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Studies on the Indo-European principle of trifunctionality and on the medieval Three Estates imagery provide researchers with precious resources for investigating the ways and means through which social representations become loaded with sacredness, and sacredness progressively transferred from one set of social representations to another. This article focuses on the transformations undergone by the Three Estates religious substratum, first at the time of the birth of Absolutism, and second during and after the French Revolution. In the case of France (and with openings towards other contexts), it shows how trifunctionality has been attributed, alternatively or conjointly, to the bourgeoisie and to the nation. Triune imagery has thus contributed to shape rituals and symbols proper to civil religion in France. Additionally, this contribution draws lessons from our case study for assessing both the resilience and the power of metamorphosis proper to symbolic references once the latter are organized into patterns that nurture a community's cohesiveness by the putting into motion of images, narratives and ritual practices. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The break in intelligibility caused by exceptional events encourages interpretation, attempts at explanation, the search for causes, and the projection of consequences, thus creating relevant literature. Newspaper references to the vast textual space dealing with the French Revolution, through bookshop or library announcements, book reviews, and significant quotations, guided their readersâ choices. Thus, the selection of readings illustrated the characteristics of local reception. This study examines the information published in the newspaper of the Duchy of Courland, Mitauische Zeitung, about print matter that reflects and interprets revolutionary events and their analysis, in order to diagnose the specificities of this cultural transfer.

In 1790 Fabre d'Eglantine published Le Philinte de Molière ou la suite du Misanthrope as a salvo in a war against Ancien Régime cultural values as represented by Louis XIV's favorite dramatist, Molière.

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Copyright of Journal of Babylon Center for Humanities Studies is the property of Republic of Iraq Ministry of Higher Education & Scientific Research (MOHESR) and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Johann Gottlieb Fichte's philosophy of religion combines revolutionary pathos with Christian convictions and transcendental philosophical insights. The result is a bourgeois philosophy of religion that preaches freedom, equality and brotherhood, expects the national upswing of a still-longed-for Germany based on the example of revolutionary France, and praises all this as a continuation of Kant's philosophy. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The French Revolution is rightly regarded as a major milestone in human history. Its most famous ideas of equality and freedom have endured up to the present day, but these were not the only ideas promoted during this turbulent time. In order to establish a new social order, the revolutionaries proposed, among other things, the use of decimal time which was part of the so-called Republican calendar. This chapter will focus on the circumstances of the creation, application, and the use of the decimal (time) system, analyse the reaction of society, and explain the reasons for the early demise of this revolutionary undertaking.

The Vendée War (1793-1795) was an essential part of the French Revolution (1789-1799). A region of western France, south of Nantes, the Vendée, refused to continue obeying the new authorities of the Republic (1792), against a backdrop of forced military mobilization and anti-Catholic religious persecution. This peasant insurrection, led by nobles like Charette, suffered terrible repression, beyond military counter-insurgency. The Convention, the assembly governing the Republic, was very frightened in 1793, in a context of difficult foreign war and multiple domestic disputes. It took revenge by organizing a populicide in the Vendée. Carrier's infamous massacres in Nantes, carried out to order, were the norm, not a pathological exception. The infernal columns of the Republican army carried out the Vendée genocide. We propose to rediscover these historical facts, sometimes still hidden.

Studies on the Indo-European principle of trifunctionality and on the medieval Three Estates imagery provide researchers with precious resources for investigating the ways and means through which social representations become loaded with sacredness, and sacredness progressively transferred from one set of social representations to another. This article focuses on the transformations undergone by the Three Estates religious substratum, first at the time of the birth of Absolutism, and second during and after the French Revolution. In the case of France (and with openings towards other contexts), it shows how trifunctionality has been attributed, alternatively or conjointly, to the bourgeoisie and to the nation. Triune imagery has thus contributed to shape rituals and symbols proper to civil religion in France. Additionally, this contribution draws lessons from our case study for assessing both the resilience and the power of metamorphosis proper to symbolic references once the latter are organized into patterns that nurture a community’s cohesiveness by the putting into motion of images, narratives and ritual practices.

Under the Ancien Régime, the Duke de Liancourt (1747-1827) was not only Grand Master of the King's wardrobe, but also the head of a vast social, economic and landed estate. As an enlightened aristocrat, he took part in the revolutionary events of 1789, but had to go into exile after 10 August 1792 when his cousin the Duke de La Rochefoucauld was assassinated. He became Duke of La Rochefoucauld-Liancourt under the Restoration, and with his eldest son set about rebuilding the family's system of social representation, both symbolically and economically. This involved the purchase of lost lands and estates, as well as the revival of liberal philanthropy: vaccination, savings banks and industry. An illustrious figure during his lifetime, the Duke left a considerable number of archives in three major collections that have now been examined: a family repository kept at the Château de La Rochefoucauld (Charente, France), the Liancourt chartrier at the Archives Départementales de l'Oise, and various bundles at the Archives Nationales (Pierrefitte-sur-Seine). La Rochefoucauld-Liancourt thus manifested a form of social and political nostalgia that expressed regret for the liberal upper nobility and its political and social aspirations before the Revolution. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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Copyright of Potestas: Estudios del Mundo Clásico e Historia del Arte is the property of Potestas Estudios del Mundo Clasico e Historia del Arte and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The article deals with the position of the famous British politician, Whig party leader Charles James Fox on the beginning of the French Revolution. The author analyzes the reasons for the split in the ranks of the Whig parliamentary faction following the discussion of the events unfolding in France.

Jean Denis Lanjuinais was the only one among the constituents of 1789 to have served in the representative assemblies of all subsequent constitutional regimes until his death in 1827. The essay presents some passages from his constituent activity. It then illustrates his reflection on French constitutional history. He is indeed among the first to formalize a constitutional history, pivoting on the Charte. Emerging in a comparative framework with Britain, Spain and Naples is the idea, projected toward Orleanism, of a “bonne distribution des pouvoirs”. This requires bicameralism as well as loyal cooperation between the Chambers and the sovereign. These are the roots of the dualist parliamentarianism that characterizes nineteenth-century Europe.

The aim of the article is to examine two political texts by the marquis de Sade that propose a procedure to be instituted in the elaboration of laws, in such a way that the law can effectively be made to be the expression of popular sovereignty, as intended by the French republican constitution of 1793. The texts in question are the Adresse au roi des français (1791), written before the proclamation of the constitution of that same year, and the Idée sur le mode de la sanction des lois (1792), that precedes the republican constitution promulgated in 1793. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

While the emergence and global spread of modernity is a complex phenomenon, it is known that certain political, economic, and social developments led to its rise and spread. Looking closely at these factors, it is possible to say that the Renaissance, the Enlightenment, the French Revolution, the Industrial Revolution, and capitalism in the Western world are the five main historical developments that shaped modernity. On a historical continuum, these developments are interrelated. Some of them gave modernity its soul. Others made it much more influential and global. In this regard, it is arguable that the first three developments gave modernity its soul, while the last two gave it a much more effective scope. This study examines the first three historical developments using the descriptive research method based on these premises. It considers the Renaissance, the Enlightenment, and the French Revolution as the developments that gave birth to modernity and gave it its soul. At the same time, this study argues that these are moments or developments that are intrinsically supportive of each other, seeing these historical moments as moments of rupture and crisis in the Western world. These moments and developments are crucial components of the problems and phenomena we currently discuss today. No literary, aesthetic, philosophical, or political criticism of the 20th century can be analyzed without taking these developments into account. In this respect, this study reconsiders, within a historical continuum, the Renaissance, the Enlightenment, and the French Revolution, which shaped modernity and its philosophy, modernism. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Prohistoria is the property of Prohistoria Ediciones and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Nesir: Journal of Literary Studies / Edebiyat Araştırmaları Dergisi is the property of Nesir: Journal of Literary Studies and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

In 1790 Fabre d'Eglantine published Le Philinte de Molière ou la suite du Misanthrope as a salvo in a war against Ancien Régime cultural values as represented by Louis XIV's favorite dramatist, Molière.

The indispensable corollary to shameful memories ought to be repentance. Tellingly so, no such notion appears in Edmund Burke’s writings about the French Revolution and Ireland. After all, the French revolutionaries with their tabula rasa were, as if necessarily so, immune to repentance: they, and their British supporters, were content to repeat those hallowed moments in the past where some supposed evil had been stifled, as with the execution of Charles I; as for Irish Protestants, they were not inclined to abandon what enabled them to crush their coreligionists of the older persuasion, even though this led them to overlook that English oppression bore on them and Catholics alike. Burke engaged in historiographical issues that, by redressing erroneous outlooks on past events, might have provided a sense of unity against a common enemy. His efforts were as damningly shaky as could be found, and he could not have been entirely convinced by his own rhetoric which tried to identify early forms of worship and/or political arrangements that could have supplied the solution. The foundation of such political analyses seems to derive from his juvenilia, specifically his Sublime and Beautiful, where the figure of Job casts doubt on the very relevance of repentance. Ultimately, shameful memories, with their nonexistent sequel, repentance, have precious little to tell of Burke’s engagement with the future where the latter emerges as the bottom line of one who is only too easily regarded as an exponent of the pleas of the past against the present day.

This article analyses three novels from the turn of the Enlightenment that focus on the life of a woman: Adélaïde de Souza’s Adèle de Sénange (1794), Félicité de Genlis’s La femme auteur (1802), and Claire de Duras’s Ourika (1824). Although different in several respects, these three texts allow us to re-examine the centrality of women’s writing in the literary melting pot of the period. These novels also allow us to question the psychological forces behind the flowering of the novelistic genre in the post-revolutionary period in France, with regard to the formative and identity-building function of literary writing. Each in her own way, these women writers bear witness to a new relationship between history, literature and the social role of women emerging at the dawn of the French realism period.

Fragoletta. Naples et Paris en 1799, by Henri de Latouche, is considered the founding novel of the androgyne motif in the 19th century. The eponymous character projects a protean image of femininity – warlike, libertine, mysterious – in which we can see a critique of Ancien Régime society and the status it assigns to women. According to Michel Crouzet, Fragoletta is a singularly disunited work : a formation novel, but also an adventure and historical novel, sentimental novel and black novel. This article aims to show how Latouche hijacks and subverts the codes of the formation ovel.

Copyright of Anales del Seminario de Historia de la Filosofía is the property of Universidad Complutense de Madrid and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of International Journal of Political Philosophy / Las Torres de Lucca is the property of Revista Las Torres de Lucca. Facultad de Filosofia, Ciudad Universitaria and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of International Journal of Political Philosophy / Las Torres de Lucca is the property of Revista Las Torres de Lucca. Facultad de Filosofia, Ciudad Universitaria and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

This article discusses the ways in which performances were disciplined in revolutionary France between 1789 and 1794. It presents the socio-political contexts of two legal acts regulating the production and staging of plays: the relatively liberal Le Chapelier Law of 13 January 1791 and the repressive Decree of the National Convention of 2 August 1793, which turned French theater and opera into a propaganda platform of the Jacobin regime, imposing ideology and topics on the artists. The artistic practice of the time is illustrated by two operas: Étienne Nicolas Méhul’s Hadrian, Emperor of Rome and François-Joseph Gossec’s The Triumph of the Republic. The former was suspended one day before the premiere, scheduled for 13 March 1792, as the Paris Commune deemed it overtly monarchical and politically incorrect in a France where the foundations of the Bourbon monarchy were already shaking, and the extremely polarised public sentiment was about to pave the way towards a republic. The latter was composed shortly after the fall of the monarchy and staged in early 1793. The Triumph of the Republic set new aesthetic standards for French republican and patriotic opera. Gossec’s work is discussed as an example of the principles of the new cultural politics of the Jacobin dictatorship, based on unprecedented repression and censorship.

Paul de Lacvivier This paper aims to highlight how the trial of Louis XVI expresses a complete inversion of the legal principles of Old Christian France, where the authority of the absolute King submits to superior customary and divine laws, against the Revolution, which makes the ‘general will’ a God allowing for unrestrained legal positivism. After recalling how the assassination of the King allowed the vicious circle of terror, the trial of Marie-Antoinette and the revolutionary trials, we propose an explanation of the legal principles that can lead to this kind of totalitarianism. To do so, we present some cases from 19th century Japan, which, when compared with the revolutionary trials and the pre-revolutionary Christian world, provide a key to understanding: the hierarchy of positive, natural and divine laws greatly explains how such and such a legal system can allow or not the justification of mass crimes or totalitarianism. Jason Morgan In his 2022 volume Common Good Constitutionalism, and in a series of essays and other works prior to the book’s release, Harvard Law School professor Adrian Vermeule advances a new vision for the American republic. Against the two dominant strains of constitutional interpretation in the United States, namely originalism and progressivism (“living constitutionalism”), Vermeule argues for common good constitutionalism, a return to the ius commune pursuit of that which is good for all in accordance with the natural law. While Vermeule’s work is ambitious and his intervention into originalist-progressivist debates welcome, a question remains: will common good constitutionalism be able to overcome America’s Enlightenment civil religion? In this paper, I consider the challenges which America’s Enlightenment civil religion poses to common good constitutionalism (and any other attempt to think past the Constitution from within a constitutional framework), concluding that common good constitutionalism, insofar as it is predicated on the pre-existing Constitution and deployed within the American politico-theological domain, cannot overcome America’s Enlightenment civil religion to effect the common good.

This paper aims to highlight how the trial of Louis XVI expresses a complete inversion of the legal principles of Old Christian France, where the authority of the absolute King submits to superior customary and divine laws, against the Revolution, which makes the ‘general will’ a God allowing for unrestrained legal positivism. After recalling how the assassination of the King allowed the vicious circle of terror, the trial of Marie-Antoinette and the revolutionary trials, we propose an explanation of the legal principles that can lead to this kind of totalitarianism. To do so, we present some cases from 19th century Japan, which, when compared with the revolutionary trials and the pre-revolutionary Christian world, provide a key to understanding: the hierarchy of positive, natural and divine laws greatly explains how such and such a legal system can allow or not the justification of mass crimes or totalitarianism.

In 1880, the French Parliament chose 14 July as the bank holidays, referring to two important events in the history of the French Revolution: on the one hand, the storming of the Bastille during the revolutionary days of July 1789 and, on the other hand, the Fête de la Fédération, which took place one year later to celebrate the birth of the new France, the France built by the Constituent Assembly. The choice of 14 July as the bank holidays expressed the desire of the republican majority of the time to consider the French Revolution as the founding moment of French history, thus wiping out thirteen centuries of Christian history. The annual celebration of this founding myth, from the time of the Revolution, aimed to influence sensibilities in order to transform the individual into a citizen nourished by the values of the Revolution.

The article describes a little-known period in the life of one of the major figures of the French Revolution — Paul Barras (1755-1829). That was the time of his youth, attempts to make a career as a professional military man. At the same time, the formation of his socio-political ideas took place. The study of this figure is undoubtedly important, since Barras played a key role in such turning points of the revolution as: 9 Thermidor — the overthrow of the Jacobin dictatorship and 13 Vendemière (October 5, 1795) — the defeat of a dangerous royalist uprising that almost destroyed the Republic. He will go down in world history as the leader of the Directory regime. The economic troubles of this stage of the French Revolution, the machinations of corrupt officials, political instability — all this will be blamed primarily on him. He was presented as a certain deputy — a businessman closely connected with the so-called new bourgeoisie. A careful study of his youth does not seem to fit well with such ideas and versions. Neither by origin, nor by his way of life, Paul Barras had anything to do with the French bourgeoisie, neither with the old — Rentier, nor with the new — business. It was a typical representative of the noble nobility of the «sword». His attitude to material values was also appropriate. Such people could squander funds, «burn life», but they were not adapted to entrepreneurial activity. Barras was attracted by service in the navy, adventures in the French colonies. Under these conditions, Barras showed himself to be an independent and courageous military officer, able to show ingenuity at a critical moment. And in another way, his behavior resembled the lifestyle of many young nobles of his time. Just like them, he was a member of the Masonic lodge, visited salons, and was attentive to new social trends. Already under the Old Order, this nobleman and naval officer was inclined towards change. The outbreak of the revolution accelerated this process. This study focuses on the previously little-studied moments of Barras’s biography, such as his military career and social life in Paris before the revolution. The work is based on the memoirs of Barras, parliamentary materials, as well as on domestic and foreign scientific literature.

Despite calls for more historically contextualised accounts of retranslation, it is not easy to move beyond isolated examples to formulate more general hypotheses about retranslation as a historical practice. This paper reflects on these problems through a synchronic study of 87 retranslations, drawn from a corpus of c. 800 politically radical translations uncovered by the AHRC-funded project ‘Radical translations: The Transfer of Revolutionary Culture between Britain, France, Italy (1789-1815).

Copyright of Journal of Faculty of Letters / Edebiyat Fakultesi Dergisi is the property of Hacettepe University Faculty of Letters and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Mediterranea - Ricerche Storiche is the property of Mediterranea-Ricerche Storiche and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Deeply marked by the heritage of Bossuet and Fleury, Gallican Catholicism developed under the Ancien Régime a conception of Tradition strongly imbued with primitivism which was based both on the conservation of the practices of Antiquity and on the apostolic succession of bishops. By upsetting the exercise of spiritual jurisdiction, the Civil Constitution of the Clergy of July 12, 1790 led to two antagonistic reinterpretations of Tradition which made the French Revolution appear as a moment of discontinuity and innovative revivals of Gallican heritage.

Johann Gottlieb Fichte’s philosophy of religion combines revolutionary pathos with Christian convictions and transcendental philosophical insights. The result is a bourgeois philosophy of religion that preaches freedom, equality and brotherhood, expects the national upswing of a still-longed-for Germany based on the example of revolutionary France, and praises all this as a continuation of Kant’s philosophy.

The aim of the article is to read Vincent’s famous painting La Leçon de labourage as an opportunistic or sincere way for the manufacturer Boyer-Fonfrède to seize upon the « Thermidorian » promotion of human and agricultural sciences in order to contribute to the construction of a new social and political order. It is also a question of making it the starting point of a reflection on the mobilization of the figures of domestication and on what can be a directorial republican ecology.

The article seeks to understand how Friedrich Nietzsche laid a foundation for further intellectual inquiry with his book “The Joyful Wisdom”. The author tries to implicate how Nietzsche’s work endeavoured to put the ability to find knowledge directly in the hands of the searcher. The efforts of the philosopher sought to move the person beyond the need for God and motivate him to find a new “light” to guide his search for knowledge. The article hopes to show the reader how Nietzsche’s efforts built a space for development past the confines of religious and metaphysical thought.

Copyright of Prassi Ecdotiche della Modernità Letteraria is the property of Prassi Ecdotiche della Modernita Letteraria and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Anales de Filología Francesa is the property of Servicio de Publicaciones de la Universidad de Murcia and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The year 1798 was a major turning point in French presence in the Mediterranean area. On the one hand, the European conquest forced the authorities to give a clear definition of what it meant to be French and what rights could be granted in the Ottoman territories. On the other hand, France’s failure to take Malta demonstrated its difficulties in asserting domination in the Levant. Finally, Napoleon’s Egyptian campaign created a major break in relations with the Ottoman Empire and changed French presence in the Maghreb in the long term.

The events on October 5-6, 1789 were not a trivial food riot caused by a lack of bread in the capital. Political activists in Paris sought to wrest the king from the grasp of the Versailles environment that was hostile to the revolution. At the same time, they remained imbued with "tsarist" sentiments. However, love for the monarch was combined with hatred for his wife - an "Austrian" and a squanderer, who was in their eyes, at the suggestion of embittered pamphleteers, a monster of debauchery. Notably, Louis did not show the lack of will attributed to him by historians. For some time he resolutely defended his positions in the face of the onslaught of the Constituent Assembly. However, the march of the lower classes on Versailles made the monarch more compliant, forced him to go to Paris, where he became a hostage to the revolutionary crowds. For a short period of time the food problem became less acute. The capital remained relatively calm. This facilitated the reformist activities of the deputy corps and resulted in the fundamental social and political reforms of 1790-1791. But in some regions of France tension on church and religious grounds gave rise to bloody clashes. Moreover, the economic situation that worsened later and the war with the neighboring states that began in 1792 led to a further radicalization of the revolution.