Search

The Abraham accords signed in Washington in September 2020, a series of joint normalization statements between Israel the UAE and Bahrain followed by Morocco in December 2020, were a game changer in the Middle East. Those Accords provide the pathway to the end of the Arab Israeli conflict and a future of peace, tolerance and opportunity in the Middle East and around the world. Those accords proved that there is a new way for negotiations in the Middle East. One could have been surprised that the EU was not engaged in the Accords when signed. The fact that Europeans believe in the two-state solution as the only solution and the fact that the American President Donald Trump was behind the Accords made Europe skeptical to the Accords. But reality made the difference: The war in Ukraine brought its challenges and Iran’s interference in the conflict (supplying drones to Russian’s army) provoked a real concern in Europe. The Iranian nuclear program seemed again a threat to the west and not only to Israel and Gulf countries. conflict management played a role. This paper depicts how Europe went from skepticism to engagement concerning the Abraham Accords. Geo-political interests were clear: geopolitical realignment, a great potential for Africa and energy and food supply potential in connection to those Accords. Furthermore, cooperation as well as development in foreign affairs played a role in Europeans’ choice. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Despite being often recognized as a middle power, Erdoğan and his aides have firmly believed that Turkey was not a real 'subject' in international relations and could only become one under Erdoğan's rule. This paper examines Turkey's claims to institute itself as a 'subject' in regional politics through the concept of 'actorness'. The article details the two major policy choices that represent Ankara's emergence as a subject, evaluates them with respect to the key attributes of actorness in international politics and discusses the implications of Turkey's militarised and assertive policies for its status in the Middle East and North Africa (MENA). The paper argues that while Turkey's quest for 'subjectness' has provided the country with some hard power capability and autonomy, it has not produced consistent and coherent policies, damaging its credibility and attractiveness in the eyes of the countries in the MENA region. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Turkey, as most countries in the world, is increasingly employing public diplomacy methods to promote its interests and to reach foreign audience in order to create soft power. In order to understand the neo-Ottoman ideology and the practices used by Turkish public diplomacy institutions in the attempt to influence foreign audiences and create soft power, we will analyse, in the present paper, the way in which neo-Ottoman ideas and theses have been inserted into various activities and actions subsumed under public diplomacy, and we will identify the regions in different areas of the world where public opinion has become a target group. The Justice and Development Party (AKP) has made public its foreign policy goals, including that of increasing its influence in Muslim societies in the Balkans, the Caucasus, Central Asia, Africa and the Middle East. Considering the mentioned aspects, the paper explores the way in which AKP uses the instruments and institutions specific to public diplomacy to promote a neo-Ottoman ideology and to organise a foreign policy that reflects Ottoman imperial times. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Strategic Review / Przeglad Strategiczny is the property of Faculty of Political Science & Journalism, Adam Mickiewicz University and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The paper aims to study the Chinese growing interests in the Middle east and its implications for Saudi-Iran rapprochement. For the exceptional rise of China and its energy requirements the Middle East stands one of the most attractive destinations for its foreign policy. The recently held Sino-Arab Summit reflects Beijing's growing interests and influence in the region. Major focus of the Arab-Chinese ties lies in economic development and peaceful resolution of the regional disputes. Beijing mediated the restoration of Riyadh-Tehran diplomatic ties between the two ideological rivals, representing opposing Islamic sects - Sunni and Shia Muslims. The data has been mainly collected through secondary sources with exploratory research design. The Saudi-Iran conflictual ties can hinder Chinese trade and investment in the Middle East therefore, it has keenly assisted the Saudi-Iran rapprochement. Iran and Saudia need to capitalize Chinese growing economic and political interests in the Middle East that will be helpful for the regional and global peace and stability. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In this paper, I will examine the influence of nationalism and colonial racial theories on modern Islamic thought in Muslim South Asia and the Middle East. I argue that modern Islamic thought —a new way of conceiving Islam that began in the late nineteenth century—has some basic features that reveal the influence of Western colonial discourse, racial theories, and nationalism. I will provide many examples that show how contemporary Islamic thought has internalized the colonial discourse on religion, nation, and state. In particular, I will discuss the influence of nationalism on Islamism and how Islamists believe that a "true" Islamic life requires the creation of an Islamic state. But modern states are essentially limited, and national interests determine their relations with the outside world. An Islamic state cannot be an exception to the latter rule. Therefore, Islamic principles cannot determine an Islamic state's domestic and foreign policies; ultimately, it would have to function like a nation-state. Through a brief discussion of the policies of the Islamic Republic of Iran (IRI) and Turkey, I will also show how the discourse of these states is nationalist in practice and that the national interest of these states determines their foreign and domestic policies. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Middle East Studies Journal (MESJ) is the property of Middle East Studies Journal & Jordan Research Institute and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Dokuz Eylul University Journal of Graduate School of Social Sciences is the property of Dokuz Eylul University Graduate School of Social Sciences and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

This paper examines the European Union (EU) response to three conflicts in the Middle East and North Africa region and shines a spotlight on the degree of division among its member states and on the management of these divisions. It concludes that the EU's desire to be seen as an international actor varies according to the confrontation; it is stronger in the Arab-Israeli conflict, but weaker in the Sahara. Domestic protest and politicisation in the EU affect the fragmentation of positions and the frequency of obstructionist stances. The EU manages the divisions differently in each conflict, with strategies that vary according to the level of ambition or the desire to ensure the sides note the existence of a European position. The paper highlights the growing interaction between the different regional flashpoints and makes the case for a systemic and multilevel approach. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

There is an ongoing debate about whether China's growing economic presence in the Middle East will eventually make it more politically assertive on the Middle Eastern affairs. This paper demonstrates, from a theoretical perspective of "path dependence," that China's promotion of the "Five Principles of Peaceful Coexistence" since the 1950s as the guiding doctrine of its foreign relations has forged a "path" for China to follow, along which it has made and repeated promises against interventionism and imperialism to other countries including the Middle Eastern ones. It, in turn, has created a situation where moving away from that "path against interventionism and imperialism" will cause huge damage to China's reputation as a reliable non-interventionist partner to the Middle Eastern countries, and the "Global South" in general. As a result, China has refrained, and will arguably continue to refrain, from being too politically assertive on the Middle Eastern affairs. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper aims at opening up opportunities to look for new meanings in Indonesia's relations with Middle Eastern countries, which are no longer a binary opposition, such as the black and white mindset, but are searching for colors and other positive meanings. Many people interpret an entity solely based on a static definition, and it seems monotonous. Deconstruction seeks to offer a new sense through re-actualization, redefinition, and re-interpretation. In general, this paper discusses the "new meaning" of Indonesia's relations with the Middle East. This paper argues that to welcome Society 5.0 through Humanism, both Indonesia and the Middle East share the same opportunity to advance humanism aspects that would apply to that era. Humanism which is being developed, must be controlled by three things: anthropocentric, ecocentric, and theocentric. We need human beings' intelligent role in a society that chooses super-intelligent technology to share ordinary virtues. Hopefully, in the meantime, the Society 5.0 era will bring much help for Indonesia's cooperation with the Middle Eastern countries for a better future for both. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The bio-medical model of 'mental health' and 'mental illness' that relates to the relationship between wellbeing and distress informs psychopathology and dominates conceptualisation in many Western Educated Industrialised Rich Democratic (WEIRD) populations. This paper aims to critique the model, questioning the appropriateness of psychopathology as a conceptual framework when working as a Western trained clinician with populations such as in China, Japan, Asia, the Middle-East and Africa. The paper also considers the cultural appropriateness of western notions of psychopathology when working inter-culturally in relation to the Inter-Agency Standing Committee (IASC) Guidelines on Mental Health and Psychosocial Support in Emergency Settings, and the Review of the Implementation of the IASC Guidelines on Mental Health and Psychosocial Support in Emergency Settings. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Brazilian Journal of Law & International Relations / Relações Internacionais no Mundo is the property of Relacoes Internacionais no Mundo and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

In recent years, increased crackdowns on and legal persecution of LGBTO+ rights in the Middle East and North Africa (MENA) have occurred as a result of the renewed use of colonial laws against 'sexual deviance' and 'debauchery'. Sexual politics have emerged as a site of political domination in part as a result of financial and political crises in the region. This paper explores the various challenges faced by LGBTO+ advocates in the MENA in the twenty-first century. The paper argues that advocates can overcome these challenges by separating their message from both International LGBTO+ groups and domestic anti-LGBTO+ dialogues, which converge in the view that LGBTO+ identity and Arab cultural identity are permanently, inherently opposed. Using a Postcolonial International Relations framework and critical cultural theory, this paper will investigate the complex web of oppressions these advocates face. Two previously unexplored contemporary examples in Egypt and Lebanon will be investigated, focusing on advocates' alliance-building capabilities and creation of a war of position. Using a deductive approach, the paper will conclude that LGBTO+ advocates are able to overcome these challenges. The theoretical framework is therefore a useful tool in the study of modern international relations and culture. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The main argument of this paper is that Turkey had close relations with Middle Eastern states during the Atatürk period, which is contrary to the literature that claims the opposite because of Turkey's Western-oriented ideology. The article asks why Turkey as a Western-oriented state sought to have close relations with Middle Eastern states. To answer this question, the article uses discourse analysis focusing on Middle Eastern leaders' visits as represented in Turkish public discourse. Accordingly, it proposes two main answers. Firstly, the paper argues that the new state's relations with Middle Eastern countries played an important role in legitimation of its Westernization projects in the eyes of its citizens. Secondly, the Turkish state marginalized rival political discourses, mainly Islamism, by proving that even Muslim majority countries wanted to imitate modern Turkey. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The global political and economic system is undergoing radical transformations, which might not be as obvious, but they are fast changing the existing global order. The weakening of US global hegemony, the gain of Chinese economic might and its increasing influence, the establishment of right-wing populist governments across the world, the prolonged conflicts in the Middle East, the NATO withdrawal from Afghanistan, and the recent Ukraine crisis have caused governments to re-assess their foreign policy priorities and to realign themselves in the changing global order. For Russia and China, the emerging new global order should be based on multipolarity and allowed to be developed in different ways. The region of Southwest Asia, as a subset of the international system, is restructuring and realigning itself with the changing geopolitical realities to bring coherence and stability within and across the region. This paper argues that the region's geostrategic importance is instrumental in facilitating the emergence of multipolar global order. Moreover, the new political arrangements also allow the regional states to look beyond western dominance and realign themselves for greater cooperation and stability. There have been predictions that the ECO region could become a centre of global power struggle and play a key role in transforming the global order from unipolar to multipolar. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The analysis of international and collaborative publication trends in prominent behavior‐analytic journals has been a topic of interest for behavioral researchers. This paper focuses on publication trends from 1997 through 2020 in three prominent journals: Journal of the Experimental Analysis of Behavior (JEAB), Journal of Applied Behavior Analysis (JABA), and Perspectives on Behavior Science (PBS). The variable of interest was the percentage of articles published per geographical category—Australasia/East Asia, Europe, Latin America, Middle East, North America, and Africa. The results showed that 79, 96, and 87% of the published articles in JEAB, JABA, and PBS, respectively, were conducted by researchers with a North American affiliation. Furthermore, 12, 4, and 4% of the articles in JEAB, JABA, and PBS, respectively, were coauthored by at least two researchers from different geographical categories. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article investigates whether Turkish populism has undergone a 'civilizational turn' akin to what Brubaker, Haynes, Yilmaz, and Morieson have described occurring among populist parties in Europe and North America. The article applies Yilmaz and Morieson's definition of 'civilizational populism' to Turkey under the rule of the governing Justice and Development Party (AKP) in order to determine whether the party conforms to this definition. The article investigates how the AKP, an Islamist and populist political party lead by Turkish President Recep Tayyip Erdoğan, has increasingly incorporated what we term 'civilizational populism' into its discourse. The article shows the impact of civilizational populism on Turkey's domestic and foreign policy under the AKP rule. The article finds that the AKP has increasingly, and especially since the 2013 Gezi Park protests and the mysterious coup attempt in 2016, construed opposition between the Turkish 'self' and the 'other' not in primarily nationalist terms, but in religious and civilizational terms, and as a conflict between the Ottoman-Islamic 'self' and 'Western' other. Furthermore, the article finds that the AKP's domestic and foreign policies reflect its civilizational populist division of Turkish society insofar as the party is attempting to raise a 'pious generation' that supports its Islamizing of Turkey society, and its nostalgic neo-Ottomanist power projections in the Middle East. Finally, the paper discusses how the AKP's civilizational populism has become a transnational populist phenomenon due to the party's ability to produce successful television shows that reflect its anti-Western worldview and justify its neo-Ottoman imperialism in the Middle East. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of International Relations & International Law Journal / Seriâ Meždunarodnye Otnošeniâ & Meždunarodnoe Pravo is the property of Al-Farabi Kazakh National University and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

China's rise has fuelled much speculation about its potential involvement in regional crises across the world, and especially in the Middle East. In this debate, the agency of local actors is often ignored, and China is described as actively pursuing a long‐term strategy to expand its influence at the expense of the United States. Taking the Syrian civil war as a case study, this study challenges, if not wholly overturns, this mainstream analysis. Through the comparative juxtaposition of Syrian official discourse and Chinese actions, it finds that the Syrian state articulates a strategic narrative which significantly overstates its relationship with China for domestic and foreign policy reasons. This narrative, which depicts China as a supporter of an anti‐American regional coalition that also includes Iran and its allies, has been picked up by Western observers, thereby creating a distorted image of China's level of engagement in Syria and the region more broadly. Accordingly, this paper also prompts important considerations about the dynamics of China's presence with the Middle East and how scholars should study it. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article ambitions to be an essay on possible answers to the respective interrogation through metaphorical lens monitoring the traces and trajectories of meanderings in the realm of foreign policies and diplomatic actions as being undertaken on MENA's extensive geopolitical space, as well as internal evolutions in the Middle East's states. Practically, the compound of glosses structuring and giving substance to the present paper are aiming at introducing in the narratives on the region of the Middle East and North Africa (MENA) the expression cum metaphor meandering. Used in this dual hypostasis, we see meandering as rather capable to shed the necessary and intensive light on critical and relevant aspects with regard to the present journey of MENA amidst its ever numerous and diverse national, regional, and global challenges, as spread on a wide span, from internal challenges related, among other critical factors, to the reality that its inhabitants "Live in a Highly Authoritarian Region"1, to challenges originating outside but strongly impacting on MENA too, as the presentday Russia's war against the sovereign and independent Ukraine, or, equally currently, the less fortunate global geopolitical background nurtured by the weakening, up to annihilation, of the rules-based (liberal) international order. Mirroring the realities "on the ground" with regard to our subjectmatter, this essay is structured into rather numerous chapters, each with its own title and sub-title, as closer bearing witness to the meanderings in the MENA's realm of countries' internal trends, plus foreign policies and diplomacies. Undoubtedly, other interested fellow analysts could further finesse our present approach, which hopefully would remain known as a pioneering work2. Of course, one should also be aware of the magisterial verse wrote on Pioneers by Walt Whitman: "We take up the task eternal, and the burden and the lesson, Pioneers! O Pioneers!"3 Only that, in this case per se there is a fundamental stimulus to embarking on the proposed endeavouring, one related to the very essence and sourcing of meandering: "History does not follow a straight line, and we forget this at our peril."4 Particularly, "in my own experience, in the Middle East, history rarely moved in a straight line."5 Eventually, this entire hopefully inciting background was intended to make easier the start of our very narrative, letting also "the door" open to including, here and there, some iconoclastic assertions and assessments, if useful. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The Middle East is traditionally under-represented in border studies despite the salience of conflicts involving borders or along sectarian boundaries. The case of Lebanon is a good example of such dividing lines referring to identity building. It conveys the importance of thinking about social and political relations in terms of space, which requires thinking simultaneously about both physical (borders) and symbolic (boundaries) divisions. The six papers of this themed issue, originally presented at the 2012 Centre for Lebanese Studies Workshop, intended to explore the many dimensions of the articulation between collective identity building and border/boundary making. This set of papers participates in the debate on categories, limits and belongings by exploring three dimensions of the theme: space (Meier, Mermier), circulation (Puig, Chatty et al.) and representations (Bizri, Haugbolle) in a multi-disciplinary perspective. They all show how much borders/boundaries are arbitrary constructions but also evocative mental ones in the building of ‘otherness’. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Revista de Estudios Internacionales Mediterraneos is the property of Taller de Estudios Internacionales Mediterraneos and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

This article contends that just as the 1948 Arab–Israeli War shook Judaism in Tunisia and pushed to the forefront a 40-year-old fierce disagreement among the Tunisian Jews, it exposed, in an unprecedented manner, the Tunisian Muslims' mixed reactions to the Palestinian conflict and lifted the lid over an unceasing discord between the secular, Western-educated and the religious, Zitouna mosque-educated, Tunisians. A survey of a selection of editorials from Muslim papers having different ideological orientations – assimilationist, reformist, Islamist, neutral, communist, nationalist – demonstrates that reactions ranged from backing Arab troops ‘invading’ Palestine to condemnation of Western apathy to ‘prudent’ reticence to complete silence or indifference. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

International efforts aimed at developing a specific region's or country's media sector commonly involve both onsite actors (usually from the Global South) and external actors (usually from the Global North). Dependency theory suggests that onsite actors are (stuck) in a relationship with development agencies and donors in which "Western" notions of journalistic ethics, communication and democracy are imposed on them -- and not necessarily to their advantage. Bureaucratic imperatives and institutional dynamics especially within funding agencies have been identified as strong determinants of media development practice. Yet, recent empirical insights point to local actors' ability to assert their own strategies in the face of donor power which can be interpreted as agency. Therefore, this paper suggests making use of structuration theory to get a clearer picture of how onsite actors enact international media development practice. Structuration theory acts on the assumption that social practice is produced and reproduced as part of a dynamic interplay between agency and structure. Applied to media development practice, it allows for the analysis of the intentions and motivations of the agents involved, the conscious or subconscious rules they act upon and also the allocative and authoritative resources at their disposal. Against this background, this contribution presents the methodological design and preliminary results of a qualitative interview study on how onsite actors in the target countries of international media development perceive and negotiate their scope of action. Online interviews were conducted with participants from various world regions such as Middle East, South Asia as well as South-East Asia. The results suggest that the cultivation of long-term relationships and a diversification of international partners allow onsite actors to strengthen their agency within international media development. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article aims at examining Russia's relations with the Islamic Resistance Movement (Hamas) and Moscow's motives and goals for the establishment and enhancement of those ties. We explore Russia's worldview to position the Middle East and Hamas in a pre-established frame, subsequently examining the reasons behind the development of these relationships. This article sets out to answer a two-fold question: What has been Russia's aim of receiving Hamas leaders and establishing high-level relations with this movement since 2006, and what components have influenced these interactions at international and regional levels? The paper argues that Russia considers its relations with Muslim nations and movements not only a foreign policy principle but also a domestic issue. Hence, it seeks to take advantage of the U.S. retrenchment from the region to expand its influence, play a mediatory role in the Palestinian-Israeli conflict, and elevate its reputation among Muslims inside and outside the country. Recognizing Hamas' position, Russia resolved to develop its ties with Hamas' leaders, started negotiating with all the parties in the Palestinian national reconciliation process, and provided political, economic, cultural, financial, and security support to eventually affect Hamas' stance vis-à-vis Israel. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper investigates whether Turkish foreign policy has changed in recent years, specifically in line with the EU accession process, and tries to uncover the main dynamics behind these changes. The main proposition in the paper is that domestic changes in Turkey have led to a reshuffling of foreign policy objectives with a renewed emphasis on improving relations with the country's neighbours. The paper investigates whether such a policy change is complementary to the Turkish goal of inclusion in the EU, and further proposes that the changes in Turkish foreign policy since 2002 involve an increased activism partly in line with the EU accession process and as a result of the changes in domestic politics. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

According to the WHO, Arab countries have the highest relative increase in Breast Cancer (BC) rates worldwide. Current shifts in dietary patterns in these countries are postulated as important modifiable risk factors of the disease. The objectives of this review were to examine the gaps and opportunities in the extent, range and nature of nutrition-related BC research in Arab countries. Studies (n = 286) were identified through searching 14 electronic databases. Among the gaps identified were limited international collaborations, preponderance of laboratory-based research at the expense of population-based research, focus on single supplement/nutrient/food research, limited use of dietary assessment tools, and studying nutrition in isolation of other environmental factors. Despite these gaps, several opportunities appeared. The distribution of papers among Arab countries suggested that collaboration between high and middle income countries could create a positive synergy between research expertise and wealth. In addition, the steady increase in the number of articles published during the last two decades reflected a promising momentum in nutrition and BC research in the Arab world. These gaps and opportunities constituted context-specific evidence to orient nutrition and BC research in Arab countries which could ultimately lead to development of effective interventions for prevention of BC in these countries. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Post-Cold War financial sanctions utilization reached its peak as policymakers employed used them in order to face address major international crises. Their prominence among foreign policy instruments sparked the interest of many scholars and enriched the existing literature. However, their attractiveness raises several interesting research questions, such as "Do targeted sanctions suffice to achieve the defined objectives?", "Which variables affect their effectiveness?", "What shortcomings can be overcomed to make them more productive?" To probe these queries, in this paper different aspects of both comprehensive and financial/smart/targeted sanctions are examined. It is concluded that political will and better understanding of their effects is needed to improve sanctions design and overcome legal and administrative obstacles, since the current flaws are not incurable. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper tries to answer the question on whether the acquisition of nuclear capabilities will serve the interest of the Greek state. The issue is approached by the exploration of Greek strategic constraints in correlation with the properties of nuclear weapons and the indexing and examination of the most important incentives and disincentives that influence a state's decision to develop nuclear capabilities. Then, the Greek case is analyzed through the theoretical framework that was presented by Nuno P. Monteiro & Alexandre Debs in 2014, in order to examine if the process of developing weapons is a worthwhile endeavor based on its effects on Greek security. It is concluded that the development of nuclear weapons would serve the Greek interests, but there are practical reasons that render it nearly impossible for the foreseeable future. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The announcement of normalized diplomatic relations between Israel and the United Arab Emirates (UAE) is a significant event in Middle East international politics, marking the first new regional partnership for Israel since Jordan in 1994. This paper uses a levels of analysis approach to examine the domestic, regional, and systemic pressures that influenced leaders in the two countries to make this bold decision. It argues that the pressures at the domestic and systemic levels are important considerations, but the dynamics at play in the Middle East regional security complex are ultimately more important factors in explaining normalization. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Nepal was the first South Asian country to establish diplomatic relations with Israel in 1960, and other Middle Eastern countries followed suit in the late 1970s and early 1980s. Although Nepal and Israel have excellent bilateral relations, Nepal has yet to support Israel in multilateral forums, owing to a dilemma in maintaining balanced relations with other Middle Eastern countries. Because Middle Eastern countries are commonly identified by their reliance on labor imports, they have also become a labor destination for Nepal. With a high concentration of Nepali workers (77%), countries such as the UAE, Qatar, Cyprus, Bahrain, Israel, Saudi Arabia, and Kuwait have dominated Nepal's labor migration. Remittances from these countries are huge every year, and they have become the backbone of Nepal's economy. As a remittance-driven economy, labor export has always been a major tool of Nepal's economic diplomacy, which is frequently at the forefront of Nepal's foreign policy toward Middle Eastern nations. As a result, the paper argues for more determined action in the Middle East region, through which Nepal can develop its economic, investment, trade, and tourism interests by negotiating more advantageous relationships with Middle Eastern countries. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The present form of Middle East is the result of imperial designs. A century ago, signing of Sykes-Picot Agreement and the subsequent nation-state formation marked an important chapter in the annals of world politics in general and that of the region in particular. The region, that was soon to realize its treasure of natural resources, witnessed a tumultuous future marred by sectarian divides, foreign intervention, violence and bloodshed that has remained the focal point of the world. The region, having predominantly Muslim population, has also been lately the breeding ground for different jihadi organizations fighting against Western interventions in the region. Allegiances have played an important role in shaping the relations between different states within the region. In the strife-torn region, challenged by security concerns, regional alliances constitute an important deterrent. Ideologies and history continue to shape their future course of relations. It is in this backdrop that Turkey, owing to its glorious past, has emerged as the country which has largely remained aloof from the growing strife in the region and presents a glimmer of hope. It was after the formation of AKP (Justice and Development Party) that Turkey witnessed a dramatic shift in its foreign policy and the subsequent Arab Spring in the region which changed the dynamics of the regional politics. This paper is an attempt to trace the evolution of democracy in Turkey and the formation of AKP and the changes it brought in the region. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Despite its relevance and importance in the emerging global order, the partnership between South Korea and the Middle East somehow has failed to capture due attention from the pundits of geostrategy and international political economy. In the conventional discourse, the two entities have neither been characterized as natural allies nor have they been considered as equal trade partners. The engagement and interaction between South Korea and the Middle East has been limited to a story revolving around the narrative of energy security and construction assignments. In an effort to provide a more inclusive view on South Korea-Middle East relations, this paper examines the context and catalysts that are shaping the evolving partnership between the two sides and are opening new vistas for further consolidation. The paper argues that even in the current geopolitical constraints, South Korea and the Middle East have a compelling case than ever before to reignite their partnership for mutual prosperity and peace. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The Middle East region has always remained the centre of attraction for major powers due to its geostrategic importance and huge energy resources. The Middle East, due to hosting many ethnic and religious nationalities, has been a conflictprone region, facing various conflicts and crises that not only make regional states confront each other but also invite extraregional powers to play their role. The paper aims at highlighting the current situation in the Middle East by taking Syria as a case study. After 2011, the civil war in Syria and the subsequent instability provided Russia and the United States with an opportunity to support opposing factions engaged in war. The theme of involvement by extraregional powers in regional conflicts having negative implications for regional peace and stability will be discussed in this paper. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Revista de Estudios Internacionales Mediterraneos is the property of Taller de Estudios Internacionales Mediterraneos and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)