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Copyright of Athenaeum: Polskie Studia Politologiczne is the property of Faculty of Political Science & Security Studies Nicolaus Copernicus University and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The Khwarazmshahids followed the Hanafi school of thought, which was also the predominant belief system among the majority of people living in their territory. What kind of policy did they pursue towards Hanafism? To answer this question, the Khwarazmshahid era was divided into five periods. Their policies in each period were evaluated on five parameters: behavior towards Hanafi people and clergy, relations with Hanafi rulers, appointment of Hanafis in political positions and establishment of religious institutes. The results show that in the period of obedience (1098-1136 A.D.) the Hanafipeople and clergy had security and welfare because of Muhammad and Atsiz to obedience for Sanjar. In the independence period (1136-1173) , the Hanafi people and clergy were attacked and insulted because of Atsiz’s arrogance towards Sanjar and Ilarsalan’s expansionism, although this hostility was political and in reality neutral. In the Empire-Establishing Period (1174-1201) the neutral policy was intensified in favor of the Shafiites following the conquest of Iraq, where the non-Hanafites were in the majority. In the Empire-Peak Period (1201-1221) because Sultan Muhammad's government wasn’t legitimized by the caliph and the non-Mutazilite Hanafites did not recognize his reign as legitimate thus the neutral policy converted at times to antagonism against Hanafites. Following the anarchy of the Post-Mongol Attack Period (1221-1231) the sultan’s sons tried to conquer part of the empire by any means necessary. Thus Qurshah and Pirshah allied themselves with Shafiites against the Hanafites but Jalal-al-Din, as the savior of Islam, implemented an Islamic unity policy and generally avoided supporting Hanafites. Since the Khwarazmshahids were mutazilites, they supported the mutazilite Hanafis in all periods except that of Jalal-al-Din. This study employs a descriptive-analytical approach, utilizing a desk study methodology for data collection and analysis.

The article is an analysis of specific status of the Crimea as a part of the Golden Horde and as it was reflected in the contemporary sources: notes of travelers, diplomats, merchants, missionaries, etc., correspondence of rulers, historical chronicles and hagiographic works based the information of eye-witnesses. Despite of the fact that the Crimean Peninsula was an integral part of the Golden Horde, its specific position, including the structure of population, international trade relations and the interest of the foreign states, caused the series of specific features in the legal regulations of different groups of inhabitants. The system of authorities in Crimea, taking into account the position of some cities (such as Sudak or Caffa), is observed as well as religious policy of khans towards different confessions, specific taxes and duties. The author finds out that although the Crimean Peninsula was completely in the field of the Golden Horde political and legal regulations, khans needed to take into consideration its strategic position, national and confessional structure of the population and these peculiarities were reflected in the Crimean legal realities.

Introduction. In the modern world, there are different directions of faiths. Christianity, Islam and Buddhism are the main religions, but there are separate groups of people who, under the influence of odious leaders, form independent currents that differ from traditional faiths. One of the oldest sects – Jehovah's Witnesses today includes from 8 to 9 million people. Efforts are being made at the State level to preserve the unity of the Russian Orthodox Church and strengthen the basic spiritual values. With the adoption of the decree of November 9, 2022 "On the approval of the Foundations of State Policy for the preservation and strengthening of traditional Russian spiritual and moral values", the main moral guidelines underlying the all-Russian civic identity were fixed at the legislative level. In this regard, the problem of studying the history of the emergence of sectarian and schismatic movements, analyzing the degree of harmful influence on the development of society, the state and the position of the Church remains relevant. This article is devoted to the analysis of state and Church policy in relation to sectarian and heretical movements in Russia. The author studies legislative policy, church literature, analyzes the results of research by pre-revolutionary authors on this issue. Materials and methods. The main sources of the work are the "Code of Criminal and Correctional Punishments", legislative acts, the results of the First All-Russian Population Census for 1897, as well as the study of the ethnographerfiction writer Pavel Melnikov "Letters about the split". The analysis of sources made it possible to study the process of tightening the fight against heresy and determine the principles of its division according to the degree of harmfulness. Results. The author comes to the conclusion that the reasons for the beginning of heretical movements lie in attempts to reform the system of statechurch relations, as well as in the active penetration of foreign culture and religion into Russian soil. The attempts made to violently combat heresy did not give the expected results. Sectarians skillfully disguised themselves as ordinary parishioners and even visited temples. Only through the joint efforts of the Church and the state was it possible to restrain the mass withdrawal from the bosom of Orthodox culture. Conclusion. A new wave of large-scale reform of state-confessional relations contributed to the weakening of control and legalization of sectarian activities, including in the field of education. The temporary truce of the authorities and religious organizations from 1905 to 1917 allowed the creation of an entire Old Believer educational system. At the same time, the Old Believers had absolute freedom and only some communities received legal status.

To understand the complex relationship between imperial power and religions between 284 and 410, we first need to consider the religious definition of imperial authority. The process of sacralization initiated by Augustus was not called into question by the Christianization of imperial power. The emperors’ policies were aimed at maintaining order: the great persecution (303-304) can be explained by the political and religious risk that Christians, after the Manichaeans, would have posed to imperial architecture. Constantine’s return to imperial monarchy went hand in hand with his embrace of Christian monotheism. The advent of a Christian prince at the head of the empire did not, however, reverse the situation between pagans and Christians. The religious policy of the emperors from Constantine to Valentinian was essentially characterized by a desire to separate the two religious fields, Christian and pagan, without calling for religious segregation. Christian unity also remained a challenge for the emperors, who intervened in church affairs on both disciplinary and, more surprisingly, theological levels. It is above all the search for neutral ground and common values that characterizes the relationship between imperial power and religions in the 4th century.

Introduction. The article focuses on the figure of Noyon (Prince) Tseren-David Tundutov, a most renowned Kalmyk nobleman whose multifaceted efforts were derived from the dramatic social upheavals and disturbances of the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries. The topic still remains understudied since earlier works contained only insufficient data which made it virtually impossible to describe his personality in greater detail. Furthermore, the bulk of the former were published in the Soviet era, and the evaluations of Kalmyk noblemen’s endeavors are definitely to be revised. Goals. So, the paper aims to — wherever possible — extensively outline sociopolitical, economic, and household aspects of Noyon Ts.-D. Tundutov’s life. Materials and methods. The study basically employs both general scientific and special historical methods, with particular roles to be played by that of systems analysis and the principle of historicism that have proved instrumental in examining Noyon Ts.-D. Tundutov’s deeds contextually. The principle of objectivity has been secured by specially selected and compared sources of diverse origin, including some newly introduced material pertaining to records management. Results. Noyon Ts.-D. Tundutov was taking a most active part in solving social and political issues that arose from facts of the early twentieth-century Kalmyk life, namely: land and nationality questions, religious problems, economic affairs, and his endeavors as a deputy of the Imperial Duma. Special attention should be paid to the complete data on the Noyon’s real and personal property uniquely published herein. Conclusions. Despite the 1892 Reform had virtually deprived him of any subject commoners he succeeded in gaining opportunities for a successful development of his gardens and farms reported to have became diversified enough. In social and political life, he did achieve a status of somewhat ethnos-wide leader capable of demonstrating personal qualities required by the community in the early twentieth century.

Copyright of Studia Iuridica Lublinensia is the property of Maria Curie-Sklodowska University in Lublin and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

In recent years, researchers have increasingly posed the question of the role of Islam in shaping an individual’s personality, their spiritual worldview, and socio-cultural identity in the post-Soviet space. This study aims to analyze the process of Islam’s resurgence in the Republic of Kazakhstan, particularly in the context of its independence. The study employs a methodological framework grounded in the historical method of comparison. The findings underscore that Islam has evolved into an integral component of contemporary global civilization. In the era of globalization, it has undergone transformations across various levels of public life, serving as a unifying force for diverse reformist ideologies within the Islamic world. The study’s conclusion highlights the contemporary period in the Republic of Kazakhstan as characterized by a national revival. This revival encompasses the revitalization of national culture and religion, with a strong emphasis on the development of national culture rooted in traditional spiritual values. Additionally, it recognizes the significant role of religion in shaping national identity. However, it is essential to acknowledge the ongoing tension between historically entrenched aspects of Islam and modern trends. This tension underscores the Islamic resurgence as a unifying force driving reformist ideas within the Islamic world. In summary, the Republic of Kazakhstan’s modern era is marked by a profound national revival that encompasses cultural revitalization and a renewed recognition of religion’s role in shaping national identity. This revival exists alongside the ongoing interplay between historical Islamic elements and contemporary influences. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article deals with a radical change in the religious politics of the Soviet government between 1987 and 1988. Then, the celebration of the 1000th Anniversary of the Christianization of Rus’ became not only a Church issue but also an event of great political significance. Additionally, the official visit of Mikhail Gorbachev to the Vatican was designed in this period. The author argues that the communication problems which Gorbachev faced during his negotiations with Ronald Reagan in Geneva, Reykjav?k, and Moscow were the reason for this change. Since the anti-religious policy of the Soviet Union was one of the main obstacles to rapprochement between Reagan’s administration and the Soviet government, Gorbachev and his advisers decided to revise their approach to the Church issues. The author also assumes that Pope John Paul II unofficially played an important role in the negotiations between the US diplomats and the Soviet government. According to the article, the “Holy Alliance” between Reagan and Pope John Paul II had a significant impact on this negotiation process. Gorbachev’s visit to the Vatican was, in the author’s view, a link in the chain of events which led to the changes of Soviet religious politics. The legalization of the Ukrainian Greek-Catholic Church was, according to the author, a price to pay for the normalization of the relationships both with the Vatican and with the USA. Based on recently published and unpublished sources, the author describes this process in a broad historical context and analyze the attitude of both the Russian Orthodox Church and the Holy See towards the Ukrainian Greek-Catholic Church, religious freedom, and the role of religion in the public sphere.

This article reconstructs the evolution of renovationist schism in the Kuban Diocese, which was one of the main outposts of the schism in the country, based on a wide range of unpublished sources from state and departmental archives. A characteristic feature of the development of the renovationist movement in the region was its support by the overwhelming majority of the clergy of the diocese. More than twelve Kuban clerics became self-appointed hierarchs, some were members of the governing renovationist bodies. The socio-political specifics of the Cossacks and their involvement in the events of the Civil War were reflected in church life, and the clergy, through cooperation with the authorities, sought to whitewash their ministry during the reign of the Volunteer Army. Despite the high religiosity, unlike other southern regions, the anti-renewal movement was local in nature and did not become widespread. As a result of the most severe repressive measures, dozens of clergy who did not recognize the renovationist «Higher Church Administration» (VTsU) were expelled from the region, including the vicar Bishop of Yeisk, Eusebius (Rozhdestvensky), archpriests Alexander Makov and Alexander Purlevsky, etc. The direct connection of the Kuban clergy with the leaders of renovationism, the highest bodies of the Soviet vertical and the leadership of the security agencies provided the necessary support for the schism and the preservation of monopoly in church life for two decades.

In Yugoslavia, Muslims were the third largest religious group after Orthodox Christians and Catholics. However, this group was not only composed of the Islamised Slavs from Bosnia and Herzegovina (BiH), but also Albanians, Turks, and others. After the communists took power in the country, one of the new government's priorities was to establish relations with this minority. The body that coordinated state policy towards religion, collected materials, and analysed the present religious situation in the country was the State/Federal Commission for Religious Affairs (D/SKVP) existing in the period from 1945 to 1971. Analysis of the documents from D/SKVP helps us to identify the elements of state politics towards Islamic Religious Community/Islamic Community in Yugoslavia. Throughout the discussed period (1945-1971), IVZ/IZ was the most conciliatory from the large religious associations in Yugoslavia in relation towards the authorities. It is confirmed by a relatively small number of documents related to Muslims and gathered in D/SKVP reaching only a few percent of total amount of materials. The leaders of IVZ/IZ became more assertive in relations with the authorities since the mid-1960's when the government implemented liberalisation of religious politics. In Yugoslavia a kind of religious revival took place which was manifested, among others, in rebirth of religious structures and, to a large extent, their turn towards nationalism. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article examines the history of the activities of the founder of an unregistered religious group, which initially operated in the Latvian SSR, and then in the Lithuanian SSR. A special role in the group was played by its leader, who, not yet being a believer, had served a sentence for a criminal offense. Then, probably, there was a reassessment of moral values and he became a believer. The activities of the head contradicted the norms of the Soviet criminal legislation. Thus, it was found that the head of a religious group forced believers to perform a whole system of actions and rituals, urged believers to abandon active social life. The head was forced to leave the Baltic States and moved to the Smolensk region. In the new conditions, a religious group was created, which, by the nature of its activities, continued the activities of a religious group in the Baltic States. The religious group operated in the regional center and in one of the district centers. Based on archival material, an idea of the activities of a religious group and its leader is given. Archival materials allow us to draw conclusions about the quantitative composition of a religious group, its religious practices and creed, about the specifics of this group, which defined itself as different from the practices of Baptist and Pentecostal organizations. The leader of a religious group was convicted of violating Soviet legislation in the field of freedom of conscience. After serving his sentence, the head of the group returned to preaching activities, which representatives of a special Soviet body defined as fanatical. The Soviet executive authorities sought to influence the activities of the religious group and its leader. It is concluded that the Soviet state created conditions for the introduction of such groups into the legal field.

The article focuses on the religious policy of the Russian Empire in the early modern period. The aim of the research is to study the mutual relations of the governor A.A. von Peutling and Muhammedjan Khuseinov, the first mufti of Russia and the head of the Orenburg Mohammedan Spiritual Assembly at the beginning of 1790s, which influenced the religious situation on the southern and south-eastern outskirts of Russia. The base of the study is the official correspondence of A.A. von Peutling that described the place of Muslim religious institutions in the Russian system of government. The research methodology is defined by the main interpretations of the Russian religious policy, found in the literature on Islam in Russia. The author identifies the reasons and causes of the official and interpersonal conflict between the governor and the mufti as well as emphasizes the significant independence of the mufti at the beginning of 1790s on the steppe frontier. It is revealed that at that time the mufti was a more significant figure than the governor from the viewpoint of the supreme power. The author concludes that, in general, the religious policy of the Russian Empire during the examined period was invariant, but the regional specifics and subjective factors determined significant differences in its implementation in the South-East compared to the Crimea (then) and the North Caucasus (later). The article is addressed to experts in the fields of history of religion and politics of Russia in the 18th century, religious scholars, students, masters and postgraduates of the relevant profile.

The article examines the confessional aspect of the state migration policy in the Kalmyk lands of Astrakhan Province in the second half of the 19th century. It analyses the features of religious policy in the resettlers’ villages in the Kalmyk lands and reveals its infl uence on the process of the development of parishes. The conclusion of the study is that the main religious component of the state resettlement policy in the Kalmyk lands was assisting the Russian Orthodox Church in forming a parish system in order to serve the spiritual needs of the resettled farmers. The resettlement project was intended primarily to make settlements along roads of strategic importance and transfer part of the Kalmyks to a sedentary lifestyle. It did not directly aff ect the Christianisation of the Kalmyks, but in the future it meant that new settlements would create more favorable conditions for the deployment of missionary activities. In this regard, the state imposed a ban on the resettlement of Old Believers and sectarian population to the Kalmyk lands and took measures to prevent the strengthening of the position of the Buddhist clergy in new settlements. The article pays special attention to the characteristics of the relations between the authorities and the resettled people as to the issue of creating a network of Orthodox parishes; the article reveals the sources of funding for the development of parishes, the diffi culties encountered here, and the results. The necessity of parishes was related both to the farmers’ religiosity and to everyday needs of their daily life. It is shown that despite the desire of the farmers to quickly build a church and open a parish, the tempo of these processed in diff erent settlements varied. They were infl uenced by the intensity of the infl ux of migrants and their fi nancial situation, success in adapting to the conditions of a new place of residence and establishing economic activities. After analysing the facts of parish development for each locality, the article demonstrates that in general it was completed by the beginning of the 20th century. The draws on a wide range of documents from one central and two regional archives of Russia, many of which are made public for the fi rst time.

This article analyses the evolution of the religious policy of the Soviet government in 1922 and the role of security organs (ВЧК, ГПУ) in the implementation of the new course of relations with the church. The campaign to confi scate church valuables, which actually became the state robbery of churches, was not a strategic result of the supreme power, but only an instrument of Lenin’s attack on the Church, in the process of which a more important task became apparent, i.e. to institutionalise the diff erentiation of the clergy and the division of its administrative apparatus. The implementation of these plans led in practice to the formation of a new mechanism, i.e. an interaction between the party and the state security organs in the sphere of religious policy. Within the framework of the new model, the State Political Directorate (ГПУ) received offi cial authorisation to manage internal church aff airs using specifi c methods of investigative work, and local offi cials were appointed by the State Political Directorate to control church policy. Exercising their authority to decentralise church government, local security organs switched to using a clergy-based intelligence network, which established control over the administration of dioceses. The fi rst step in the systematic work was dealing with “church” data as with a separate corpus of information and the establishmentl of its structure, the maintenance of which was entrusted to the VI division of the Secret Department of the State Political Directorate.

Introduction. The article concentrates on the religious policy of the Russian Empire in the Early Modern Time. For the first time in historiography, a study was carried out concerning the activities of Catholic missionaries in relation to the Kalmyk Khanate, the attempts of the Capuchin Order to establish contacts with the Kalmyk Khan Donduk-Dashi. Materials and methods. The study is based on mostly unpublished materials from the political and diplomatic correspondence of the Collegium of Foreign Affairs and the legislation of the first half of the 1760s, characterizing the methods and territorial scope of the missionaries activity, in particular, their penetration into the Kalmyk steppe. The methodology of the study has been determined by the structural and functional approach to the system of state bodies of Russia. In combination with this approach, a historical-genetic method was used, which is optimal for the study of changes in the power system of the Russian Empire from the beginning of the 18th century through the first half of the 1760s. Results. The section demonstrates the reasons for the aspiration of the Capuchin Order to the North Caucasus and the place of the Kalmyk Khanate in missionary plans, describes the standard epoch-specific missionary techniques for influencing the non-Catholic population. It has been determined that the Capuchins, relying on the support of Austrian diplomacy, bypassed the formal restrictions on missionary activity in the studied region, which could not but cause religious friction. The activity of Russian institutions to resolve differences of this kind is traced, the difficulties encountered by the authorities in the capital and especially at the local level in connection with the need for an appropriate settlement are shown. At the same time, it is emphasized that the specific interests of secular and spiritual bodies in such cases did not coincide, which had a long-standing and stable character in the south. The dynamics of the attitude of the Russian authorities towards missionaries in the Russian south is outlined. If under the conditions of the “Austrian system” — orientation towards the Austrian court, which had been in Russian diplomacy since the times of Peter the Great and under Empress Elizaveta Petrovna, their position was favorable, then after the accession of Catherine II and the crisis in Russian-Austrian relations, the possibilities of missionaries in the North Caucasus and the Kalmyk steppes were significantly limited. The author states that in the process of settling religious tensions, the Russian authorities in the early 1760s faced a weak legal framework both in relation to non-Orthodox religions and in general. The solution to the problem was outlined with the accession of Catherine II and in connection with the empress’s policy in the spheres of religion and law.

The article examines the key stages in the evolution of the ideological and political approaches of the CPC leadership to religious activity since the beginning of the 21st century. The main points of the study were the Chinese interpretations of the problems of “adaptation to a socialist society” and “Sinicization.” The author tries to identify the relationship between continuity and innovation in the religious policy of the Chinese authorities, taking into account the historical context of the ongoing changes and responses from religious circles. Based on the methods of discourse analysis, an attempt has been made to demonstrate multi-faceted complexity of the problem of “Sinicization” and to outline the contours of all-embracing balanced approach to the study of this topic. The fi rst part of the article examines the foundations of the policy of directing religion towards “conformity to socialist society” formulated under Jiang Zemin. The second part analyzes the main components of Xi Jinping’s concept of “Sinicization” of religions. Chinese believers are encouraged to interpret religious dogmas in accordance with the requirements of social progress and in the spirit of conformity with the best traditions of Chinese culture. The article examines the main directions of “Sinicization” adopted by offi cially recognized religions, covering the spheres of doctrine and liturgical practice, practical work with believers, and training programs for clergy. It is emphasized that the one-sided reduction of “Sinicization” to the state-sponsored policy of “repression” prevents researchers from looking deeper into historical and cultural aspects of the problem. It is concluded that “Sinicization” of religions will help to prevent socio-political marginalization of religions in the course of deep transformations of modern China.

The article shows a revision of the religious policy of the administrative authorities of the Piotrków Governorate Government regarding the initiative of opening new Jewish prayer houses. This change of attitude is best illustrated by archival materials, mainly of the Administrative Department of the Piotrków Governorate Government, stored in the State Archive in Łódź. A detailed analysis of historical documents revealed the actual attitude of the tsarist civil authorities to Jews residing in this area. While a relatively tolerant approach to the needs of Jewish communities was observed at the end of the nineteenth century, governorate clerks rigorously blocked their progression at the beginning of the next century. The ways used to legally restrict the opening of new prayer houses and the Jewish administrative struggle with the official interpretation of the Russian Empire law are discussed in the article. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Studies in Law on Religion / Studia z Prawa Wyznaniowego is the property of John Paul II Catholic University of Lubin / Katolicki Uniwersytet Lubelski Jana Pawla II and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Introduction. Religious policies of the Russian Empire in early modern history is a topical issue of historiography. An important (though poorly researched) aspect of this question is the role of Kalmyk Christian elites. Being part of the diverse ethnoreligious cluster, the latter served as a conductor of Russia’s influence on subject nomadic communities (Oirats, Turkic tribes) during the period under consideration across southeastern steppe peripheries and adjacent territories. The Stavropol Kalmyk host established in 1737, quartered next to the fortress of Stavropol-on-Volga, and since 1745 referred to as Stavropol Corps of Kalmyk Christians was one of such groups.Goals.The study seeks to reconstruct the biography of Afanasy Shorin, an interpreter socially representing army elites. His life journey may be instrumental in tracing the shaping (and details) of communication patterns between Russian authorities and steppe leaders during the mentioned period. Materials and Methods. The study analyses rich source materials from Russia’s central and local institutions that reflect certain phases of Afanasy Shorin’s biography. The research tools include those of source criticism and archaeography which provided a systematic insight into the documents. Special attention is paid to the collected indirect testimonies that would clarify separate aspects of the person’s life. Results.The biography reconstructed from the documents contains a number of milestones, such as birthright privileges, military career prospects, escape attempts and refusal of active service, two discharges from any liability for the offences by the Russian authorities as a tribute to the social status and merits of ancestors, admission to the Collegium of Foreign Affairs, civil service in Stavropol-onVolga, and an important political mission in 1757–1758. The article identifies how and why the life trajectory unusual for a representative of such background and status — a school teacher, interpreter but not a military officer — reflected the processes of interaction between Russia proper and steppe nomads. It also underlines the importance of the Oirat factor for the state before and after the fall of Dzungaria. In the meantime, the text describes sentiments of the Stavropol host leadership and emphasizes the dissatisfaction with restrictions to have resulted from social class policies of Russian authorities by the late 1760s. The article contains the idea that it was the discontent with his position, which was fully characteristic of many including Afanasy Shorin, that pushed the highest authorities of the host to participate in the Yemelyan Pugachev’s Rebellion. As a possible prospect, the departure was suggested, by the example of the Kalmyks of Ubashi Khan, who departed to China in 1771. The article proves first to reveal the mechanism of how service conditions, kinship and confessional contacts influenced the inclusion of Kalmyk Christian elites into the border Russian military-andpolitical system. The text gives arguments that essentially contradict the trend (previously expressed in historiography) to consider the anti-serfdom protest as the only reason why Stavropol Kalmyks supported Pugachev’s Rebellion. Conclusions. The paper concludes the Kalmyk Christian nobility and related elites of the Kalmyk community played a significant role in foreign and religious policies under Elizaveta Petrovna and in the early years of Catherine the Great’s reign, which explains the increased attention of the government towards them. However, their relevance within the established border system and, consequently, their positions were largely exhausted in the 1770s. This was also facilitated by the decline in the importance of the Oirats, and the rise of the Turkic direction in Russia’s foreign policy in the south and southeast.

Introduction. The article deals with religious policies that influenced ethnoconfessional military communities in the southeast of the Russian Empire during early modern period. The work provides a first attempt to examine the resettlement of Dzungar Oirat refugees (Russ. zengortsy) from Siberia to the Volga territories and their integration into the Stavropol Kalmyk Host. Materials and Methods. The study analyzes documents of central and local institutions that specify the latter’s attitudes towards both Dzungar arrivals and, at large, irregular units of Kalmyk Christians in steppe border areas. A number of applied techniques inherent to source studies and archaeography made it possible to gain a comprehensive insight into the research materials and reveal certain ties that characterize trends of Russian policies towards the Dzungar question. Results. Clarification of the internal and external reasons to have forced the authorities to conscript Dzungars into the Stavropol Kalmyk Host, i. e. the need to strengthen the latter as a border military-and-police force right after the conflict with the Qing over South Siberian subjects was settled is provided. The paper shows the distribution and infrastructure development of the arrivals across unoccupied lands of the Stavropol Host. Special attention is paid to the biography of Noyon Norbo Danjin, a relative of Amursana who lead Dzungars to the Volga to become a Christian colonel, military judge, and advisor to the Collegium of Foreign Affairs. In terms of discussion, the work outlines the Dzungar conscription in Stavropol-on-Volga historiographically, delineates its correlation to the situation with available sources on contacts between Russia, Qing China, and nomads (Dzungars, Kazakhs). Conclusions. The paper acknowledges the collapse of the Dzungar Khanate proved an enormous geopolitical shift that forced Russia to restructure its external policies across southeastern steppe peripheries and develop its military strength, which brought Dzungar reserve units of the Stavropol Host in significant demand.

In the article analyzed the social and political consequences of pandemic of coronavirus for the Russian Orthodox Church in the context of the reaction of different European churches on the quarantine rules and critics towards the church inside Russia. The author used the structural-functional and institutional approaches for the evaluation of the activity of the Russian Orthodox Church, was analyzed the sources of mass-media and the public claims of the clergy. In the article was made a conclusion that Orthodox Church expressed itself during the struggle with coronavirus as national civic institute where could be represented various even polar views. Also the parish activity leads to the formation of the democratic society affiliated with the Church and the role of that phenomenon have to be explored in a future. The coronacrisis makes open the inner potential of the civic activity and different forms of the social service in Russian Church. In the same time pandemic provoked the development of the volunteer activity in the around-church environment and also in the non-church circles among the young people and the generation of 40th age where the idea of the social responsibility for themselves and people around and the significance of the civil rights was one of the popular ideas till 2019. The conditions of the self-isolation also forced the clergy to struggle for their parishioners and once again renovate the role of the church in the society and in the cyber space.

The relevance of the study is due to the practical need to study the historical experience of interaction between secular and religious structures in Russia in the process of implementing state national policy. The article analyzes the problem of building state-confessional relations in the Siberian region at a turning point - during the civil war. Attention is paid to the religious policy of the provisional Siberian governments during the revolutionary transformations of the early 20th century. The results of a comparative analysis of the implementation peculiarities of the religious policy by successively different governments during 1917-1919 are presented. The novelty of the research lies both in the topic itself and in the previously unexplored source base. Previously unexplored materials from the archival storage of the Russian State Historical Archive of the Far East (RSHA FE) have been put into circulation. The implementation of the research concept was facilitated by historical-comparative, comparative, analytical research methods. The results achieved in the process of analyzing the documents of the archival storage of the Russian State Historical Archive of the Far East indicate the pragmatic approach of the provisional Siberian governments to issues of ideology, including religious. The conclusion is made about the striving of the provisional governments to subordinate religious structures to the interests of the secular authorities.

The article attempts to present the beginnings of the first Buddhist community in Poland, the „Zen Circle", which crystallized and legalized its activity in the conditions of a state with an undemocratic political system. In the chronological aspect, it is a continuation of the content contained in the article entitled The Realization of the Buddha-dharma in the Construction of Socialist Society. On the Beginnings of the Path to the Legalization of the First Buddhist Community in the People's Republic of Poland, focusing on the period when the painter Andrzej Urbanowicz (1938-2011) was the leader of the community. This text presents and analyzes the further efforts of Buddhists who, under the leadership of Andrzej Janusz Korbel (1946-2015), developed effective forms of religious and popularizing activity, and led to the registration of the community (1980), despite police and administrative repressions that began almost a decade earlier. In the second part of the article, I present some possible reasons for the decision taken by the Office for Religious Affairs to enter the „Zen Buddhist Community in Poland - Religious Association" into the register of associations. The lack of preserved documentation containing the formal argumentation of this decision prompts us to formulate hypotheses that will be discussed in more detail in the doctoral dissertation being prepared. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The pioneering community of Polish Buddhists called "Zen Circle", operating in the 1970s, raised well-founded concerns of national public and administrative order bodies. This group, derived mainly from artistic and hippie environments, should be considered one of the most original and radical manifestations of an alternative and contesting culture to the reality of the People's Republic of Poland. At the same time, the effectiveness of the activities undertaken by the community in the administrative field, led to a precedent situation in which its religious and non-religious activities were legalized. In this article, I reconstruct the administrative efforts made in the first period of community activity (1975-1978), but above all, I analyze the attitudes and motivations of the parties involved in the above-mentioned process: community members, decision-making officials and services responsible for the internal security of the country. Based both on the group's internal materials and interviews with members, as well as on documents prepared by state bodies, I analyze the process of shaping the identity of the first Polish Buddhists. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In the academic debates on the relationship between the State and religious communities in Estonia there are two standpoints. The first one emphasizes the role of religious communities, particularly the Christian ones, in the formation of Estonian statehood as well as the history of the country. The activity of the churches in the sphere of charity and social welfare is perceived positively. At the same time, academics draw attention to the fact that Estonians are not very religious, thus, all forms of privileging religious communities are considered debatable. The second approach also emphasizes the historical significance of religious communities, but simultaneously approves of their increased activity, especially in the context of rebuilding Estonian identity after the era of Soviet domination. The goal of this article is to analyse the main assumptions of religious policy in Estonia after 1991, as well as the main factors that determined the current solutions. The conducted research is supposed to answer the question: why does the government of a country with one of the longest traditions of separation of state and religion in the region make many symbolic acts towards churches and religious associations? Furthermore, it will enable the verification of the hypothesis which assumes that the religious policy of contemporary Estonia is influenced by the conviction about the role of churches and religious associations in the history of the country, as well as by the recognition of religion as a factor in building the identity of the post-Soviet state. The text is divided into three parts. In the first part there will be analysed the issues of changes in the denominational structure of Estonia. The second part will present the results of the research on the historical conditions of Estonia’s denominational policy. The last part will analyse the legal solutions in Estonia concerning the state-religious community relations. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Introduction. The article is devoted to the problem of revealing the consequences of state religious policy in the region under study in the period between 1958 and 1964. The initial date is associated with the end of the post-Stalin struggle for leadership in the Communist party and the state and the formation of a new Church policy aimed at the destruction of religious organizations in the USSR. The end of the period is associated with the change of the top leadership of the USSR and the attendant changes in religious policy. In order to identify the consequences of state religious policy, the author analyzes the nature and content of this policy, as well as the attitude of believers to the anti-church actions of local authorities. The territory of the Krasnodar and Kuban dioceses in the period under study corresponded to the administrative borders of Krasnodar Krai. This diocese was headed by Metropolitan Viktor (Svyatin). Methods and materials. The use of the statistical method allowed the author to reveal the dynamics of personnel changes among the Orthodox clergy, the number of closed temples in the Krasnodar and Kuban dioceses and the number of religious ceremonies performed by the clergy. As a result of applying the system method the author reveals that not only local Soviet and party authorities took part in implementing religious policy, but also the public was actively involved that gave large-scale anti-Church actions. Analysis. The aspiration of authorities to the full replacement of the Orthodox church from life of citizens in the region under study led to the loss of more than a half of personnel structure of priests and to closing more than 50 % of temples. To fight against religious traditions the government used both administrative measures expressed in changing the rules of the baptism ceremony, and distribution of experience of Soviet non-religious rites. These measures led to the fact that in the period between 1958 and 1964 the number of baptisms decreased by 38.2 %, weddings – by 87 %, funerals – by 66 %. However, residents of the region continued to visit churches and participate in religious ceremonies. Results. It was found that in Krasnodar Krai the rite of baptism amounted to the largest percentage compared to other rites, which indicates the greater demand for thisrite among the parishioners. As a result of the state religious policy, the Orthodox Church as an institution was dealta serious blow, but it was not possible to eliminate the religiosity of the population.

In the history of Iran, Afsharid's dynasty is among the ones which didn't last long, but is has attracted the attention of many researchers due to its founder's unprecedented measures. The writing and compilation of various written works including books, paupers and so on by domestic and foreign writers indicate the special significance of this period during the contemporary history of Iran. people such as Lawrence Lockhart has compared Nader with great men like Napoleon and others in the field of military genius and political talents and have considered him as being superior to them, and professors such as dr.Abdolhadi Haeri has introduced him as the pioneer in the theory of Islamic unity and the unity of Islamic world what has not been dealt with and even the minimum of it's different dimensions has not been studied is the study of the root and causes of his various and sometimes contradictory religious inclinations which have come from his fragmental stand during the period. In the present article, the exiting probabilities have been studied.

This article aims to deliver a new and methodologically modified view of representation and propaganda strategies in the late 18th century. In the Josephine era, emphasis was placed less on the glorification of a single regent. Instead, the focus was more on complex, multi-layered propagations of a new system of governance and self-image in the context of reform efforts that were intended to permeate all areas of life. In general, the contents of prints dealing with the confessional issue range from the image of the ruler (for example, Joseph as a ‘new’ Diogenes) to satire. The Protestants acclaimed the monarch with demonstrations of gratitude in words, writings and images, which ultimately made the piety of the Emperor a subject in itself. On that bases, I will try to apply a multipolar model that encapsulates the exercise of power as a system of communicative processes with many divergent participators. This view is in line with recent methodological approaches which regard communication as simultaneously a prerequisite and a function of domination. Hence the fundamental question here is how state reforms, particularly those concerning ‘Religious Tolerance’, could be communicated and (finally) carried out in words and images.

Background. The article describes the peculiarities of the establishment and changes in the staff of representatives of the Council for the Affairs of the Russian Orthodox Church under the Council of People’s Commissars of the USSR in the middle of 1940s in RSFSR. Separate features of the staffing table are highlighted in relation to the regions of Eastern Siberia. Nowadays, the problematic has not found a complete, comprehensive study. At the same time, the commissioners and their staff were the most important subjects of the religious policy of the Soviet government in the regions of the country. Materials and methods. The research is based on the principles of historicism and objectivity. We used general scientific methods for collecting and analyzing material, typology. It became important to use special methods, such as the comparative-historical and historical-systemic, thanks to which the comparison of different regions of the USSR and the RSFSR in the formation of states was carried out and the mechanisms of their creation were characterized. Results. The archival documents containing data on the establishment of the staff of representatives of the Council for the Affairs of the Russian Orthodox Church are analyzed, controversial and problematic aspects are highlighted. Special attention is paid to some regions of Eastern Siberia. Conclusions. The obtained data allow us to say that different states were established in the regions of the republic, while for all subjects in Eastern Siberia there was one person less in the offices of authorized representatives than, for example, for the bulk of those in the west and center. Not all subjects of the RSFSR were present in the staffing table. For Eastern Siberia, initially, there were no authorized representatives of the Yakut and Buryat-Mongolian Autonomous Soviet Socialist Republics. Not completely, the issue of wages payment has been resolved, both to the authorized and to the employees of their offices. The situation is not entirely clear, with the cuts in the positions of authorized officers for certain regions and positions of staff members of the apparatus mentioned by some authors, which requires further study.

The article discusses the religious policy of Poland, the Czech Republic and Hungary with regard to the charitable activity of Churches. The analyses refer to current regulations concerning the state-church relationship, adopted as a result of political changes in the examined countries after the breakthrough of the 1980s and 1990s. It presents the formal and legal framework of the Churches' charitable activity resulting from the provisions of constitutions, international agreements, and ordinary laws. In all of the countries under study, church charities benefit from legal regulations providing for their involvement in the sphere of social welfare, in cooperation with state and local government administration. The area of activities where this involvement is supported by the state is the provision of broadly understood social services. The size or political standing of a particular Church do not play any major role in establishing the conditions of such cooperation. Similarly, the level of religiousness in a society is irrelevant for the possibility of such cooperation, as is demonstrated by the example of the secularised Czech Republic. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article deals with Julian the Apostate’s religious policy and its relationship with the renewal of both the Roman state and the morals of Roman society during the emperor’s reign. Julian, who was a zealous follower of pagan religion, attempted to re-establish the old cultus deorum in the Christian-pagan society and to make paganism the Roman state religion. Ammianus, who witnessed Julian’s reign, shows in his Res Gestae that the emperor did his utmost to renew equally the morals of society and condition of the state. In this article the author argues that ‒ according to Ammianus ‒ Julian’s religious programme influenced neither his good moral conduct nor his secular policy. In the Res Gestae, the historian demonstrates that the imperial power as well as Julian’s virtues were sufficient means to renew the morals of society and to restore and strengthen the state, whereas religion only accompanied the emperor’s moves and did not influence them. This article was written with a view to presenting Ammianus’ standpoint on this matter as it emerges from the Res Gestae; one that may seem contrary to how some modern scholars tend to accentuate the role played by pagan religion in the secular policy of the Apostate.

The article examines the complex and fluctuant relationship which exists between the Moroccan regime and salafists from the 1970s until the ‘Arab Spring’. In each moment of this evolution, the regime opts for a pragmatic approach which consists in using this religious trend to meet pressing demands and priorities of a political and security nature. Ten years after breaking up with salafist groups, both quietists and jihadists, suspected to be responsible for the 2003 Casablanca attacks, the regime seeks henceforth to reconcile with salafis with the purpose to integrate them, or at least neutralise them, in the ongoing politico-religious reconfiguration process. Yet, this reconciliation, which aims to defuse the socio-political tensions and uncertainty the country has experienced in the aftermath of 2011 in addition to counterbalance the Islamists rising to power, is likely to challenge or even contradict certain ideological and doctrinal choices that have hitherto framed the religious policy since 2003.

The issue of the reopening of churches in the territory of Stavropol and Baku dioceses at the end of World War II and during the fi rst post-war years is connected with problems of the “new deal” (Russ. «новый курс») in state-church relations in the USSR. A correlation of macro- and micro-historical phenomena in a single problem fi eld allows us to regard this issue as a complex system of interactions. The starting point for the analysis of the position of acting fi gures of the events in question is the initiative of Orthodox church communities that had been forced out of the legal fi eld in the course of antireligious policy of the previous period. The article traces important changes in religious life of regional communities in war-time conditions and draws on the material of Stavropol region, autonomous republics of the Caucasus and Azerbaij an. After the Battle for the Caucasus and Stalingrad Battle, the state faced the necessity to reverse the process of large-scale seizure of church buildings, which for a quarter of a century accompanied its religious policy. The state with an offi cial atheistic ideology came to be a donor to the religious community, providing it with buildings for the worship. This ideological paradox is determined by the direct involvement of top leadership of the Soviet Union in the issue of reopening of churches, as well as an active position of the Chairman of the Council for Aff airs of the Russian Orthodox Church and representatives of local authorities. The almost simultaneous election of patriarch of Moscow and all Russia and the enthronement of archbishop Anthony (Romanovsky) in Stavropol See complements the picture of historical interactions from the side of church hierarchy, the main mediator between communities of believers and state authorities in solving the problem of reopening of churches. On the basis of archival documents, the article makes conclusions as to the nature of concessions of the government in the issue of officially recognised extension of the social base of the church. The article also provides evidence that the “new deal” in fact continued pre-war practices of antireligious policy; it also reveals forms and methods of resisting religious revival in the centre and in the periphery, reconstructs the model of implementing the impeding strategy and summarises results of the established status quo in church life of the North Caucasus and Eastern Transcaucasia at the moment of completion of the so-called “new deal”.

Introduction. This paper deals with the dynamics of changes in relations between followers of Christianity and Islam in Egypt since the 1970s. The relevance of our research consists in the fact that the aforementioned world religions play a significant role in the formation of Egyptians’ mindset and the predestination of their behavior. The novelty of the topic is associated with the attempt to speak about the problem of interfaith relations in the light of main “players’ view”. The list of players includes the State, the Coptic Orthodox Church, the Muslim Brotherhood Movement and other Islamic institutions under presidential control. The research is aimed at analyzing the interfaith relations in Egypt over the last fifty years in order to determine their current status. To achieve this goal, we consistently solved a number of tasks. At first, we found out prerequisites of problem’s emergence, then we described interests of each group, considered their activity and made general implications. Methods. For complex study of the role of the State and religious structures, we have applied an institutional research method. A historical and a system method allowed us to comprehend a genesis of the question and show how internal and external factors affect these institutions. Results. We’ve made the conclusion that the main impact on interfaith relations was made by authoritarian leader who specified their evolution in a favorable way for him. The official Islamic clerics get benefits from the President and therefore do not criticize his power. The Coptic Orthodox Church also collaborates with the State under the threat of terroristic attacks. The Muslim Brotherhood Movement shows independent views, so it can condemn or support President’s decisions based on their vision of the role of religion in the country. Thus, in the 21st century, the choice between Secularization and Islamization will became principal for Egypt’s development.

In the present article the basic aspects of activity of Romanian Orthodox Mission in Transnistria during the Second World War (1941-1944) are analyzed. The author concludes that the main objective of Romanian politics was the re-Christianization of the occupied territory of the USSR. The situation of the Orthodox Church in Transnistria was catastrophic in 1941. Only one church operated on the whole territory between the Dniester and Bug, in Odessa, with one priest. Other churches were completely destroyed (235 churches) or turned into clubs, shops, libraries, etc. Romanian authorities instructed to restore church life in this region to a special Orthodox mission, which from 1941 to 1944 achieved certain results: most of the churches closed by the Bolsheviks were restored and returned to believers; the necessary clergymen were appointed to the parishes; several monasteries were reopened; two theological seminaries were opened; religious books and textbooks were printed, over 20 church newspapers and magazines were published. All these actions had a favorable effect on the restoration of religious life in Transnistria.

Banaras also known as Varanasi (at present a district of Uttar Pradesh state, India) was a sarkar (district) under Allahabad Subah (province) during the great Mughals period (1526-1707). The great Mughals have immortal position for their contributions to Indian economic, society and culture, most important in the development of Ganga-Jamuni Tehzeeb (Hindustani culture). With the establishment of their state in Northern India, Mughal emperors had effected changes by their policies. One of them was their religious policy which is a very controversial topic though is very important to the history of medieval India. There are debates among the historians about it. According to one group, Mughals’ religious policy was very intolerance towards non-Muslims and their holy places, while the opposite group does not agree with it, and say that Mughlas adopted a liberal religious policy which was in favour of non-Muslims and their deities. In the context of Banaras we see the second view. As far as the destruction of temples is concerned was not the result of Mughals’ bigotry, but due to the contemporary political and social circumstances. Mostly temples were destroyed during the war time and under political reasons. This study is based on primary Persian sources and travelogues, perusal study of Faramin (decrees), and modern works done on the theme. Besides this, I have tried to derive accurate historical information from folklore, and have adopted an analytical approach. This article showed that Mughals’ religious policy was in favour of Pundits (priests), Hindu scholars and temples of Banaras; many ghats and temples were built in Banaras with the full support of Mughals. Aurangzeb made many grants both cashes and lands to priests and scholars of Banaras.

The article is devoted to the study of the Volga Stavropol Kalmyks both as a special military service estate and ethnic-confessional one. Results of the work on the volumes of the documentary serie “The Volga Stavropol Kalmyks” and research project “Parish registered books of the Volga Stavropol Kalmyks” are there. Also the importance of scholar usage of unpublished documents and registered notes is marked in this article.

The article analyzes the official activities of the Commissioners of Religious Cult Affairs in the Kalmyk ASSR in 1960-1991 and provides their sociodemographic characteristics. The issues of religious policy and the relations between the commissioners, the Christian clergy and the Executive organs of religious societies were considered. Among the functions of the Commissioner for Religious Affairs were to attend worship services, talk with religious leaders and Church representatives, and travel to areas where he met with the believers and members of the party-state authorities. At the meetings he explained the nature of religious law, became acquainted with the religious situation, resolved problems encountered in the relationship between the believers and the authorities. The main duties of the Commissioner included the supervision over observance of legislation on religious cult affairs by believers and representatives of state institutions as well as public organizations. He checked the activities of the clergy and authorities, their documentation, attended meetings of believers. In case of violation of the law he had the right to initiate before the government authorities the process of striking off the register religious societies and groups, removing clerics from the performance of their official duties, achieving re-election of the Church Council and the audit Commission. In the late 1980s there were positive changes in Soviet religious policy: both the Buddhist and Christian clergy were actively involved in the political life of the Republic. Moreover, in 1989 the heads of Buddhists and Orthodox took part as candidates in the elections of the “Councils of Deputies and Workmen” of different levels. The article is based on the materials of the State Archive of the Russian Federation and the National Archive of the Republic of Kalmykia.

The article deals with the history of the Pentecostal Movement in Kalmykia during the Soviet period on the basis of archival documents. Pentecostal organisations were first founded in the German settlements of the Bolshederbetovsky ulus in the 1920s. However, the authorities arrested the leader of the Pentecostals and the organization was soon closed down. The Pentecostal Movement continued to grow in the late 1950s, after the return of the German population to Kalmykia from places of deportation. In the 1950s and 1970s members of Pentecostal groups worked in 5 settlements, which were located in Gorodovikovsky and Yashaltinsky regions of the Kalmyk ASSR. Usually, the group consisted of 8-15 people, mostly persons of German nationality. By the end of the 1980s, the number of Pentecostals in Kalmykia had decreased and only one of their group had remained. In the postwar period, the government had them merge with the Baptists and prevented them from registering. Therefore, they acted illegally. The atheistic policy of the Soviet state caused the collapse of the Pentecostal Movement in Kalmykia which eventually resulted in the cessation of the influx of new members into a Pentecostal organization. Unlike the Baptists, the Pentecostals did not have the legal structures and were fewer in number, so most their groups disbanded. Although in the late 1980s the religious policy of the Soviet state underwent positive changes, the Pentecostal movement in Kalmykia did not revive, where it had once been suppressed and most of their groups by this time had ceased to exist.

The article analyzes the main elements of the modern theoretical concept of post-secularity in the context of comparative analysis with the main provisions of the theory of secularity, compares and analyzes different interpretations and different theoretical and methodological approaches to defining post-secular society. A retrospective analysis of the causes and process of formation of the postsecular paradigm in the conditions of observation of the inability to fully implement the principles of secularism is carried out. The correlation between post-secular reality and convergent processes as a reaction to socio-cultural transformations of society is revealed. The role of the ecumenical concept as one of the main elements of the convergent processes of society as a response to the spread of secular ideology and socio-cultural transformations of society is clarified. The complex comparative analysis and reflexive, critical views on sekulyarnist and plurality of interpretations outlined the use of the term "postsekulyarnist" in modern philosophical and religious studies plane. The concept of post-secularism does not aim to deny the existence of modern secular societies, or that they all totally move towards desecularization, but to demonstrate that the main directions of the secular paradigm remain often unrealized. Instead, religion is not seen as a relic of the past, but in the public sphere it is given a legitimate role, which can still remain the subject of debate. However, such tolerance should exclude the slightest suspicion of its possible repressive nature, when adherents of both religiosity and secularism recognize one after another the right to their own beliefs, the practice or non-practice of rituals. Evidence of post-secular ideological disposition is open Christian communities to adopt and implement in reality ecumenical concepts as well as their focus on directives post-secular philosophy and theology, intended to overcome destrukturyzatsiyu caused by secular processes in the political and cultural spheres of secular society and inner life of the Christian denominations. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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This article deals with Julian the Apostate's religious policy and its relationship with the renewal of both the Roman state and the morals of Roman society during the emperor's reign. Julian, who was a zealous follower of pagan religion, attempted to re-establish the old cultus deorum in the Christian-pagan society and to make paganism the Roman state religion. Ammianus, who witnessed Julian's reign, shows in his Res Gestae that the emperor did his utmost to renew equally the morals of society and condition of the state. In this article the author argues that - according to Ammianus - Julian's religious programme influenced neither his good moral conduct nor his secular policy. In the Res Gestae, the historian demonstrates that the imperial power as well as Julian's virtues were sufficient means to renew the morals of society and to restore and strengthen the state, whereas religion only accompanied the emperor's moves and did not influence them. This article was written with a view to presenting Ammianus' standpoint on this matter as it emerges from the Res Gestae; one that may seem contrary to how some modern scholars tend to accentuate the role played by pagan religion in the secular policy of the Apostate. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The new publication carries on the study with theme of the Justinian’s I building activity. There is the legislative material of the period 535–546 selected as the research object. An analysis of data of the Justinianic novels and edicts displays some interesting things, which do partly correct a certain modern notions of this object. At the same time, the legislative data corroborated the known from other sources fact of intensive church building under Justinian the Great. The well-known prevailing role of the private builder in the same time did receive the supplementary confirmation as well. But Justinian I was not a big private builder of churches, as the literary historical sources try to demonstrate. This emperor is mentioned in his novels in connection with the building of monasteries. It’s scholar knowledge that Justinian was working out the standards in the sphere of the religious building. However, full regulation of the building process didn’t take place under his rule: just separate norms have arisen then, which concerned mainly the proprietors’ rights and duties, and as well indirectly as the volume of church building. Consequently, Justinian the Emperor did not only build many religious edifices, but limited private building too. Finally, the aforesaid witnesses that he didn’t have any program of church building in the Empire, and he didn’t waste state financial means for its realization.