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The 2008 great financial crisis brought the question of the cyclical development of capitalism back to the center of political economy. To understand the nature of post-crisis capitalism, it is inevitable to evaluate the literature on the temporal phases of capitalism. This article presents four theories about the periodization of capitalism: the social structure of accumulation theory, regulation theory, techno-economic paradigm approach and systemic cycles of accumulation school. The article shows that, despite the different perspectives, each of the phasing approaches leads to similar results about the periods of capitalism. Moreover, the article concludes that every phase of capitalism has four elements: techno-economic paradigm, socio-institutional structures, demand regime and hegemonic state.

Critical Theory in the 1940s contributed a significant modification of the classic idea of ‚progress‘ by arguing that development of the means of production implies development of the means of domination at the same time. This does not (against Habermas) necessarily lead into hopeless historical pessimism, but to a minimalist idea of progress: avoid the self-destruction of humanity and stop hunger and fear. The potential of the other radical implication of Critical Theory, namely that progress = liberation cannot necessarily be expected from a new mode of production. That there can be new modes of production inside a capitalist structure, is not fully realized by Horkheimer/Adorno due to their limited model of the development of capitalism: from „liberalism“ to „monopoly capitalism“. Post-war developments had to be „explained away“ as new forms of domination of the same old capitalism. Assuming that capitalism moved through the phases of Industrialism to Fordism to Neo-liberalism provides a better framework for Critical Theory and its idea of ‚progress‘.

Based on a case study of taxi platforms in Oslo, Norway comprised of interviews with drivers and an ethnographic fieldwork working a driver, this article explores the platformization of the Norwegian taxi industry and the drivers' working conditions through Marx's concept of subsumption. In Norway, taxi platforms emerged in an already formally subsumed industry. The platforms have developed a new market segment, and also introduced an additional element in the subsumption of labor, whereby the platforms exert control over the market relations (by determining number of rides, earnings, and potential exclusions) through digital technology. While the platforms' 'algorithmic management' is often described as a technology that might reorganize the world of work, the analysis finds that this form of control does not radically transform the drivers' labor processes and cannot be seen as an example of what Marx termed real subsumption. However, the platformization of the industry, wherein the platforms appropriate the social and technological conditions of production, might result in a reorganization and transformation corresponding to a real subsumption in the future. The article concludes that exploring platform work through Marx's notion of subsumption highlights, on one hand, the relation between platforms and workers as characterized by subordination and domination and, on the other, that a detailed and critical assessment of the actual consequences of platform-based control is necessary to capture the contextual dynamics of platformization. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Estudos e Pesquisas em Psicologia is the property of Editora da Universidade do Estado do Rio de Janeiro (EdUERJ) and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Materialist theories of disability link disability and labor, hypothesizing that under neoliberalism, disability stigma contributes to labor market precarity. These claims have not been evaluated empirically and the mediating role of the state remains underspecified. Ethnographic fieldwork in a job training program for people with psychiatric disabilities reveals two contradictions in the welfare state treatment of disability. First, disability benefits are set at low levels, yet means-testing limits earnings, channeling people with disabilities into low-wage jobs. Second, contradictory imperatives attached to state funding incentivize placement in temporary jobs. These welfare state contradictions produce disabled workers as a precarious labor force. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Itinerarios (1507-7241) is the property of University of Warsaw and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

This paper attempts to place issues of land reform in South Africa and Zimbabwe in a 'word-historical' perspective. 'World-historical' is used in two senses. The first is that given by the 'classic' agrarian question and its tradition, concerning the role of agrarian transformation in the transition to capitalism, and especially industrial capitalism, in general. The second applies to the trajectories, and mutations, of the 'classic' agrarian question in the development of capitalism on a world scale and its historical and spatial coordinates. It is suggested that the moment of 'globalization' from the 1970s signaled the end of the 'classic' agrarian question, as the agrarian question of capital, without its resolution in most countries of the South. At the same time, however, the 'fragmentation' of labor associated with and intensified by the global restructuring of capital discloses possibilities of (new) agrarian questions generated by the struggles of labor for means of livelihood and reproduction. This is illustrated in relation to South Africa and especially Zimbabwe as social formations that combine key aspects of previous phases of capitalism, given their belated, and limited, national democratic revolutions, and of the current phase of 'globalization' and its fragmentation of labor. While schematic in presentation, the aim is to illustrate the relevance and utility of some wider theoretical and historical ideas to debate of land redistribution in South Africa and Zimbabwe today. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper discusses distribution and the historical phases of capitalism. It assumes that technical progress and growth are taking place, and, given that, its question is on the functional distribution of income between labor and capital, having as reference classical theory of distribution and Marx's falling tendency of the rate of profit. Based on the historical experience, it, first, inverts the model, making the rate of profit as the constant variable in the long run and the wage rate, as the residuum; second, it distinguishes three types of technical progress (capital-saving, neutral and capital-using) and applies it to thehistory of capitalism, having the UK and France as reference. Given these three types of technical progress, it distinguishes five phases of capitalist growth, where only the second is consistent with Marx prediction. In the final phase, corresponding to financier-rentier capitalism and neoliberalism, the profit rate recovered from the fall of the 1970s, while wages have been growing below the growth of productivity [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Several leading economists of the Union of Soviet Socialist Republics, headed by economist L.A. Leontiev, have published a statement criticizing the way in which economics has been taught in Soviet institutions of learning. Critics re-define economics, they propose a more rigid application of historical materialism to the prehistoric age, they oppose the idealization of primitive communism, stressing the historical necessity of its replacement by more developed forms of economic organization and demand that more room be given to the early phases of capitalism, finally, they condemn the theory that economic laws do not apply to a socialist economy and try to explain how the law of value operates under socialism. This final part of the statement overshadows others in importance. The controversy about determinants of social structure in the prehistoric age is of little concern to non-Marxians, who would contest presuppositions and in their recommendations for the treatment of communism and capitalism in history the authors are merely reminding their colleagues of some well-known Marxian propositions.

Afropean anthropologist, philosopher, and art curator Dénètem Touam Bona is an original "border thinker" and "crosser" of geographic and conceptual boundaries working within a tradition of Caribbean historical poetics, notably represented by Édouard Glissant. He explores ideas of "fugue" and "refuge" in light of the experience of maroons or escaped slaves, key actors of the simultaneous expansion of freedom and industrial-scale chattel slavery in the Americas. In "Freedom as Marronage" (2015), Neill Roberts defines freedom itself as perpetual flight, and locates its very origins in the liminal and transitional spaces of slave escape, offering a perspective on modernity that gives voice to hunted fugitives, defiant of its ecology, enclosures, and definition, and who were ultimately excised from its archive. Touam Bona's "cosmo-poetics" excavates marronage as a mode of invention, subterfuge and utopian projection that revisits its history and representation; sacred, musical, ecological, and corporeal idioms; and alternative forms of community, while also inviting contemporary parallels with the "captives" of the global border regime, namely fugitives, nomads, refugees, and asylum seekers who perpetually evade norms, controls, and domestication. He deploys the metaphor of the liana, a long-stemmed tropical vine that climbs and twines through dense forests, weaving relation in defiance of predation, to evoke colonized and displaced peoples' subterranean evasion of commodification, classification, control, cultural erasure, and ecological annihilation. This article frames his work within an Afro-diasporic history and transnational cultural criticism that envisions fugitivity and exilic spaces as dissonant forms of resistance to the coloniality of power, and their relevance to understanding racialization, representations of the past, and narratives of freedom and belonging across borders. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This Special Issue of the Cambridge Journal of Economics (CJE) marks and celebrates forty years since the publication of Keith Cowling’s (1982) seminal Monopoly Capitalism, which synthesised, updated, and extended the earlier work of scholars such as Steindl (1952), Baran and Sweezy (1966), Hymer (1970, 1972) and Kalecki (1971). Since the publication of Monopoly Capitalism, the critical transformative event has been the latest (fourth) technological revolution and the emergence of Big Tech companies such as Facebook, Apple, Amazon, Netflix and Google (aka FAANGs), alongside Microsoft and so-called ‘gig’ or ‘sharing economy’ firms (such as Uber, Airbnb). While initially regarded as exemplars of the dynamics of contemporary capitalism, in recent years there has been a public backlash against Big Tech, and its impact and influence within the global economy. Indeed, several commentators have raised concerns that beneath the veneer of Big Tech lies potentially insidious business models and practices that have led to a rise in corporate power and the monopolisation of markets. These criticisms, however, largely ignore the contributions of earlier scholars of monopoly capitalism. This Special Issue addresses this oversight with a series of papers re-examining and extending the work of Cowling and others in the monopoly capitalism tradition, in the specific context of Big Tech. The Introduction opens with a portrait of Keith Cowling, as a person and his scholarly contribution to the field. It then provides a critical assessment of the papers in this Special Issue. In the Epilogue, we summarise and conclude. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In her article, "Kazuo Ishiguro and the Service Economy," Kate Montague argues that Kazuo Ishiguro's novels enact a poetics of work for the present moment -- not just at the level of narrative but also in the kind of language used to describe the service economies his characters are doomed to inhabit. In his best-known novels, a clinical, bureaucratic, and even glorifying lexicon of "donations," "completions," "substitutions," and "lifting" is betrayed by the reality of work grounded in horror. In Ishiguro's worlds, which are very much our own, the out-sourcing of reproductive and domestic labor is enabled by a larger system in which state technologies as well as linguistic forms mark certain bodies as readily exploitable and disposable. Looking comparatively between dystopian literary form and recent critical work on the service and care industries, the article shows how the tension between a euphemistic language of service and a social logic of mass death speaks to our own moment and to a crisis of care that, after years of austerity and now a global pandemic, defines the present. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Negative emissions techniques (NETs) promise to capture greenhouse gases from the atmosphere and sequester them. Since decarbonisation efforts have been slow, and the climate crisis is intensifying, it is increasingly likely that removing greenhouse gases from the atmosphere will be necessary to meet internationally-agreed targets. Yet there are fears that pursuing NETs might undermine other mitigation efforts, primarily the reduction (rather than removal) of greenhouse gas emissions. This paper discusses the risk of this phenomenon, named 'mitigation deterrence'. Some of us have previously argued that a cultural political economy framework is needed for analysing NETs. Such a framework explains how promises of future NETs deployment, understood as defensive spatio-temporal fixes, are depoliticised and help defend an existing neoliberal political regime, and its inadequate climate policy. Thus they risk deterring necessary emissions reductions. Here we build on that framework, arguing that to understand such risks, we need to understand them as the result of historically situated, evolving, lived practices. We identify key contributing practices, focussing in particular but not exclusively on climate modelling, and discuss how they have been reproduced and co-evolved, here likened to having dug a hole for ourselves as a society. We argue that understanding and reducing deterrence risks requires phronetic knowledge practices, involving not just disembodied, dispassionate technoeconomic knowledge-making, but also strategic attention to political and normative issues, as well as emotional labour. Reflecting on life in the hole hurts. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Contexto Internacional is the property of Pontificia Universidade Catolica do Rio de Janeiro, Instituto de Relacoes Internacionais and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

This rejoinder addresses many of the issues raised by the commentaries of Crislayne Alfagali, Jack Bouchard, Mary Draper, Waldomiro Lourenço Jr, and Jason Moore regarding my article, "Commodity Chains and the Global Environmental History of the Colonial Americas". Like that article, this piece is divided into three different sections. First, I discuss several issues related to the discipline, and take the opportunity to further develop some arguments from my initial intervention, particularly the discussion on methodological nationalism. Next, I survey the potentialities and limits of the history of commodities to think about the history of capitalism. Finally, in the third and last section, I explore the debate on the knowledge of Africans and Amerindians in the construction of the Atlantic world as a strategy to tie many of the issues discussed throughout the text. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The complex societies we now inhabit oblige us to question, reformulate or even rupture the traditional socio-political frameworks in which social pedagogy and the social professions have been developed and in which the theories that explain and justify them have been constructed. These frameworks have institutionalised concepts, practices and methodologies that often no longer fit within the complexity of today's constantly changing realities. The aim of this article is to propose and analyse some key foundations for understanding the social professions and the actions they carry out. It concerns itself with generating questions that link social pedagogy and the social professions with the complexity of today's social life. The questions address the current content of what we refer to as 'the social' and its relationship with other dimensions such as politics, culture and the environment. Among other issues, the article addresses how the social professions have developed within the political framework of the welfare state. Based on the answers to these questions, we argue in favour of updating the term 'social' with renewed connotations, and of defining the 'good life' as the reference point that must give it meaning. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Describes the licensing regime of North American harvesting machinery from 1830 to 1910 prior to the establishment of corporations and rise of mass production. Pattern of spatial and corporate concentration of the system of licensed production; Role of mass production to collapse of licensing regime; Relations to debates over phases of capitalism.

Discusses James Joyce's novel `Ulysses' and prediction of the explosion of installment buying and living on credit of the 1920s. Two phases of capitalism according to Michel Foucault and Lawrence Birken; Understanding `Ulysses''s place in the transition to late capitalism; Need to redefine political goals .

A good deal of research and theory construction in the sociology of knowledge relies on the ‘dominant ideology thesis’. This thesis suggests that there is in most societies a set of beliefs which dominates all others and which, through its incorporation in the consciousness of subordinate classes, tends to inhibit the development of radical political dissent. In this article we propose a number of reinterpretations of this thesis which at present systematically ignores the effect of the dominant ideology on the dominant class. There is good evidence that the subordinate classes are not incorporated into the dominant ideology and that, by contrast, the dominant classes are deeply penetrated by and incorporated within the dominant belief system. In most societies the apparatus of transmission of the dominant ideology is not very efficient and, in any event, is typically directed at the dominant rather than the subordinate class. We conclude that there is no well marked dominant ideology in the later phases of capitalism. Thus, the dominant ideology has the function of maintaining the dominant class's control over property in feudalism and early capitalism. In late capitalism, however, the changing nature of the dominant class in terms of a partial divorce between ownership and control means that the dominant ideology ceases to be crucial for the coherence of the dominant class. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The United Arab Emirates (UAE) and Qatar are taking the lead in the urbanization boom that is drastically transforming the spatial fabric of the Arab Gulf region. Embedded in the ambitious urban development projects launched by the UAE and Qatar is an endeavour to ‘bring the world to the Arab Gulf region’. To this end, these two states are engaged in a process of collecting and borrowing antique objects and canonized artefacts, as well as reproducing and duplicating some internationally celebrated architectural sites and spaces. While some consider these projects to be ‘part of strategies to prepare for the post-oil era’, others hold that ‘Arab Gulf States aim to strengthen or . . . creatively (re)construct identitarian patterns’. It can be argued that Arab Gulf cities should be looked at as ‘political actors’ due to ‘the functions they fulfill as spatial command posts for globalized capitalism’. The production and organization of social space, in this sense, cannot be seen as a ‘dead’ or passive category with no influence over various dimensions of lived experience, including thought, politics and economy. Juxtaposing the UAE’s and Qatar’s urbanization projects with the nineteenth-century phenomenon of world exhibitions and fairs, this article takes the Louvre Abu Dhabi and Villaggio Mall as case studies to investigate the modalities of knowledge generated through processes of cultural and spatial (re)production and the impact of the latter on the construction of personhood and lived experience in the Arab Gulf region. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Cuadernos de Turismo is the property of Servicio de Publicaciones de la Universidad de Murcia and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

ABSTRACT This paper discusses distribution and the historical phases of capitalism. It assumes that technical progress and growth are taking place, and, given that, its question is on the functional distribution of income between labor and capital, having as reference classical theory of distribution and Marx’s falling tendency of the rate of profit. Based on the historical experience, it, first, inverts the model, making the rate of profit as the constant variable in the long run and the wage rate, as the residuum; second, it distinguishes three types of technical progress (capital-saving, neutral and capital-using) and applies it to the history of capitalism, having the UK and France as reference. Given these three types of technical progress, it distinguishes five phases of capitalist growth, where only the second is consistent with Marx prediction. In the final phase, corresponding to financier-rentier capitalism and neoliberalism, the profit rate recovered from the fall of the 1970s, while wages have been growing below the growth of productivity.

Tony Lawson's writings, including those in the history of economics, have an ontological orientation. Several scholars influenced by him likewise practice an ontologically oriented history of economic thought. However, the programme for this sort of history has not been explicitly articulated. In the present paper, we argue that Lawson's The nature of heterodox economics contains implicitly an ontologically oriented programme in the history of economic thought. We also illustrate the achievements of this programme by reviewing the writings on the later Austrians by Lawson and his associates. Finally, we assess the programme and its achievements in the light of Lawson's comments on the importance of doing social-scientific ontology and doing history of economic thought. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The failure of the Keynesian model in the 1970s opened the way for a neoliberal model that works at an economic level by privileging financial capital and at a political level as a rational frame of reference for a new postdemocratic "common sense." Populism has both a collision dimension (a supposedly nonideological take on the neoliberal crisis) and an institutional dimension (a heavily ideological conception of proposals aimed at overcoming current political impasses). Within the Spanish political party Podemos, a debate has emerged between Ernesto Laclau's "empty signifiers" and the theory put forward by Boaventura de Sousa Santos. The former is stronger on the deconstituent dimension, but only the latter is capable of formulating post-neoliberal agendas. The primacy of discourse in Laclau's theory of populism impedes the construction of a new political subject and the consideration of a new identity. In contrast, Santos's theory, especially his emphasis on "translation," lends itself to a more transformative political practice in that it widens the spectrum of what is possible. El fracaso del modelo keynesiano en la década de 1970 abrió el camino para un modelo neoliberal que funciona a nivel económico privilegiando el capital financiero y a nivel político como un marco de referencia racional para un nuevo "sentido común" posdemocrático. El populismo tiene tanto una dimensión de la colisión (una visión supuestamente no ideológica de la crisis neoliberal) y una dimensión institucional (una concepción fuertemente ideológica de las propuestas destinadas a superar los actuales impases políticos). Dentro del partido político español Podemos, ha surgido un debate entre los "significantes vacíos" de Ernesto Laclau y la teoría presentada por Boaventura de Sousa Santos. La primera es más fuerte en la dimensión desconstituyente, pero solo la segunda es capaz de formular agendas post-neoliberales. La primacía del discurso en la teoría del populismo de Laclau impide la construcción de un nuevo sujeto político y consideración de una nueva identidad. En contraste, la teoría de Santos, especialmente su énfasis en "traducción," se presta a una práctica política más transformadora, ya que amplía el espectro de lo que es posible. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Sustainability in Debate / Sustentabilidade em Debate is the property of University of Brasilia, Center for Sustainable Development and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)