such as legal firms) into the deregulation of employment. This situation also raises a range of concerns among managers and employers at the repoliticization of industrial relations and generates further challenges to the ability of management and unions to sustain consensual forms of social dialogue. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Journalistic self-regulation recommends respect to the weak and disadvantaged people. In our quantitative analysis, journalists show themselves sensitive to disadvantaged groups. However, they disagree about the most appropriate treatment. The results of in-depth interviews reflect the same lack of consensus among journalists about the role the media should take to disadvantaged groups: a) giving visibility to certain disadvantaged; b) Certain economic benefits campaigns; c) Media are businesses. The disadvantaged are not their cause. Citizens see no objection to explicit certain attributes of the protagonists of the news, especially those related to age or gender. According to the results of the bivariate analysis, women and those who are more critical to journalistic ethics are less in favour to explicit certain attributes related to sexual orientation, ethnicity or nationality. In all other cases there are no significant differences. In focus groups, citizens perceive that, in general, minorities are distorted in the news. For all participants, disadvantaged groups, only have significance in the media on negative events. Youth and adults from Madrid consider that the media exploit the events associated with these groups to feed the curiosity and increase the audience. The more educated adults claim that the use of euphemisms can not change stereotypes. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The literature has shown that, much the same as other employers in southern Europe, the Spanish employers' peak association, the Spanish Confederation of Employers' Organisations (CEOE), did not take advantage of the radical legislative deregulation of 2010–2012 and, to the contrary, helped perpetuate the traditional institutions that order the industrial relations system. This article contributes to a better understanding of the underlying reasons that guided the CEOE's behaviour, and also incorporates the Spanish case into the literature on the adaptation of employers' organisations – and how the institutions and path dependence have an influence – in the face of the widespread trends of economic deregulation. Finally, this article provides up-to-date, solid and reliable data on membership of employers' associations in Spain, the lack of which is one of the shortcomings of the literature. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In Spain, rising rents are only the latest symptom of a broader housing crisis that has affected the country since 2008. The social consequences in terms of evictions, mortgage repossessions and difficulties in accessing affordable housing overlap with the effects of urban transformations, mass-tourism and gentrification linked to the so-called Spanish model. Historically, legal reforms have been used to foster deregulation, financialisation and the commodification of housing. After the bursting of the housing bubble that caused the 2008 mortgage crisis, Spanish governments prioritised the rescue and reorganisation of the financial sector, paving the way for a new phase of speculation. By making rental contracts more flexible and providing tax advantages to international real estate companies, the legal reforms passed during the height of the mortgage crisis contributed to the creation of a «rental bubble». Therefore, considering the main housing legislative reforms passed in Spain before and after the global financial crisis, I argue that they contributed to the precarisation of the right to housing. However, analysing the response of social movements, I also suggest that, by using a counter-narrative based on the right to housing, grassroots organizations were able to legitimise practices of everyday resistance to housing precarity and to contribute to a change, at least partially and especially in Catalonia, of the legal framework to guarantee the right to housing. This analysis shows how the use of legal reforms in the housing crisis can be considered ambivalent. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Conventional wisdom has it that the food economy has transitioned from organized to disorganized capitalism. An era of extensive state intervention between around 1930 and 1980 would have been followed by an era of deregulation and increasing coordination through markets after around 1980. This article uses the case of Spain's dairy chain to propose an alternative view. In the case under study, there certainly were elements of state‐coordinated capitalism between 1952 and 1986, as well as elements of deregulation and liberalization from 1986 onwards. However, the structure of economic coordination involved some combination of market and nonmarket mechanisms all the way through. The organized capitalism of the first period was not really so tightly organized, whereas much of its later "disorganization" was in fact a transition towards a different mode of "organization": one in which the control of nonmarket coordination shifted from political to corporate hierarchies. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Purpose: This study aims to analyse the institutional changes in the Spanish labour market in the light of the measures introduced to support workers during the COVID-19 crisis. Applying the theoretical framework the authors' hypothesis is that the labour policy response to the crisis provoked by COVID-19 in Spain has ranged from strategy of preservation of the social democratic coalition to the anti-bourgeois bloc coalition with a greater presence of social pacts and the support of the social partners. Design/methodology/approach: Combining the institutional theory of liberalisation trajectories, the four ideal-typical reform strategies and the social pacts literature, the authors analyse the change in the labour market policy orientation during the COVID-19 economic crisis in Spain. Findings: In comparison to the Great Recession labour policy response, short-time work schemes and new benefits have characterised the 2020 labour policy strategy. Then, the labour policy response has oscillated between, on the one hand, a strategy of preservation of the social democratic coalition, which is characterised by measures to protect workers on the margins of the labour market without affecting the discretionary power of employers. On the other hand, a strategy of the anti-bourgeois bloc coalition, reflected in the employment safeguard clause that attempts to limit both external numerical flexibility and the increase in unemployment. Finally, the authors have analysed whether the labour policies after the COVID-19 crisis constitute a new round of social pacts in Spain and how this took place. They conclude that the main measures approved in the area of employment protection have been supported by social pacts and the social partners (trade unions and employers), as reflected in the signing of the Social Agreement in Defence of Employment (ASDE). Originality/value: To the best of the authors' knowledge, this is a significant contribution as it is the first article to point out that the labour policy represents a change in the trajectory of liberalisation, limiting the discretionary power of employers and re-regulating the labour market. The main measure of (re)regulation has been to safeguard employment and to avoid objective or unfair dismissals, which is the traditional form of adjustment. In other words, internal numerical flexibility has been promoted over external flexibility, thus significantly modifying the orientation of labour policy. Finally, the authors have found that social pacts have allowed for greater institutional coherence between legal changes and the behaviour of employers and workers. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Since the 2008 economic recession, state intervention in the real estate sector has strengthened. This article explains how housing financialization was reignited in Spain following key policy reforms in 2013. We argue that Spanish authorities managed to strategically recreate a finance-friendly environment to attract global investors. They combined financial policies, other deregulatory reforms and neoliberal measures in a coordinated manner we call a policy package. Our analysis provides evidence of the legal and political arrangements at various state levels that effectively facilitated the reanimation of a new cycle of housing financialization which caused rising inflation in prices and distress in tenants' rights. This approach contributes to the understanding of how state-led actions foster a spatial fix to overcome financial crises by granting global speculative funds extraordinary benefits. In addition, we show how this process occurred with poor democratic accountability and was also confronted by various forms of social contestation. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Quaderns de Psicologia is the property of Quaderns de Psicologia and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Individualisation theory has mainly focused on the deregulation of religion and dissolution of traditional majority churches, but there is less evidence of its appropriateness for religious minorities. In this paper I contribute to this debate by analysing how Jews in Spain construct their Jewish sense of belonging in the context of a diverse, traditionally Catholic society. My main argument is that Jews, as a small and invisible minority, confronted by the exigencies of a secular and plural context, combine notions of religious choice and ethnic ascription in narrating their individual and collective identities. Consequently, while the theory of individualisation partly accounts for this identity construction, the specificities of the context and the minority condition require additional conceptual tools about collective identities and symbolic boundaries. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Political polarization and information disorders are not new phenomena on the media agenda, but they have acquired considerable prominence in the wake of international events such as the election of Donald Trump. The present article seeks to help in understanding the interrelation of these concepts -disinformation and polarization- in the European quality press in recent years. Six newspapers (El Mundo, El País, Le Figaro, Le Monde, The Daily Telegraph and The Guardian) from three countries were selected on the basis of their quality, audience and representative character of their editorial lines between 2017 and late 2022, and a qualitative and quantitative frame analysis (n = 286) was carried out. Having observed all the definitions of polarization in the press, it was seen that party political alignment has the greatest presence in the international scenario, coming before the division of public opinion. In the sample, Spain has a prominent position, claiming to be a polarized pluralist country, as opposed to United Kingdom, which closely observes what happens in the United States, or France, where these phenomena have achieved less penetration. The conclusion is that political polarization is presented as a chronic problem caused by political actors who are not going to cease doing so, as opposed to information disorders, which are produced by certain specific international actors, such as Vladimir Putin, Donald Trump, and Jair Bolsonaro, who take advantage of communication flows on social media and the latter's lack of regulation. This article suggests that the way to resolve or at least alleviate the problem is by defending quality information and public media, emphasizing citizen responsibility in the face of social media. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Informacion Comercial Espanola Revista de Economia is the property of S.G.E.E.I.P.C., Secretaria de Estado de Comercio, Ministerio de Industria, Comercio y Turismo and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The food delivery app business has grown in recent years, with an increasing number of customers and workers on these platforms. Food delivery apps are also an iconic example of the increasing precarity of working conditions. Delivery app workers have mobilised to demand greater stability and regulation, with one of their main demands being to switch from their current status as self-employed workers to being employees of these companies. However, in Spain, those who want to remain self-employed have also mobilised, demanding better wages and improved conditions from the platforms. In this article, we focus on the mobilisation of delivery workers in Spain, exploring the characteristics of the main actors involved and the evolution and current situation of the conflict. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The integration of the residential function beyond the limits of the urban and developable land in the legislative frameworks has had a distinct and incomplete character. Faced with an identical phenomenon in general, called urban sprawl, the competent governments in this matter within the Iberian Peninsula have opted for a dissimilar assimilation of it, materialized in different legal and instrumental mechanisms. The objective of this paper is to present the different ways of understanding and regulating this new urban model by the Portuguese state government and the regional autonomous governments in Spain. To do this, a comparative analysis is carried out on the criteria for the classification of undeveloped land and a review of the most paradigmatic tools for the management of periurban and rurban development. The works indicate a position that is still indeterminate and, sometimes, contradictory. In spite of this, there is a tendency towards the regulated inclusion of the residential function outside the geographical contexts that have traditionally supported it. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of ZARCH: Journal of Interdisciplinary Studies in Architecture & Urbanism is the property of Universidad de Zaragoza and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The 15-M mobilizations shook Spanish society and placed the demand for 'real democracy' at the center of political debate. In order to better understand the scope and impact of the Indignados' democratizing endeavors, this article aims to address an issue that has not received much attention: the connection of this protest cycle with the political economy. To this end, both the opportunity structure generated by the economic crisis and the class and generational conflicts shaping the mobilizations are analyzed. The article proposes that the symbolic and short-term success of 15-M in re-politicizing distributive conflicts contrasts with its medium-term inability to materially democratize the political economy. This relative failure can be explained by the confluence of several factors: on the one hand, 15-M's organizational weakness and its disconnection from a somewhat declining labor movement; on the other, the lack of responsiveness of Spain's political institutions to street politics and the powerful structural inertia of economic dynamics created by decades of neoliberalism. The findings of this case study aim to contribute to scholarly debates on the impacts of social movements and their connection to political economy and social classes. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article discusses 15-M and anti-austerity mobilizations in Spain from the perspective of repression and penalization. The literature has paid a great deal of attention to the consequences of this cycle of protest in relation to the quality of democratic participation and governance; it could be argued that the 15-M movement has raised the standards for key aspects of Spanish democracy. In articulating new counter-hegemonic claims, however, 15-M mobilizations have created an opportunity for new forms of repression. Drawing on criminology, socio-legal studies, and mobilization literature, we argue that this cycle of protest has been penalized. This involves a combination of technologies of repression that include invasive policing, securitization, and criminalization. Penalization needs to be seen as a dissent-suppressing mechanism, a negative response by political authorities and private actors that thrives when societies suffer from widespread anxieties about insecurity and crime. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article analyzes how a neoliberal understanding of identity shapes gay subjectivity, body, affect, and intimacy in digital environments, particularly Instagram. This social media has become one of the most relevant elements of gay subculture in Western countries, including Spain. Neoliberalism usually reduces gayness to a sort of global marketable brand which is understood as an individual attribute rather than a collective identity that provides common ground to fight for LGBT rights and against homophobia. Drawing on previous research on online self-representation and gay subjectivity, we specifically explore this global pattern in Spanish gay users of Instagram. To this end, we examine posts containing the tag #gaySpain uploaded between April and May 2020. In general, our research shows that the profiles tend to provide narratives of successful personal self-engineering and self-promotion, rather than activism and collective empowerment. These narratives present the gay body as a commercial product or something to be admired and consumed, whilst affect is part of an online highly ritualized performance and communication, and by no means a force for social change. As part of self-representation in social media, intimacy is constructed on Instagram for a large audience as an attractive example of a thriving gay life; in simple terms, Instagram has become gay show business like other manifestations of this subculture such as the Pride march. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Using the concept of gendered social closure mechanisms, we aim at identifying the social practices and agents involved in the limited access to what we call men's worlds. To do so, we study the ways that women have to access to seven highly male‐dominated occupations in Spain through the analysis of qualitative data based on in‐depth interviews. We propose an analytical model that integrates the structural approach with the microsociological approach and considers that the social closure mechanisms happen at three levels (structural level, occupational/professional level, and organizational level). We state that the time frame of closure mechanisms (pre‐existing, prior to, or threshold of access) is key to understand the impact of such closure mechanisms. The results enable us to show how the mechanisms are cumulative in character rather than exclusive, and to propose a categorization of occupations according to their closure mechanisms. We conclude that any analysis that aims to understand segregation by sex in each profession or occupation must involve a mapping of the gendered social closure mechanisms, as only through a detailed knowledge of the mechanisms and their specific dynamics can we propose changes in practices and policies addressed to improve women's access to male‐dominated occupations [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Due to COVID-19, many countries, like Spain, imposed lockdown on the entire population to prevent the virus from spreading. The purpose of this exploratory study is to investigate the severity of psychological symptoms, dyadic adjustment, and parental stress of parents during the first three weeks of the outbreak. It also aims to identify several risk factors that contribute to this distress. A total of 727 parents completed a form on an online platform with sociodemographic data, BSI- 18, EAD-13, and the Spanish version of the PPS. Linear regression analyses were used to explore the significant associations between the sample characteristics (sociodemographic variables and their lockdown circumstances) and parents' psychological symptoms, dyadic adjustment, and parenting stress level during the COVID-19 epidemic. Most parents maintained good emotional, personal, conjugal, and family stability; however, female gender, not living with the partner, having a child with a mental disorder and were unable to balance the work and family lives were significantly associated with greater psychological distress. Being receiving psychiatric or psychological treatment has also been associated with poorer psychological and partner adjustment during the outbreak. It is essential to continue researching the impact of lockdowns on families so that, both the government and public health authorities, can offer resources to the most vulnerable families. Highlights: The majority of parents maintained adequate emotional and dyadic adjustment during the first three weeks of the lockdown. Women and those parents who have been confined without their partners were more psychologically affected. Difficulties in reconciling work and family life have been a risk factor associated with the impact of confinement. Families with a child with a psychiatric disorder have shown greater psychological distress and more parental stress. Confinement has had a greater impact on those with previous psychological problems. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In February 2012, the Spanish Government approved an aggressive labor reform. Many political agents committed to emphasis framing, highlighting certain aspects of the topic to persuade their publics with their definitions of the situation. Some generic frames suggested an individualistic approach to the labor market, while some others called for collective action. Following the cascading activation model, this research attempted to identify the flows of frames from the elites to the media outfits. A content analysis was conducted with the materials disseminated in February 2012 by the government, the two main Spanish unions, the confederation of employers, and four print media. Differences and similarities were found through bivariate analyses between the categories of the codebook. Although clear cascades emerged from the unions to the online daily Público.es, and from the government to Larazón.es, generally the media frame building processes did not limit to just depicting the frames of an elite. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The housing booms and busts in Ireland and Spain were among the most striking episodes of the Eurozone crisis. While asset price inflation and financialization of housing was gathering pace across the developed world, these two 'most different' cases converged on the same outcome as the most extreme forms of construction-based bubbles. The key contributions of this paper are threefold. Firstly, we show how cheap credit can be understood as analogous to a natural resource such as oil: resource abundance generates a 'paradox of plenty' whereby an asset becomes a liability. Secondly, we open the black box of political pathways through which this happens, expanding our understanding of how perverse outcomes are produced. Thirdly, we account for why Spain and Ireland were more susceptible to extreme outcomes than other European countries, thereby extending our understanding of asymmetries in the political economy of the Eurozone. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Throughout recent history, the Spanish economy registered a fiscal surplus only between 2005 and 2007. Analysts agree that this surplus was a product of the extraordinary economic growth, but they often fail to notice that it was based on similarly exceptional growth in private debt, which was a necessary condition for achieving fiscal surplus. This finding can be illuminated from the vantage of sectoral balances: in economies that usually run a current account deficit, such as Spain's, a public surplus can be achieved only in situations characterized by a credit bubble. To verify this idea we examine the impact that the Spanish real estate and credit bubble had on public accounts, and we also estimate an econometric model of autoregressive vectors. The results corroborate the working hypothesis: Spain's only fiscal surplus in recent years was achieved thanks to the largest private indebtedness process in the country's history. This evidence could have important implications in terms of economic policy, because economies with regular current account deficits such as Spain could have difficulties in achieving their fiscal goals without experiencing credit booms. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The influence of social and technological factors--from the shadow of disinformation to automation and emerging forms of journalism--redefines the role of journalism and its practices. Journalistic metamorphosis has not been traumatic, but it has been complex, leading to tensions, reflections and controversies. The challenges facing journalism during the global pandemic caused by COVID-19 are assessed with a focus on Spain. The research consists of a survey of 197 Spanish journalists and nine interviews with prestigious academics and internationally recognized professionals. Changes within journalism are addressed in five major themes: the role of journalism today; the relationship between journalism and politics; the incidence of bots and artificial intelligence; mobile journalism and social media; and emerging forms of journalism. The results show that the role of journalism remains unchanged, but the pandemic has strengthened some of its functions. The influence of politics in journalism is very prominent, as well as the concern about automation and misinformation. To face the future, high specialization is needed due to the fast technological evolution and the emergence of new techniques. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The availability of women willing to donate eggs in Spain is one of the cornerstones that has led the country to become the most desirable European destination for cross-border reproductive care. The reasons for this success are usually attributed to legal and socioeconomic conditions. Much less attention has been paid to the online strategies that fertility clinics in Spain use to inform and recruit young women to become egg providers. This paper addresses this gap by analysing online communication strategies in egg donors' websites and social media. The narratives and rationalities they underpin are conceptualised as revealing 'sociotechnical imaginaries' around egg donation which coproduce new societal interests among young women. The results show that the language used recycles and repurposes egg donors' motivations towards a normative discourse that puts altruism at the core, while, at the same time, explanations of medical processes and risks generate incomplete and misleading narratives. Finally, this paper describes how these discourses are embedded in a particular kind of branding where not only the notion of altruism is produced but also a complete identity framework. In this framework, donating eggs would not just be an act of solidarity, but would also imply belonging to a community of progressive empowered women, in control over their bodies and with modern consumption capacity: a neoliberal rationality of optimization, self-care and consumerism as forms of liberation. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Przegląd Europejski is the property of University of Warsaw and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

This article explores the evolution of Spain's capitalism during the last decades in order to unveil the factors underlying the harshness with which the COVID-19 pandemic has impacted Spain. We present a twofold thesis. On the one hand, we argue that Spanish capitalism has harbored certain internal vulnerabilities, relative to its productive specialization, its labor market, its welfare institutions, and indebtedness levels, which successive boom and busts have reproduced and ultimately exacerbated. On the other hand, we contend that these various vulnerabilities have abruptly come to the fore with the irruption of the COVID-19 pandemic, thus accounting for its singularly dramatic consequences. In order to substantiate our hypotheses, we provide a political economy analysis of the recent trajectory of Spanish capitalism. The economic boom initiated in the 1990s developed various vulnerabilities, which the years following the onset of the Great Recession did not attenuate and to which various others were added during the last expansion phase, all coming to the fore with the sudden outbreak of the COVID-19 pandemic. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

There is increasing attention on the need for dynamic approaches to manage organisational change in order to sustain competitive advantage in changing business environments. Current frameworks and methods are misleading in terms of the fact that flexibility is a temporal and dynamic condition for survival in environments with a high degree of variability in most real-world organisations. This study aims to examine determinants underpinning organisational change strategies throughout the enterprise lifecycle in order to develop a predictive method that will help managers in the design of effective change options dealing with the complexity of organisational flexibility. A system dynamics model was constructed based on theoretical and empirical data from a case study of a Spanish cooperative company. Then, the predictive method shows the impact of managers' decisions on organisational flexibility through simulations. The effectiveness of change strategies is investigated through the dynamic behaviour of key variables. These factors cause relevant delays on the desired results and could force firms to choose an inappropriate path for change. This study offers significant implications for theory and practice. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Migration is often viewed as a way to enhance occupational careers. However, particularly in Mediterranean countries, labour market outcomes may also depend on local family resources. We investigate how men's and women's labour market outcomes differ between (1) those who migrated and those who did not; and (2) those who live close to family and those who live farther away. Our main contributions are the investigation of the association between migration and labour market outcomes in a different context than the more commonly studied Northern and Western European countries and the United States, and of the role of living close to family in labour market outcomes. We used a sample of labour market participants from the "Attitudes and Expectations About Mobility" survey, conducted in Spain in 2019. Our results show that the likelihood of being a professional is greater for women who migrated than for those who did not, and that the likelihood of being unemployed or in a temporary job is lower for women who live close to family than for those who do not, but neither association was found for men. The finding for living close to family is in line with the notion that nearby family may protect women in particular from precarious labour market positions. The finding for migration differs from previous findings for Northern and Western Europe and the United States, which indicate that migration is beneficial to men in particular. This difference might be specific to a low-migration context, but data limitations prevent firm conclusions. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The economic deregulation of the electricity markets which began in most Western countries in the 1990s has given rise to a previously non-existent field of research. Nuclear power plants have been particularly affected, and as a result of these financial pressures are undergoing significant cultural changes that are having a negative impact on their safety. This research aims to examine this emerging concern from an alternative theoretical framework, the cultural organisation model, which includes the four dimensions that are needed to make a cultural analysis of any organisation: content, consensus, coherence, and consistency over time. The use of this model to analyse the cultural changes taking place in Spanish nuclear power plants provides a hitherto inexistent baseline of cultural research, which facilitates an understanding of the social construction of nuclear safety. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The authors show the extremely negative impact of having inexperienced directors with minimal or no knowledge of economics or finance serving on the boards of directors of Spanish savings banks. The failure of the savings banks would have bankrupted the Spanish banking sector and so the government had to invest public money to rescue it. Other public spending was therefore drastically reduced. The authors call for banks to be depoliticized and for their supervisory systems to be strengthened to guarantee their solvency in the long term. The heavy politicization of the corporate governance of the Spanish savings banks is shown in this paper to be a key factor explaining a large number of defaults. The authors explain the effect of political influence on savings banks boards of directors and provide empirical evidence about the factors that led to both poor performance and failures. The authors found a negative association between the percentage of savings banks' board members appointed by politicians and performance. The demise of savings banks was important in terms of the public sector finances because the Spanish government had to spend millions of euros to rescue the banking system, with consequent cuts in government spending in other areas. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article addresses how far wage imbalances in the Eurozone can be imputable to intentional agency by collective bargaining organizations. Using Archer's morphogenetic approach, we explain the agentic role of social partners in core (Germany) and periphery (Spain) cases, in relation with the respective collective bargaining regimes. We show that the capacity of macro- and meso-level organizations to effect wage-setting practices can be constrained inadvertently by contextual influences with morphostatic properties, generating constrained modes of corporate agency. Yet wage moderation is best understood as a form of agency itself, functioning 'by being' rather than 'doing', which over time can become more innovative. We contrast this finding with the less constrained capacity of more institutionalized corporate agents, such as transnational business corporations and central state agencies. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Over the past two decades, the creation of the European border regime has increasingly sparked acts of protest and resistance by immigrants and led to the creation of initiatives to defend immigrant rights. This activism has provoked many European states to formalize what is known in the literature as 'crimes of solidarity' in their legal systems. Taking the Spanish case as an example, the objective of this article is to analyse the 'crimmigration' of protest and activism defending the rights of irregular immigrants at Europe's southern border. This analysis describes the development and implementation of the repressive tactics employed by the state against activists, including forms of police control of protests, informal and formal dissuasion techniques, and the use of administrative and criminal sanctions. This work provides valuable insight into the practical impact of these crimmigration processes, particularly how they have affected activists, social organizations and immigrants, as well as how they have extended beyond the territory of the state (externalizing punishment). [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper explores the underlying factors behind the collapse of commercial archaeology in Spain, with implications for other international contexts. It contributes to the current global debate about heritage ethics, adding nuance and conceptual depth to critical management studies and cultural heritage management in their approach to business ethics. Similar to other European contexts, Spanish archaeological management thrived during the 1990s and 2000s as a business model based on policies directed at safeguarding cultural heritage. The model had controversial ethical implications at academic, policy and business levels. However, the global financial crisis of 2008 had a huge impact on this sector, and more than 70% of the Spanish archaeological companies closed by 2017. Drawing on the concepts of abstract narratives, functional stupidity and corporatist neoliberalism, this paper illustrates the need to examine ethical issues from a pragmatic standpoint, beyond epistemological and moralistic critiques of profit-oriented businesses in the cultural realm. In doing so, it connects the fields of cultural heritage and management studies, opening up hitherto unexplored strands of research and debate. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The current productivity slowdown has stimulated research on the causes of growth. We investigate here the proximate determinants of long‐term growth in Spain. Over the last 170 years, output per hour worked raised nearly 24‐fold dominating gross domestic product (GDP) growth, while hours worked per person shrank by one‐fourth and population trebled. Half of labour productivity growth resulted from capital deepening, one‐third from total factor productivity (TFP) and labour quality contributed the rest. In phases of acceleration (the 1920s and 1954–1985), TFP was labour productivity's main driver complemented by capital deepening. Since Spain's accession to the European Union (1985), labour productivity has sharply decelerated as capital deepening slowed down and TFP stagnated. Up to the Global Financial Crisis (2008) GDP growth mainly resulted from an increase in hours worked per person and, to a less extent, from sluggish labour productivity coming mostly from weak capital deepening. Institutional constraints help explain the labour productivity slowdown. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The past decade has been a dynamic one for biodiversity offsetting policy. Efforts to incorporate offsetting into the Convention on Biological Diversity as a compliance mechanism did not succeed. The expansion of offsetting outside of the Natura 2000 network in the European Union (EU), which looked all but inevitable in the early 2010s, was withdrawn in the face of unexpectedly strong opposition from environmental groups and the business sector. Highly publicised offsetting programmes in some EU countries have had mixed outcomes, and many observers describe offsetting as a failed policy. And yet four years of interviews and policy analysis in Brussels, Spain, and England suggest that reports of offsetting's death may be exaggerated. While the possibility of an overarching EU Directive aimed at harmonising offsetting policy and practice across the region's countries seems unlikely, in Spain, offsetting has returned to the national policy arena via adoption as an implementation tool within the national Green Infrastructure Strategy. Offsetting in England persists in a handful of counties as a locally situated development strategy, and seems to have returned at the national level despite its spectacular flame‐out in 2014. This is not, after all, a high‐profile failure of neoliberal environmental policy. Rather, we see offsetting's persistence as a result of policy refugia: the retreat to small but amenable jurisdictions where offsetting policies can wait out inclement policy conditions and then emerge to recolonise the policy landscape when conditions improve. Highly publicised offsetting programmes in some EU countries have had mixed outcomes, and many observers describe offsetting as a failed policy. However, our analysis of offset policy development in the EU, Spain, and England suggests that offsetting has not failed but persists as a result of policy refugia: it has retreated to small but amenable jurisdictions from which it can emerge to recolonise the policy landscape as conditions improve. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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This paper analyses the different terms used in public diplomacy and the symbiotic relations that connect the European Union and China through culture, mobility, cultural diplomacy and soft power. The first part of the article reviews the main treaties and agreements signed between the two continents in the cultural field and explain mobility as a driver to enhance relations among countries. The main objective and central axis of the article is to examine the roles played by the cultural and creative industries in the field of international relations and diplomacy between the European Union, Spain and China through a case study: an analysis of Chinese artists in the Spanish residencies. The methodologies used are qualitative and quantitative analysis through in depth interviews with Chinese artists, a survey to artistic residencies and Geographic Information Systems (GIS) mapping. The last part of the paper offers some reflections and conclusions about the correlation between, and relevance of the cultural and creative industries for cultural diplomacy or mobility between countries, soft power and the image of a country abroad. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

There is much literature on the Europeanization of social movements, yet work tends not to theorize the influence of Economic and Monetary Union (EMU) upon social movements. I examine the extent to which EU-imposed austerity in Southern Europe inspired European protests among German, Spanish and French trade unions. On the basis of an analytic framework which distinguishes between (i) Europeanization and (ii) continuing attachment to national institutions, I contend that degrees of Europeanization are contingent upon position within EMU. Unions in weak positions have incentives to undertake Europeanization, as in the case of Spain, whilst unions within strong positions have less incentive to undertake Europeanization, as in the case of Germany. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Spain is an eminently tourist country, which allows the creation of countless jobs and contributes greatly to GDP growth. Millions of people visit this country every year, and more than 80% do so through air transport. This paper studies whether the 13 Spanish airlines with the highest revenues in 2018 were efficient in that year, thus filling a gap in the tourism literature. For this purpose, the non-parametric DEA technique has been used, using as inputs the total number of workers in the company and the total number of seats available (airline capacity). Total revenue and number of passengers have been used as outputs. The results obtained show that all the airlines studied within the IAG group (Iberia, Vueling, Air Nostrum, Iberia Express) are efficient, in addition to the Canary Islands airlines (Binter Canarias, Canarias Airlines and Canary Fly) and Air Europa. Likewise, the reference airlines for the inefficient ones have been determined, which will have to reduce the number of workers or make changes in capacity in order to achieve greater income and be efficient. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper presents the first results of a case study of Italian professionals' mobility to the city of Valencia (Spain), highlighting the heterogeneity of the labor insertion paths within and between groups of emerging and traditional professionals. A qualitative method was used: 25 in-depth interviews and a two-year observation in virtual and real communities were carried out. According to our analysis, the heterogeneity of the labor insertion itineraries, revealed by the migrants' narratives, can be understood by taking account of the various combinations of social, economic, and cultural capital with which the Italian professionals were endowed. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article analyses the spatiality of the proliferation of short-term rentals in Spain. It was based on geolocalised data for all the Airbnb listings in the country. A multiscale analysis enabled us to identify the socio-economic, tourism market and housing stock variables that have had the greatest influence on the proliferation of short-term rental offers. The results obtained confirmed a pattern of concentration that validates our central hypothesis: the uneven distribution of Airbnb listings has a strong spatial correlation with the potential for generating new profits in the housing market. At national level, the urban areas with the highest concentration of Airbnb listings are those with the highest tourist demand. These are the largest cities, coastal tourist regions and archipelagos. At the city level, clusters of Airbnb concentrations are located in central areas where short-term rentals tend to be more expensive. They are also located in working-class neighbourhoods with lower housing prices with great potential for investors due to their proximity to tourist sites. These findings provide new evidence of how the so-called sharing economy is playing a central role in the intensification of the commodification of housing and how this is correlated with the intensive touristification of urban areas. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article analyses the impact of the 2008 recession and subsequent austerity policies on the youth transition regimes of Spain and the UK. These two countries have different employment and social support models. However, both applied similar economic and policy responses to the 2008 recession, which had a marked neoliberal character. The article identifies whether or not the impact of these policies blurred the defining characteristics of their transition regimes. To do so, an analysis of employment and welfare policies is undertaken, and two key dimensions of youth transition regimes are critically analysed: the characteristics of employment and the forms of independent living. Our findings show that market dependence and the importance of class-related factors have been reinforced. Nevertheless, these similar patterns of change go together with the persistence of differences among regimes, which suggests that the effect of neoliberal policies is far from being uniform and systematic. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Since 1990, an irregular migration industry has flourished in different cities of Indian Punjab because of the eagerness among young men to emigrate at any cost and increased border controls imposed by the European Union. In Europe, the majority of irregular immigrants from Punjab end up in Spain or Italy due to continuous regularisation programmes, support from social networks and the availability of informal jobs. In this paper, with a thematic analysis of 72 in-depth interviews with irregular immigrants from Punjab in Italy or Spain, their relatives in Punjab and members of the host community, this paper explores the main causes and consequences of Punjabi irregular immigration in Italy and Spain. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The anti-austerity movement that emerged in the wake of the 2008 global economic crisis and 2010 Eurozone crisis, and which forms part of the 'age of austerity' that came after those crises, was underpinned by a set of ideas and practices that we refer to here as 'pragmatic prefigurativism'. Whilst the anti-austerity movements typically rejected formal ideologies such as Marxism and anarchism, nevertheless pragmatic prefigurativism can be understood as a 'left convergence' of sorts. The paper explores the features of this pragmatic prefigurativism, comparing the anti-austerity movements in the UK and Spain. In particular, we note the role of unresponsive institutions of democracy in prompting the move towards pragmatic prefigurativism, the adoption of techniques of direct democracy and direct action as the means through which to express a voice and to refuse austerity, and the pragmatic nature of the subsequent (re)turn to political institutions when this became a possibility. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]