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This paper uses qualitative data conducted in São Paulo, Brazil with those who possessed the capability to emigrate yet had chosen to remain in place. It explores the strategies these 'stayers' employed to create and reproduce a sense of belonging to place in the midst of political disruption and alienation. This is in the context of Brazil's lava jato (car wash) political corruption scandal which culminated in the election of President Bolsonaro and affected many Brazilian citizens' sense of belonging. Particular attention is paid to the way articulations of subnational and supranational scales of belonging relate to the national. Belonging at the national scale remains salient but through a process of interpolation with affective, local, urban and cosmopolitan forms of belonging. Immobility thus becomes an active practice through the (re)imagining and re‐scaling of a sense of belonging. Developing this concept of 'active' immobility recognises immobility as a phenomenon that is driven by individual and structural elements that are as diverse and dynamic as those that affect mobility. The paper contributes to debates about the relationship between forms of local national and cosmopolitan belonging. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Right‐wing variants of populism are on the rise across the globe, creating new patterns of interaction between society and the environment. These new socio‐ecological relationships – dubbed "populist ecologies" – are not homogenous and, instead, can vary from country to country and populist to populist. In this paper, we adopt two illustrative case studies to outline two particular right‐wing populist ecologies. First, we turn to the government of Jair Bolsonaro in Brazil (2019 onwards) and detail the ways in which Bolsonaro's anti‐science agenda is evident in his response to patterns of deforestation and the "burning of the Amazon" in 2019. Second, we explore the politics of Matteo Salvini in Italy, highlighting how, in this form of right‐wing populism, the environment has become a container for wider political ambitions. In doing so, this work highlights the complexity of the relationship between contemporary right‐wing populism and the environment – and the ways in which populist ecologies may act to conceal the more‐nefarious elements of the populist moment. This paper details how right‐wing variants of populism create new socio‐ecological patterns of interaction. Drawing on case studies of Jair Bolsonaro in Brazil and Matteo Salvini in Italy, we advance a conceptualisation of "populist ecologies" to explore and make sense of how ecology is represented within far‐right populist projects. In doing so, we highlight an important complexity in which populist ecologies may function to conceal broader, more nefarious elements of far‐right populist projects. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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This paper focuses on the politics of life and death in Bolsonaro's Brazil during the COVID‐19 pandemic. It is argued that while this administration, and the president himself, have long supported violence against individuals and social groups they did not see as fully human, their response to the pandemic marked a public transition from valuing certain kinds of lives as opposed to others, to a general contempt for human lives. The paper explores this transition by discussing the reification of the economy to the detriment of the people who produce and consume. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper discusses the Brazilian 2022 presidential elections, presenting Bolsonaro and Lula as the two frontrunners who have too many other candidates to face, who compose a third way that together joins around 30% of voting intention. Approaching the way how Bolsonaro arrived at power in the 2018 elections - when Lula could not be a candidate because he was incarcerated - this paper also discusses Bolsonaro's government so that it can be possible to understand from where Bolsonaro comes and who he is, which mistakes he is doing that justifies the low levels of popularity, especially compared to Lula. Looking forward to seeing what the best for Brazil is and based on the hypothesis that a coup led by Bolsonaro would never succeed, not because of the international support to Brazil but due to the resilience of internal defenders of the rule of law, this paper is theoretically supported on the paradigmatic theory and concludes from the scenarios structured that Lula seems to be victorious in all of them. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In 2011, Jair Bolsonaro initiated a fight against the federal program proposal School without Homophobia (2009), which aimed to educate children, school staff, and parents on the respect to sexual diversity and prevention of violence against LGBTQIA + students. Bolsonaro's Gay Kit unleashed an anti-gender campaign in Brazil. The fight against "gender ideology" that follows Jair Bolsonaro initial campaign indicates a turn in the articulation and the discourse of conservative and right-wing actors. This anti-gender campaign brough together groups that historically have been divided along class, race and gender lines, such as radical Catholic, middle- and upper-class white conservative Brazilians, and Neo-Pentecostals. In this paper, I analyze the power of the anti-gender campaign unleashed since the 2010s to find a common enemy, a common language and a common interest among conservative sectors of Brazilian society. I argue that gender works as the main symbolic glue that helps right-wing actors to forge a common identity in opposition to a new common Other, namely leftists. The main factor bridging them together is the preservation of the masculinist national identity that denies any form of structural inequality and critical thinking. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper offers an interpretation of the ideology expressed by Jair Bolsonaro, current president of Brazil, as a Brazilian far-right neoliberal nationalism, which typically distinguishes between the members of the nation and its traitors and enemies, creating an authoritarian atmosphere of governance combined with the defense of neoliberal values. To establish the bases that sustain this ideology, we investigate four key arenas of his administration – family issues; the anti-left rhetoric; the call for a mixed-race identity; and Brazilian foreign policy. We sustain that Bolsonaro's discourse, instead of revealing a fragmented political project, actually articulates a powerful and authoritarian image of the Brazilian nation, while also reinforcing the idea of individual entrepreneurship and traditional morality. Although this project is deeply informed by past national ideological traditions, it is also aligned with the expansion of the far right internationally and sheds light to its dynamics in periphery countries. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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Copyright of Cuestiones de Sociologia: Revista de Estudios Sociales is the property of Universidad Nacional de La Plata and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Pós: Revista do Programa de POS-Graduacao Em Artes - EBA/UFMG is the property of Pos - Programa de Pos-graduacao em Artes (PPG-Artes) and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

This essay, inspired by the huge outpouring of research generated in and around the Emancipatory Rural Politics Initiative, reflects on the challenges of analysing authoritarian populism and particularly its rural expressions. The paper first examines key features of authoritarian populism and early populist movements in the Americas and Russia. Then it turns to 'illiberal' neoliberalism and the origins of neoliberalism under brutal dictatorial regimes in Indonesia and Chile. The paper scrutinizes the scepticism about populism in the work of prominent liberal and neoliberal media pundits and scholars. The affinities and tensions between different authoritarian populist rulers, the worrisome transnational linkages of their support bases and the massive flows of right-wing donor money between white supremacist and nationalist movements in different countries suggest the emergence of a fractious axis, not as consolidated as the fascist axis of the 1930s and 1940s, but a rising threat to democracy nonetheless. The paper considers the degeneration of progressive populisms, such as Venezuelan chavismo, and the problem of resorting to 'automatic' or 'unconditional' solidarities as a factor in the delegitimizing of left alternative voices. The last sections discuss emancipatory politics, the recent phenomenon of pandemic authoritarianism and the rising protest movements that constitute a possible opportunity for progressive forces. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Contemporary societies, especially some Western countries, have faced the return of neoconservatism, along with a desire for homogeneity, consensus, standardization, polarizations, and universalism in several social relations. With the election of alt-right, authoritarian, misogynist, and homophobe Jair Bolsonaro in 2018, many Brazilian citizens have faced a herculean challenge in relation to the maintenance of democracy and the provision of citizenship and critical education. The purpose of this paper is to problematize some media discourse produced by Bolsonaro and to investigate how such discourse has influenced the lives and education of our research participants (pre-service teachers). The first section investigates discourses and regimes of truth by explaining how discourses and ideologies influence our students' lives and their future career. Section two points to the urgency of problematizing homophobic discourses, and section three queers Bolsonaro as an act of resistance. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

News coverage of noteworthy environmental events is often fleeting, moving from one spectacle to another and rarely retaining global attention. But in August 2019, news of Amazon rainforest fires spread seemingly as quickly as the fires themselves, with sustained global coverage and funding pouring into environmental organizations. Yet Amazon fires regularly occur and fires were simultaneously burning in other important Brazilian biomes, with some causing worse damage. What was it about the 2019 Amazon fires that elicited such a strong and persistent global response? In this paper, we draw on distinctions between slow/immediate (Nixon, 2011) and structural/direct violence (Galtung, 1969) to answer this question. We argue that the Amazon's reputation as a global treasure and its association with climate change and biodiversity through 'giantness' (Slater, 2002) meant that the fires' local spectacular violence became felt as an instant global threat, shifting perceptions of violence from slow to immediate. Moreover, as the identified instigator of the violence, Brazilian President Jair Bolsonaro became a sort of 'bridge' between structural and direct dimensions of violence, thus making the violence personal. These three dynamics combined to enhance visibility of the Amazon's destruction and its connection to planetary stability, thereby inspiring the 2019 fires' extraordinary reactions. Through this analysis, the paper contributes to psychological literature on perceptions of ecological crises and to discussions in political ecology/geography concerning violent environments by demonstrating how and why both the slow and structural violence of the global climate and biodiversity crises can be rendered more visible via localized effects. • Significant environmental events rarely receive sustained global news coverage. • In 2019, the Amazon fires stood out for their extended global news coverage. • The fires shifted the violence of environmental crises from slow to immediate. • Bolsonaro shifted the violence of environmental crises from structural to personal. • These dynamics made the violence of the climate and biodiversity crises more visible. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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In this paper, we examine the rise of authoritarian populism in Brazil following the election in 2018 of Jair Messias Bolsonaro to the Presidency and reflect on the consequences of his far-right-wing politics for education. Our focus is broadly on three historical blocs (with five different presidents of the Republic) which make up the policy trajectory of Brazil over the period 1995–2019. We explore the complex cultural political economy surrounding more than a decade of left-wing government by Lula da Silva (2003–2010) and Dilma Rousseff (2011–2016) of the Workers Party (PT). In what has been described as simultaneously a tragedy, a farce, and a soap opera, Bolsonaro's rise involves the impeachment of Dilma, accusations of corruption, the imprisonment of Lula and the resignation of multiple ministers of the government. The intersections of right-wing conservative discourse, evangelical proselytising and populist discourse in Brazil, coupled with resentment from those whose fortunes had been diminished because of declining economic competitiveness, contributed to the election of Bolsonaro in 2018. A final section focuses on the education policy in Brazil, the ways in which any progressive gains have been erased and what this means for Brazilians. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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Since its appearance in 2020, Brazil and Mexico have been among the most affected countries in the world by covid-19. Their respective presidents, Jair Bolsonaro and Andrés Manuel López Obrador (known as AMLO), have played a leading role in specific policies during the pandemic. Their choices were both singular and counter- intuitive. On the health front, AMLO initially underplayed the seriousness of the situation, and the Brazilian president, Bolsonaro, defended a frankly negationist attitude, with a dramatic balance sheet, without his popularity being seriously affected. On the economic front, they have chosen policies that contradict not only each other but also their own supposed ideological stances. Bolsonaro, who is ranked on the far right, has implemented an emergency transfer program on a scale comparable to those of developed countries and the most massive the country has ever seen. Conversely, AMLO, considered a progressist, provided just a minimum policy package, maintaining his previous electoral program. By adopting a comparative approach and mobilizing a unique and diversified set of data, the objective of this paper is to explore these apparent contradictions. After having established the precise diagnosis of the policies implemented to deal with the crisis and the economic and health situation in the two countries during the 2020-2022 period, we propose an original interpretation grid of the central role played by the two presidents. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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This paper seeks to expose the forces of structural transformation unleashed in the process of extractive capitalist development in Brazil and the rise of right-wing populism in the form of Jair Bolsonaro. The methodology employed might be described as a the political economy of capitalist development. It is employed within the framework of historical materialism and a Marxist theory of capitalist development. Within this framework it is argued that Bolsonaro's populist and right-wing regime, and his environmentally destructive extractivist regime, represented an attack on the working class and a fundamental assault on the territorial rights of the country's indigenous peoples as well as more broadly the rights of nature, with particular reference here to the Amazon as one of the world's greatest repositories of resources needed for confronting the global environmental crisis. The interlude of the short-lived Bolsonara regime is used to draw out the implications of the global rise of populism and authoritarianism in the early 21st century in the context of a multidimensional social and environmental crisis on a global scale. Under Bolsonaro's policies Brazil was very much part of the problem, whereas Brazil could be an important part of the solution. Whether Lula's policies will take us there is an open question. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper assesses how the Brazilian Supreme Court decided lawsuits and constitutional claims filed against Bolsonaro's attacks to the Constitution during his mandate (2019-22), both in content and in timing. Data shows that, after a first year marked by a more conciliatory rhetoric, the Supreme Court started adopting a more responsive posture. The more Bolsonaro escalated his attacks, the more responsive became the Supreme Court. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In this article, we contend that understanding Brazil's current communicative landscape requires a closer examination of the relevance of legacy media outlets, challenging the widely accepted "traditional media bypass" thesis, which posits that social media platforms have overtaken traditional media as the primary influencers of political discourse, an argument often used to explain the rise of extreme-right ideologies across different national contexts. In order to test the association between voting preferences and the use of different types of media, we employ logistic regression analysis using data from a recent survey that includes numerous questions about the information and media consumption habits of Brazilian voters. Our findings highlight that legacy media, particularly broadcast TV channels like Globo, Record, and SBT, remain dominant in Brazil as sources of political information. Contrary to the bypass thesis, Bolsonaro's supporters, while favoring social media, also consume significant amounts of legacy media. Analysis reveals stark differences in media preferences between the supporters of different political candidates, challenging the notion of an exclusive reliance on social media by right-wing supporters. The data also indicate nuanced media consumption habits, such as a preference for certain TV channels and fact-checking behaviors, underscoring the complex interplay between legacy and social media. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Abstract In this paper, we argue that a right-wing populist leader’s support of regional organizations depends on how domestic supporters are affected by populist engagement with them. If the regional organization does not affect groups of the populist project, then the leader enjoys latitude to question the regional institution. However, whenever undermining the regional organization damage a group, the leader does not target the regional organization, and assumes an ambivalent approach. We use the case of Bolsonaro’s Brazil engaging two regional organizations: MERCOSUR and PAHO to test our argument. Our findings reveal that right-wing populist leaders are aware of domestic costs.

This text analyzes a publicity strategy used by the Brazilian President, Jair Bolsonaro, on Twitter. Internet groups and digital social networks have been important tools for adding visibility to various opinions and political projects. This behavior, as shown by Charaudeau (2016), can be explained by the processes of reaction -by some social groups -and attribution -by political actors. To understand discursively this operation, this paper analyzes some reactions to a post -from April 14, 2021- in which Bolsonaro stated that he was waiting for the folks “to give him a sign” in order to take action regarding the Brazilian situation. We have shown how several interpretations have emerged from such a generic and populist statement. They are examples of the follower behavior and the feeling of interlocution that each individual thinks he or she has on the digital social networks. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The paper employs the concept of descriptive representation in an investigation of the socioeconomic, institutional, and contextual conditions of political inequality. The scope of analysis is the election of the Chamber of Deputies in 2018. Descriptive representation standards are observed according to gender and race at the level of the Federation unity. The research employs statistical analysis to assess factors related to the present descriptive inequality and its change between 2014 and 2018. The limited number of cases allows a detailed approach to the identified relations. It is interpreted that the occurrence of a reduction in political inequality in the Federation unity is associated with the candidacy of Bolsonaro in two ways: (a) less reelection of incumbents; and (b) politicization of the gender agenda in elections. It is credited to the socioeconomic and institutional factors, respectively, conditionality and intervention. Grounded on the case investigated, an interpretative model of the socioeconomic, institutional, and contextual conditions of short-term change in parliamentary political inequality is proposed. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In this paper, we analyze the semiotic strategies through which Jair Bolsonaro's body is represented in his Instagram profile. In order to do that, we build upon Landowski's elliptic semiotic square, through which we display Bolsonaro's different bodily postures and lifestyles. The diagram shows four bodily regimes through which the body of the current Brazilian president is portrayed: 1) the military body, 2) the buffoonish body, 3) the institutional body, 4) the popular body. The results show that the institutional body is the least present, while the other three reinforce Bolsonaro's non-political identity and anti-establishment discourse. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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Copyright of Revista Uruguaya de Ciencia Política is the property of Instituto de Ciencia Politica (Universidad de la Republica de Uruguay) and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

This article aims to understand how anti-environmentalism connects with the conservative, authoritarian and populist discourse of Brazilian far-right President Jair Bolsonaro. Indeed, we argue that anti-environmentalism is one of the critical factors for understanding the postures and practices of Bolsonarism. We analyse 852 speech acts, drawn from all statements involving environmental issues made by Bolsonaro and three Brazilian ministers over a 14 month period between 2018 and 2019. Our analysis offers two major contributions: a) we situate the contours of authoritarian populism in the Global South (Brazil), shifting the gaze that has hitherto been focused on Europe and the USA, and, above all; b) through focus on the texts of the leader we develop a discursive approach to the understanding of populism and anti-environmentalism. Our results show that Bolsonaro adopts authoritarian measures to defend global agribusiness, in addition to denying or minimising environmental problems.. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Why did the far-right Brazilian President Jair Bolsonaro, with financial support from Donald Trump's US government, preside over the group recognition of around 47,000 displaced Venezuelans as refugees? It would appear implausible that a far-right, nationalistic government led by a president who had expressed visceral hostility to migrants and refugees would use the provisions of a progressive regional framework to grant refugee status to thousands of displaced people, aided by a US president whose government was literally caging child refugees. To address this question, we show that recognition of Venezuelans as refugees was grounded in an existing and credible legal and bureaucratic process managed by the Brazilian National Committee for Refugees (CONARE) that also brought to bear the influence and presence of key international actors, particularly the United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees (UNHCR). An additional crucial factor was Bolsonaro's anti-communism, which provided a strong ideological and instrumental motivation for his government to engage with the US government of Donald Trump in its efforts to undermine the Maduro regime in Venezuela and led to the seemingly paradoxical situation of a far-right Brazilian government granting refugee status to thousands of displaced people that exceeded responses in other South American countries. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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Federal administrations have been addressing the problem of hunger in Brazil since the days of Lula da Silva. An extensive review of the literature shows that the fight against hunger reached its highest level of priority during the Lula da Silva administrations (2003–2010), where it was organized with an institutional structure and seen as an international model for public policy. Every subsequent government since then has given less attention to it, ending in the complete neglect of the issue under the Bolsonaro administration. Governos federais têm abordado o problema da fome no Brasil desde a época de Lula da Silva. Uma revista exhaustiva da literatura aponta que a luta contra a fome atingiu o seu apogeu quando lhe foi atribuída máxima proridade na agenda política federal durante os governos Lula da Silva (2003–2010) onde era organizada com base numa estrutura institucional que é hoje celebrada como modelo internacional de política pública. Desde então, cada governo sucessivo prestou cada vez menos atenção à fome, acabando no descaso completo do assunto sob o governo Bolsonaro. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In the relationship between Brazil and the United States during the Bolsonaro and Trump administrations (2019 and 2020), Brazil advanced a demanding agenda that met with limited reciprocity. John Kingdon's concept of the policy window is useful for explaining that the two presidents, having similar worldviews, saw the possibility of moving forward with this agenda, but Brazil's subservient position ended up compromising its bargaining position. In the case of the commercial aspects of the Alcântara technological safeguards agreement, Brazil's unilateral concessions failed to generate concrete results before this window was closed and even set the country on the path toward becoming an international pariah. O governo brasileiro promoveu uma agenda ambiciosa que facilitou pouca reciprocidade na relação entre o Brasil e os Estados Unidos durante os governos Bolsonaro e Trump (2019 e 2020). O conceito de John Kingdon do policy window é útil para explicar o fato que ambos os presidentes, além de partilhar visões semelhantes do mundo, viram a possibilidade de avançarem esta agenda. Contudo, a posição submissa do Brasil acabou em comprometer sua posição negocial. No caso dos aspectos comerciais do acordo das salvagardas tecnológicas da Alcântara, o Brasil deixou passar essa oportunidade porque as concessões unilaterais do governo brasileiro falharam em produzir resultados concretos e, ademais, colocou o país no caminho de se tornar um paria internacional. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

On October 28, 2018, the far-right populist Jair Bolsonaro won Brazilian elections against the Partido dos Trabalhadores (Workers' Party—PT) candidate Fernando Haddad after a vigorous social-media campaign reinforced by fake news. In a context of economic crisis, escalating violence, and corruption scandals and a polarized population, Bolsonaro's authoritarian inclinations and reactionary rhetoric were concerns from several perspectives, mainly regarding the environment, education, human rights, health, and even the young Brazilian democracy. In particular, the Mais Médicos program, the national drug policy, and the HIV/AIDS Department have all been negatively influenced by his anticommunist rhetoric and the alarming escalation of evangelical conservatism. The militarization of his supporters in terms of moral values challenges the future of the secular state and therefore its substantial gains in international cooperation for health. With his approval rate falling and an international health crisis under way, Bolsonaro may not have an easy path ahead of him, and neither will the Brazilian population. No dia 28 de outubro de 2018, o populista da extrema direita, Jair Bolsonaro, ganhou as eleições contra o candidato do Partido dos Trabalhadores (PT), Fernando Haddad, depois uma campanha enérgica baseada em redes sociais e reforçada por notícias falsas. Num âmbito que inclui uma crise econômica, uma escalada de violência, escândalos de corrupção e uma população polarizada, as tendências autoritárias e retórica reacionária de Bolsonaro apresentam desafios com respeito a muitos temas como o meio ambiente, a educação, direitos humanos, a saúde, e mesmo a democracia jovem do Brasil. O programa Mais Médicos, a política antidrogas e o Departamento de VIH/Sida, em particular, foram negativamente influenciados pela retórica anticomunista e pela alarmante expansão do conservadorismo evangélico. A militarização dos seguidores de Bolsonaro em termos de valores morais ameaça o futuro do estado secular e, por conseguinte, seus ganhos significativos na área de cooperação internacional com relação à saúde. Com sua índice de aprovação em declínio e uma crise internacional de saúde que está atualmente em curso, não podendo ser fácil para Bolsonaro e nem para a população brasileira nos anos a seguir. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Regardless of what Bolsonaro does, the shadows of Lula and the Workers' Party (PT) appear to be ever present in Brazilian legacy media. How does this affect the way they deal with Bolsonaro's authoritarian tendencies? Drawing on a qualitative content analysis, this article discusses how the three most influential Brazilian newspapers--O Globo, Folha de S. Paulo, and O Estado de S. Paulo--have presented this topic. We hypothesize that, for these newspapers, the prime referential for authoritarianism is not Bolsonaro, but Lula and PT. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Is Brazil's president Jair Bolsonaro a classic populist? This article tries to answer this question by testing whether the political discourse of Bolsonaro fits the tenets of two major theories of populism: Mudde and Kaltwasser's and Laclau's. We analyse the entire text of his presidential campaign platform to find that Bolsonaro's discourse has almost no room for a 'concept of the people' or of nation, a fact that problematizes the bulk of the literature on populism, including its major theories. Conversely, his discourse is structured around the concept of corruption, which is tightly linked with a strong anti-left and anti-PT sentiment. It is corruption that connects the different regions (themes) of his discourse. We then run a computerized similarity analysis to confirm the central placement of corruption regarding the whole of his discourse and its different regions. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Overarching Issues of the European Space (Série Demográfica) is the property of Universidade do Porto, Faculdade de Letras and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

In this article we argue that neofascism has emerged from the crisis of neoliberal capitalism. We begin by locating neofascism within the contemporary dynamics of capitalist crisis, including the legitimacy crisis of the capitalist state, the relationship between neofascist ideology and capitalist political coalitions, and the similarities and differences between neofascism and earlier varieties of fascism. Toward that end, we analyze neofascism as having a much closer relationship to neoliberal ideology than is commonly understood, especially given the decades long theorizing by neoliberals about how to use the state to prevent democratic movements from interfering with capitalist accumulation and market imperatives. Therefore, our article is intended to sharpen the theoretical, ideological, and empirical relationship between neoliberalism and neofascism. It is also intended to help build an effective political response to defeat neofascism instead of simply recreating the conditions for its perpetual re-emergence. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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This article argues that Jair Bolsonaro's handling of Covid-19 in Brazil was consistent with his 'different kind of branding.' Contrary to the expectations of marketing experts and place branding scholars, Bolsonaro's branding tactics were predicated not on portraying Brazil positively to commoditize it to (trans)national audiences but on producing the image of Brazil as a white conservative Christian country through maintaining epistemic and informational crises, delegitimizing expert systems, and engaging in necropolitical calculation. Methodologically, to describe the 'brand-new' Brazil projected in Bolsonaro's presidency (2019-2022), I build three case studies centering on the boycott of Covid-19 vaccines, his strategy of letting the virus spread freely in favor of a supposed herd immunity, and the 'shadow board' that helped him build a necropolitical strategy. I suggest that Bolsonaro's 'chaotic' branding project harnessed features of currently existing neoliberalism, including informational entropy, the digital production of 'alternative facts', entrepreneurial ethos, the delegitimization of expert systems, and the association between free market and political conservatism. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Consideration of the prevalence of regional prejudice in Brazil shows how stereotypical assumptions about culture, race, and socioeconomic class inform regional biases. A comparison of discriminatory social media posts after the 2014 and 2018 presidential elections reveals similarities in most of the racist and xenophobic language in the two election cycles but an increase in references to Venezuela and Cuba and heightened animosity toward the Partido dos Trabalhadores in 2018. Racism directed by social media users against nordestinos is part of a historical continuum of oppression fostered by regional stereotypes and failed public policies that have real-life implications for Brazil's nordestinos. A consideração da prevalência de preconceito regional no Brasil mostra a centralidade de premissas estereotipadas sobre cultura, raça e classe socioeconômica. Uma comparação de publicações discriminatórias nas mídias sociais após as eleições presidenciais de 2014 e 2018 revela semelhanças na maior parte da linguagem racista e xenofóbica nos dois ciclos eleitorais, mas um aumento nas referências à Venezuela e Cuba e maior animosidade em relação ao Partido dos Trabalhadores em 2018. Racismo dirigido por usuários de mídia social contra os nordestinos faz parte de um continuum histórico de opressão promovida por estereótipos regionais e políticas públicas fracassadas que têm implicações na vida real para os nordestinos do Brasil. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Conspiracy Theories (CTs) are a global phenomenon, but some societies are better equipped than others to resist them. This article discusses the characteristics of the China-related COVID-19 CTs in the Brazilian Facebook, based on 28,312 posts published from January 2020 to June 2021. We argue that, in Brazil, the spread of CTs was facilitated by a widespread political and knowledge institutions' legitimacy crisis. The rise of the extremist politician Jair Bolsonaro to the Presidency provides evidence in this regard. In consequence, the boundaries between fringe and mainstream politics become porous. This article discusses which agents disseminate China-related COVID-19 CTs, and which topics receive more attention. We found a significant presence of actors belonging to mainstream politics and the media among the CTs' main disseminators. Additionally, the CTs circulating in the Brazilian social media environment reproduce concerns about China's growing presence in the global arena, which originate elsewhere. Still, they add a specific emphasis on the Communist threat. We sustain that this emphasis relates as much to Brazil's internal politics as to China itself. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article interrogates whether the social science scholarship on the political authority of organised crime in Brazil can serve as an analytical framework to understand the violent underpinnings of the Bolsonaro presidency. Reviewing ethnographic work on criminal governance groups in Brazil alongside judicial documents detailing the links between Bolsonaro and militia operatives as well as statements given by the president regarding organised crime and gun ownership indicates that criminal governance finds ideological support and functional resonance in the Bolsonaro administration. The interchange between organised crime and state criminality demands urgent dialogue between urban activists and ethnographers in Brazil. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Building on theories of cultural trauma, this research examines institutional trauma engendered by the pandemic in relation to journalism and public health in the US and Brazil. The trauma stemming from Covid-19 marks a transformational crisis not only in terms of global public health but also collective confidence in institutions writ large. To probe these issues, this article takes advantage of a vibrant digital discussion among Americans and Brazilians hosted by three flagship newspapers in the two countries: The New York Times, Folha de S. Paulo, and O Estado de S. Paulo. The analysis reveals that both groups experience Covid-accelerated trauma that undermines Brazilians' and Americans' faith in foundational institutions' ability to adequately respond to the pandemic. Comparing these interpretations of the Covid-19 crisis in the US and Brazil allows us to see how the acute health crisis triggered by the virus morphs into a form of institutional trauma, with deep implications for collective confidence in public health, journalism, and democracy. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Abstract Soon after the outbreak of the COVID-19 pandemic, the world saw far-right leaders uniting to promote hydroxychloroquine despite controversial results. Why have some leaders actively promoted the drug since then, contradicting recommendations made by their own government’s health authorities? Our argument is twofold. First, hydroxychloroquine has been an integral tool of medical populist performance in the context of the COVID-19 pandemic. We adopt Lasco & Curato’s (2018) definition of medical populism as a political style based on performances of public health crises that pit ‘the people’ against ‘the establishment’ using alternative knowledge claims to cast doubt on the credibility of doctors, scientists, and technocrats. Second, rather than being an individual endeavor, medical populism addressing the coronavirus crisis has led populists to build an alt-science network. We define it as a loose movement of alleged truth-seekers who publicly advance scientific claims at a crossroads between partial evidence, pseudo-science, and conspiracy theories. It comprises scientists, businesspeople and celebrities united by their distrust of governments and mainstream science. In this article, we look at how the hydroxychloroquine alliance was formed, as well as its political and policy implications. To this end, we compare why and how Donald Trump and Jair Bolsonaro have appealed to medical populist performances when addressing the health crisis. By mobilizing the concepts of medical populism and alt-science, this paper aims to contribute to the scholarship on the relationship between populist politics and policy-making.