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BackgroundObesity rates among children and adults continue to accelerate in the U.S., particularly among marginalized and low-income populations. Obesity prevention and reduction policies can significantly impact population health by improving environmental conditions and increasing access to health-promoting resources. Limited research has been conducted to examine state obesity policy change over time. The primary aim of this study is to examine legislative approaches used to prevent and reduce obesity in the state of California (U.S.).MethodsWe used quantitative policy surveillance methods to develop a state database of obesity-related legislation (bills, resolutions) introduced in California's legislature between 1999 and 2020. Descriptive statistics were used to examine trends of introduced and enacted policy by legislative and policy characteristics. Chi-square tests were used to determine differences in characteristics between enacted and non-enacted legislation. Legislative session and policy characteristics found to be associated with enactment were used to predict adoption in a logistic regression.ResultsA total of 284 obesity-related bills and resolutions were introduced in California's legislature between 1999 and 2020 with a peak of 43 in 2005-2006. On average, 25.8 bills and resolutions were introduced each 2-year legislative cycle. Findings indicate that (a) children and schools were the most frequently specified population and setting; (b) the most common policy topics were nutrition (45%) and physical activity (33%); and (c) only 15% of legislation mentioned race/ethnicity. Overall, 24.9% of bills were enacted compared to 82.1% of resolutions adopted. Legislation to raise awareness about obesity had 5.4 times the odds of being passed compared to other topics. Yet this difference was not statistically significant in a sensitivity analysis when we excluded resolutions.ConclusionsThis database can be leveraged to advance our knowledge of effective and equitable policy instruments to prevent and reduce obesity. Results reveal important policy elements that may impact legislative success, including policy topic, and contribute to a nascent evidence base for public health law research, legal epidemiology, and practice. Future work should investigate the role of policy effectiveness research and evidence on legislative policymaking.

Climate change is dramatically altering the environmental context in which marine resources are harvested and managed. A growing field of academic literature has begun to explore the adaptive capacity of fishers and managers to respond to this change, but much of this field is abstract and theory-driven. Therefore, it is unclear whether this literature accurately reflects the adaptation priorities of fishery management practitioners, or whether there are gaps in the literature that these practitioners could fill with on-the-ground knowledge. Second, even if these principles of adaptive capacity are perfectly aligned with management practitioners’ priorities, it is unclear to what extent these principles are actively considered in the decision making process, and if not, why. This study seeks to address these questions by confronting fisheries professionals with academic ideas around adaptive capacity through a series of semi-structured interviews with federal fishery managers and scientists whose work informs decision making in the United States regional fishery management system. The study then uses these interviews to identify three low-cost, high-impact action items that could make concepts from the academic literature more accessible and useful to these practitioners and expand the literature by incorporating practitioners’ expertise. These action items are: 1) distinguish adaptive capacity from adaptive management, 2) use practitioner insights to contextualize the elements of adaptive capacity within the constraints and opportunities of governance systems, and 3) expand academic research to explicitly consider the capacity to adapt on appropriate timelines given the scale and pace of systemic change.

For over a century, Los Angeles (LA) has been the site for the extraction, refining, and consumption of vast quantities of petroleum. Yet as active drilling wanes, as land becomes increasingly scarce, and as affordable housing shortages reach record levels, cities must confront the legacies of oil production.  In Vista Hermosa, a neighborhood a mile north of downtown LA, residents have sought to decommission hundreds of wells in one oil reservoir, the “LA City Field.” According to residents, the wells buried alongside their homes, schools, and parks are dangerous despite not producing oil for decades. Law co-produces urban infrastructures like oil wells, and with those infrastructures, new kinds of uncertainty and risk. This article analyzes the foundational role of law in creating this legacy of deserted urban oil wells; the work of residents to make visible Vista Hermosa’s petroleum past; and the effects of rapid real estate development in the neighborhood.

The Human Genome Project was an enormous accomplishment, providing a foundation for countless explorations into the genetics and genomics of the human species. Yet for many years, the human genome reference sequence remained incomplete and lacked representation of human genetic diversity. Recently, two major advances have emerged to address these shortcomings: complete gap-free human genome sequences, such as the one developed by the Telomere-to-Telomere Consortium, and high-quality pangenomes, such as the one developed by the Human Pangenome Reference Consortium. Facilitated by advances in long-read DNA sequencing and genome assembly algorithms, complete human genome sequences resolve regions that have been historically difficult to sequence, including centromeres, telomeres, and segmental duplications. In parallel, pangenomes capture the extensive genetic diversity across populations worldwide. Together, these advances usher in a new era of genomics research, enhancing the accuracy of genomic analysis, paving the path for precision medicine, and contributing to deeper insights into human biology.

Abstract: The International Criminal Court (ICC) is a legal institution embedded in international politics. Politics shaped the Rome Statute of the ICC, which is rooted in norms and rules of European lineage and security interests of party states. Politics constrains and influences the operation of the Court, which has adapted in response to oversight and governance of the Assembly of States Parties, and to political actions extrinsic to institutional rules. The ICC also has political effects in situation states. A brief history shows that application of Rome Statute triggers across state parties with different social conditions skewed geographic distribution of its investigations and prosecutions towards Africa, a structural bias that catalysed a legitimation crisis for the ICC. Subsequent exercises of expansive jurisdiction aimed at nationals of non-African, non-party states – including Israel and some of the world's great powers – have dampened African complaints and advanced the ICC agenda, but intensified non-legitimacy claims by powerful non-party states. To survive, Court organs must follow legal mandates, yet be responsive to pressing international political demands, continuously risking the legitimacy of the ICC as a legal institution and adverse political reactions by antagonised governments. Careful management of the tension between law and politics at the ICC may modestly reduce antagonism towards the Court, but that tension cannot be resolved, and confrontations over the ICC's legitimacy are certain to recur.

In much of the American West, water districts dominate water governance. These districts serve vitally important functions in regions challenged by aridity, growing populations, and climate change. These districts also often operate within boundaries developed a century ago, or more, and under governing rules that are undemocratic by design. In many water districts, people who do not own land cannot serve on the governing board. Nor can they vote in water district elections. Not surprisingly, given their composition and power, water districts often thwart efforts to modernize and bring equity to water management. This Article describes these problems. Drawing on original data and mapping, it shows how pervasive these undemocratic governance structures can be and how water districts with these structures are expanding their reach into new policy realms. It also explains continued problems with the geography of water districts. And it shows how some water districts have acted to thwart important state policy interests and why such conflicts are likely to increase. This Article also explains how state governments can respond. It advocates a shift from impact litigation--which earlier generations of lawyers tried to use, largely unsuccessfully--to legislative activity. It explains specific steps state legislatures can take to reform water district governance structures, reset boundaries, and address districts that persistently undermine state policy goals. More generally, it explains how different governance frameworks can replace states' current hands-off approach to water district oversight., ARTICLE CONTENTS INTRODUCTION 3 I. THE EMERGENCE OF WATER DISTRICTS 10 A. Origins and Functions 13 B. Challenges to Water Districts 22 II. PROBLEMS WITH WATER DISTRICTS 29 A. Democracy [...]

Background: It is an unfortunate truth that Emergency Medicine (EM) physicians will, at some point, have contact with the medicolegal system. However, most EM residency training programs lack education on the legal system in their curriculum, leaving EM physicians unprepared for litigation. To fill this gap, we designed a high-yield and succinct medical legal workshop highlighting legal issues commonly encountered by EM physicians. We aimed to determine the effectiveness of this curriculum by measuring pre and post knowledge questions.Methods: A two-hour session included a case-based discussion of common misconceptions held by physicians about the legal system, proper steps when interacting with the legal system and review of legal documents. This session was developed with the involvement of our hospital legal counsel and discussed real encounters. The effectiveness of the session was determined using pre- and post-session surveys assessing participant knowledge and comfort approaching the scenarios.Results: A total of 34 EM residents had the opportunity to complete this workshop as a part of their conference curriculum. A total of 26 participants completed the pre-survey and 19 participants completed the post-survey. No participants had previous training in the legal aspects of medicine, including handling a subpoena, serving as a witness, or giving a deposition.    The pre-survey demonstrated that there was significant uncertainty surrounding the processes, definitions, and the legal system interaction. Many participants stated they would not know what to do if they received a subpoena (85.71%), were called as a witness in a trial (96.43%) or receive correspondence from a lawyer (96.43%).    The post survey revealed an increased knowledge base and confidence following the session. 100% of residents reported knowing what to do after receiving a subpoena, being called as a witness and understanding the process involved in giving a deposition. All residents reported that the session was beneficial and provided crucial information.Conclusion: EM residents have limited baseline understanding of how to approach common legal scenarios. Educational materials available for this curriculum topic are limited. Based on the rapid knowledge increase observed in our residents, we believe our workshop could be adapted for use at other residency programs.

Several studies demonstrate gender and partisan differences among Americans in COVID-19 socioeconomic consequences, attitudes, and behaviors. The authors of this study use six waves of panel survey data to explore the intersection of gender and party across COVID-19 mitigation behaviors, concerns, and policy preferences. The authors observe small gender gaps on several measures; however, partisan differences are larger than gender differences when considering the interaction between gender and partisanship. Democratic women are more similar to Democratic men on these measures than to Republican women. On virtually all measures, Republican women report lower levels of mitigation behaviors, worries, and support for expansive government policies compared to Democratic women and men. Analyzing the interaction of gender and partisanship illuminates how individuals navigated the pandemic with respect to identity factors that often pull in different directions. These findings suggest that one's partisan identity is more consequential than gender when it comes to COVID behaviors, concerns, and policy preferences.

ContextTo facilitate the manufacturing of COVID-19 medical products, in October 2020 India and South Africa proposed a waiver of certain intellectual property (IP) provisions of a World Trade Organization (WTO) agreement. After nearly two years, a narrow waiver agreement that did little for vaccine access passed the ministerial despite the pandemic's impact on global trade, which the WTO is mandated to safeguard.MethodsThe authors conducted a content analysis of WTO legal texts, key-actor statements, media reporting, and the WTO's procedural framework to explore legal, institutional, and ideational explanations for the delay.FindingsIP waivers are neither legally complex nor unprecedented within WTO law, yet these waiver negotiations exceeded their mandated 90-day negotiation period by approximately 18 months. Waiver opponents and supporters engaged in escalating strategic framing that justified and eventually secured political attention at head-of-state level, sidelining other pandemic solutions. The frames deployed discouraged consensus on a meaningful waiver, which ultimately favored the status quo that opponents preferred. WTO institutional design encouraged drawn-out negotiation while limiting legitimate players in the debate to trade ministers, empowering narrow interest group politics.ConclusionsDespite global political attention, the WTO process contributed little to emergency vaccine production, suggesting a pressing need for reforms aimed at more efficient and equitable multilateral processes.

A mid-century net zero target creates a challenge for reducing the emissions of emissions-intensive, trade-exposed sectors with high cost mitigation options. These sectors include aluminium, cement, chemicals, iron and steel, lime, pulp and paper and petroleum refining. Available studies agree that decarbonization of these sectors is possible by mid-century if more ambitious policies are implemented soon. Existing carbon pricing policies have had limited impact on the emissions of these sectors because their marginal abatement costs almost always exceed the tax rate or allowance price. But emissions trading systems with free allowance allocations to emissions-intensive, trade-exposed sectors have minimized the adverse economic impacts and associated leakage. Internationally coordinated policies are unlikely, so implementing more ambitious policies creates a risk of leakage. This paper presents policy packages a country can implement to accelerate emission reduction by these sectors with minimal risk of leakage. To comply with international trade law the policy packages differ for producers whose goods compete with imports in the domestic market and producers whose goods are exported. Carbon pricing is a critical component of each package due its ability to minimize the risk of adverse economic impacts on domestic industry, support innovation and generate revenue. The revenue can be used to assist groups adversely impacted by the domestic price and production changes due to carbon pricing and to build public support for the policies.

Reading Icelandic Sagas against a medieval legal background in a First-Year Writing Seminar is a useful way to teach students the bones of academic argument. When the classroom is transformed into a courtroom through re-enactments of the legal struggles at the Althing, all students participate, and some exploratory students sign up for English and creative writing.

Abstract: Research finds that immigration and crime are not related across neighbourhoods, contrary to social disorganization theory and consistent with the immigration revitalization thesis. This research, however, is largely silent as to any possible nonlinear effects. Yet social theory offers sound reasons for why the immigration–crime association may be nonlinear; explanations, including immigrant/ethnic enclave theory and immigrant victimization theory, underscore potential concentration effects—albeit in different ways. Using a novel dataset with information on crime in over 15,000 neighbourhoods across a diverse range of US cities, we examine whether or not the immigration–crime association is nonlinear. We find that for both violent and property crime, a nonlinear relationship best captures the relationship. In additional analyses, we determine the theoretical perspective with which the findings are most consistent.

Over the last two decades, U.S. courts have convicted hundreds of thousands of Latin American defendants for misdemeanor immigration crimes. This has mostly happened through a federal program called Operation Streamline. In that program, immigrants are convicted without any semblance of due process. They are charged with the crime of entering the United States, have a brief conversation with a defense lawyer, plead guilty in a mass plea hearing with up to one hundred defendants at once, and receive their sentence—all in a single court appearance. In 2018, this program encountered its first organized resistance. In that year, the Trump Administration tried to bring Operation Streamline to California for the first time. There, immigrant defendants and their lawyers did not acquiesce to a norm of immediate guilty pleas. Instead, they fought their cases by securing release on bond, raising objections, taking their cases to trial, and appealing their convictions. This unexpected resistance prevented federal prosecutors from processing dozens of cases per day. In 2021, something similar happened in Texas. Governor Greg Abbott created a state-law version of Operation Streamline called Operation Lone Star. Immigrant defendants and their lawyers have resisted this program as well, securing release on bond and fighting through motions, writs, and trials. This Article documents, analyzes, and draws lessons from these immigrants’ defiance. It does so using court records, transcripts, and firsthand accounts. In the process, this Article uncovers the institutional logic of these mass immigrant prosecution systems, which have become a major feature of U.S. immigration policy. It shows how these systems prioritize efficiency above all else, resulting in inferior jail conditions, summary court proceedings, and coerced guilty pleas. In particular, it critiques the role defense lawyers typically play in these systems. Defense lawyers are expected to facilitate these prosecutions by coaching their clients to plead guilty quickly. Their presence gives the proceedings a false legitimacy, as these systems are designed to prevent lawyers from providing competent counsel. As this Article argues, defense lawyers should instead undermine these systems by helping defendants assert their rights and litigate. Indeed, immigrant defendants have powerful incentives to fight their cases if their lawyers will help them. The battles in California and Texas reveal several effective legal strategies for immigrant defendants to resist mass criminalization. They also illustrate how criminal defense lawyers can pursue systemic litigation while honoring their duties to individual clients. The keys are to seek out situations where a defendant can safely assert their procedural rights, and to only waive those rights when doing so benefits the defendant.

Visitation at national parks and other public lands has surged to record levels, a trend intensified in many places by the COVID-19 pandemic. Unfortunately, the popularity of public lands has led to congestion, a degraded outdoor experience, and damage to natural resources. In response, land managers have adopted capacity limits, reservation requirements, and other access restrictions. The growing restrictions on access to public lands raise serious concerns. They threaten individual benefits that public lands generate for physical and mental health, as well as collective benefits to cultural identity and national unity. Restrictions on access often have disparate impacts on those who are economically disadvantaged or lack technological savvy. In addition, land managers sometimes institute these restrictions with little or no notice or opportunity for public input. Although public land managers have various tools to accommodate high visitation, they sometimes have to ration access to public lands. Closures and other restrictions may be necessary to ensure public safety, maintain the quality of visitor experiences, or protect wildlife and other resources. This Article explores guidelines to assist land managers as they make difficult decisions about the restriction and allocation of access to public lands.

America’s juvenile justice system was founded on the notion that the juvenile court would serve as the “ultimate parent” for youth. Yet, the history of youth punishment challenges the promise of juvenile “justice.” To offer a more comprehensive account of the family systems in juvenile court, this study draws from the insights of historical research on youth punishment and family criminalization to examine juvenile court outcomes in Arizona. Combining a historical lens with insights from attribution theory, we use quantitative and qualitative methods to examine the relationship between diverse family systems, including single mothers, single fathers, extended families, and foster care families, and juvenile court outcomes (i.e., diversion, preadjudication detention, petition, and judicial dismissal). Our findings suggest the need for more complex understandings of both family and punishment, and more expansive theorizations of the sorts of solutions that match the scope and scale of the problem.

Abstract: Scholars and advocates are at odds about how to achieve higher levels of child safety and permanency. Calls for change include the recent upEND focus on eradication of child welfare services to a radical refocusing of the present system towards prevention/early intervention. To clarify the implications of reform over abolition, we seek to portray a future in which the abolition of child welfare has occurred, in juxtaposition to maintaining four core elements of established child maltreatment programmes around the world: (1) receiving and responding to community signals about the risk to children; (2) assessment of need coupled with a proportionate response; (3) rights protections to ensure fairness when placement outside the family is required; and (4) procedures for accountability and quality improvement. For each of these functions, we outline abolitionist advocates' positions and implications for children and parents. Across these elements, we delineate how assigning these responsibilities to communities, as suggested by upEND, would likely (1) exaggerate racial and economic inequities and (2) create structural barriers that would increase harm to children. We suggest several evidence‐informed enhancements to practice, research and policy that would mitigate these inequities while also increasing safety and permanency.

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The scientific article is devoted to researching the concept of transit justice and clarifying its significance for Ukraine. The concept of transitive justice is very relevant, which is connected with the spread of internal and interstate conflicts. It is noted that the national model of transitive justice is relatively new for domestic legal practice, therefore the understanding of its essence and the development of mechanisms is still at the initial stage. It is emphasized that transitive justice involves a set of measures aimed at overcoming the consequences of war and occupation and developing mechanisms that will prevent the recurrence of conflicts in the future. The concept of transitive justice is used by states that are transitioning from a state of conflict and occupation to a state of peace, it does not contain universal formulas for all states. Attention is focused on the fact that under modem conditions in Ukraine, the directions of transitive justice are implemented situationally, unsystematically and do not have proper legal consolidation. The international experience of the implementation of the mentioned concept, taking into account the Ukrainian realities, should be defined as useful. Recognition of the supremacy of international law and the tendency to increase the role of nonjudicial mechanisms in the justice system will provide an opportunity to use non-judicial mechanisms in order to strengthen sustainable peace. Implementation of the principles of transitive justice affects the development of the legal system of Ukraine and should ensure its stabilization, creation of conditions for its modernization and sustainable development. At the same time, it is stated that it is necessary to carry out a lot of work to establish the reasons for which the war is taking place, to find out what happened directly during the armed conflict. It should be understood that the end of the war is not just the return of the occupied territories under the jurisdiction of Ukraine, but the beginning of a difficult path to resolve the consequences of the conflict and search for a compromise. It is emphasized that there is a real need to implement the model of transitive justice, as an important tool for resolving the military conflict and the main direction of state legal policy, in the conditions of Russia's armed aggression against Ukraine. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Neurofeedback is a brain-training technique that continues to develop via ongoing innovations, and that has broadening potential impact. Once confined primarily to clinical and research settings, it is increasingly being used in the general population. Such development raises concerns about the current regulatory mechanisms and their adequacy in protecting patterns of economic and political decision-making from the novel technology. As studies have found neurofeedback to change subjects' preferences and mental associations covertly, there is a possibility it will be abused for political and commercial gains. Current regulatory practices (including disclaimer requirements, unfair and deceptive trade practice statutes and undue influence law) may be avenues from which to regulate neurofeedback influence. They are, however, limited. Regulating neurofeedback will face the line-drawing problem of determining when it induces an unacceptable level of influence. We suggest experiments that will clarify how the parameters of neurofeedback training affect its level of influence. In addition, we assert that the reactive nature of the traditional models of regulation will be inadequate against this and other rapidly transforming technologies. An integrated and proactive regulatory system designed for flexibility must be adopted to protect society in this era of modern technological advancement. This article is part of the theme issue 'Neurofeedback: new territories and neurocognitive mechanisms of endogenous neuromodulation'. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The study investigated the impact of judicial constraints on government powers (JCGP) as a sub-factor of constraints on government powers on the rule of Law (RL) of the World Justice Project Rule of Law Index 2023, focusing on a sample of 142 countries. Using the regression model approach, we first assessed the impact of JCGP on RL based on the most recent cross-section data of 2023. The results indicated a significant positive effect of JCGP on the RL. Moreover, to capture the evolution of this relationship, the analysis was extended across the period from 2013 to 2023, revealing a strengthening impact over time. Additionally, we conducted a comparative analysis between developed and developing countries and the socio-economic conditions that shape the investigated effects differently. The results indicated that developed countries benefit from more robust institutional frameworks while developing countries face challenges that may limit the effectiveness of JCGP in enhancing RL. Policy implications emphasize the need for targeted strategies to strengthen judicial independence and government accountability. The novelty and originality of this study lie in exploring and improving literature concerning the impact of judicial constraints on government powers on the rule of law. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article aims to present a modern methodological approach that will allow the selection of the optimal strategy for combating cybercrime in the Middle East. The research methodology requires using methods that would enable the assessment of the study problem and help solve it effectively; thus, the hierarchy analysis developed by T. Saaty was widely used by researchers and practitioners in solving economic problems. The method of paired comparison and the involvement of experts through the Delphi method was also used. This paper explicitly defends the choices made for countering cybercrime, stressing that these choices should be tailored to the changes in the Middle East. The study acknowledges this restriction by concentrating only on the features of cybercrime in Middle Eastern nations. To gain a more profound understanding of the problem, future studies should investigate cybercrime in other areas, such as EU nations. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]