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The purpose of this review essay is to examine four monographs that study the far-right and discuss their approaches as is relevant to the international level of analysis. This essay argues that these monographs engage with international analysis but do so in a way that has generally not been covered by the mainstream political science approaches to the far-right. This essay will first cover the mainstream political science approaches and international approaches of the far-right. Then this article will explore two overlooked approaches: (1) The statist approach to the far-right explores the transnational and domestic development of far-right ideology in specific states. (2) The radicalization approach focuses on the space and place of the far-right. This review essay will consider the international implications of these approaches and highlight key themes and methodologies that may prove useful to international far-right scholarship. This article concludes with the place of these monographs in the international far-right literature and the scope of this article. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Drawing on ethnographic research among European far-right youth movements, my article contributes to our understanding of the transnational dimension of nationalist activism and politics. In order to investigate this phenomenon, I tell a story of an event attended by Polish and Italian activists and analyse different modes of translation of ideas and practices that the studied movements engage in. In connecting the focus on translation with that of transnational networking, my article makes two main claims. First, it demonstrates that a transnational perspective is critical for an understanding of the contemporary far right. Second, it shows the ways in which the study of far-right transnationalism may contribute to broader research on transnationalism in social sciences. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Retrospectives on Jean-Marie Le Pen highlight his most infamous statements, but almost systematically overlook a central aspect of his commitment: anti-communism. This is crucial because it is a cardinal point of the far right, inseparable from the global struggle to preserve a white Western civilization. In fact, anti-Marxism has often been the common denominator of reactionary groups, and Le Pen is its best incarnation. Throughout his career, whether in Vietnam or in the Palais Bourbon, Le Pen was convinced that he was fighting Bolshevism and its avatars tooth and nail, be they student trade unionists, Algerian independence fighters or militants of the left-wing union in all its plurality. Le Pen never lost sight of the main objective of destroying the PCF and the USSR, the supreme enemies. Without claiming to be exhaustive, here is a look back at 75 years of hate for the red.

The history of France is consubstantial to the political project of the French far right: the past is understood as the origin of a nation’s identity, as a value in and of itself from which to draw moral principles and understand the present, as a ritual of political socialization for activists, as a mobilizing story and finally as the political horizon of a desired return to France’s mythical grandeur. In this ideological vision, the past (birth, blood) determines the identity of peoples and individuals. The weaponization of history for the purposes of glorification and national cohesion goes hand in hand with the obliteration of entire sections of French and world history, veering into negationism, and the paradoxical erasure of the origins of the National Front itself.

For electoral purposes, Germany’s far-right AfD party masks its xenophobia and anti-migration policies by portraying itself as a guardian of Holocaust remembrance and defender of the State of Israel. Now with a seat in the Bundestag, it is forcing the other parties to join its positions by anticipating them.

Alberta, Canada is both a major extractive zone—home to the world's third largest proven oil reserves, mostly in the form of oil sands located in the north of the province—and a place whose political culture has been profoundly influenced by evangelical Christianity. It is both "petro province" and "God's province". Despite these distinct political economic and socio-cultural features, relatively little scholarly attention has been given to the contemporary relationships among them. To explore this, we profile the populist far-right social movement organization Take Back Alberta (TBA), which, by channeling the interlocking "freedom" and separatist movements into the governing United Conservative Party (UCP), played a pivotal role in Alberta Premier Danielle Smith's rise to power. We ask the following question: what role do religion and a populist defense of the fossil fuel industry (or "extractive populism") play, both ideologically and organizationally, within TBA? Drawing from TBA-related documents, including websites, podcasts, social media, and speeches, our analysis produces two key findings: first, that TBA deploys a radical, far-right version of extractive populism, which "anchors" the Danielle Smith government, and, second, that evangelical Christianity contributes to this extractive populism organizationally—by impacting TBA's membership and resource infrastructure—and discursively, by influencing the collective action frames utilized by TBA leaders in advocating for the interests of the fossil fuel industry. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Based on the case of Vox, the main far right party in Spain, this article problematizes the relationship between the notions of militarism and political polarization with the aim of adapting the latter to the Spanish context. Both concepts, militarism and polarization, are ambiguous and rarely used together, even sharing similar principles and premises such as radical political dichotomization, the irreconcilable nature of disagreements or the centrality of conflict. This particular approach to polarization arises from the evidence of the strong influence of military institutions and their logics in the construction of the political field and power in Spain. For this reason, this research argues that it is possible, in the precise context of the rise of the far right in Spain and based on a study of symbols, imaginative worlds, speeches and political programs of Vox, to analyze how militarism constitutes an asset and a part of political polarization.

Since 2017, the United States has witnessed a notable increase in far-right activity, with economic decline often cited as the primary factor driving the radicalization of white communities. This study investigates the relationship between impoverishment and radicalization in the Rust Belt region. By analyzing the correlation between variations in the number of hate groups and a multidimensional index of impoverishment, we find a positive relationship between economic decline and the rise of far-right organizations. While our results confirm that economic downturns contribute to the growth of far-right movements, they also reveal that this is not the sole explanatory factor. We identify two additional peaks of far-right activity linked to specific political events, suggesting that economic decline is a significant but not exclusive driver of radicalization. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Migraciones is the property of Universidad Pontificia Comillas, Instituto Universitario de Estudios sobre Migraciones and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Letras (Lima) is the property of Letras, Facultad de Letras y Ciencias Humanas. Universidad Nacional Mayor De San Marcos and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

In this article, we contend that understanding Brazil's current communicative landscape requires a closer examination of the relevance of legacy media outlets, challenging the widely accepted "traditional media bypass" thesis, which posits that social media platforms have overtaken traditional media as the primary influencers of political discourse, an argument often used to explain the rise of extreme-right ideologies across different national contexts. In order to test the association between voting preferences and the use of different types of media, we employ logistic regression analysis using data from a recent survey that includes numerous questions about the information and media consumption habits of Brazilian voters. Our findings highlight that legacy media, particularly broadcast TV channels like Globo, Record, and SBT, remain dominant in Brazil as sources of political information. Contrary to the bypass thesis, Bolsonaro's supporters, while favoring social media, also consume significant amounts of legacy media. Analysis reveals stark differences in media preferences between the supporters of different political candidates, challenging the notion of an exclusive reliance on social media by right-wing supporters. The data also indicate nuanced media consumption habits, such as a preference for certain TV channels and fact-checking behaviors, underscoring the complex interplay between legacy and social media. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The present study aims to analyze the actions of former president Jair Bolsonaro and his stance as a threat to democracy, given the implementation of a militarized educational model for young students. In the approach, the trajectory of the former President of the Republic was observed from the perspective of Bolsonarism and how the implementation of the National Program for Civic-Military Schools in the Country was prioritized. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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Copyright of Estudios Politicos (01215167) is the property of Universidad de Antioquia and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

This study aims to provide a detailed exploration of the Arrow Cross movement in southern Slovakia. In particular, it examines the history of the Arrow Cross movement in and around Komárom (Komárno) between 1938 and 1945, i.e. its actions in the so-called “Hungarian times” following the First Vienna Award of 2 November 1938. It is clear from archival documents and opposition press articles that the Arrow Cross movement had already begun to organise in the Upper Lands immediately after the annexation. After the ‘return’ of Hungary, Arrow Cross ideas also spread among the inhabitants of Komárom and its environs, and the economic difficulties of the town played a part in this. By the end of 1940, along with the central party organisation in Komárom, Arrow Cross party offices were established in the municipalities of the district. Arrow Cross ideas were also popular in the city among former communists, who saw the Arrow Cross party as representing workers’ interests. Many of them, however, soon became disillusioned with the party and joined the next far-right Hungarian Renewal Party (Magyar Megújulás Párt), of which Andor Jaross was one of the leaders, which was founded in October 1940. It was only after 16 October 1944 that the Arrow Cross could become a dominant factor in the town. Shortly after the Szálasi coup, there were also exchanges of officials and acts of terror against ‘enemies’ of the regime in and around Komárom. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article analyses the Finnish circle of far-right activists around the publishing company Vasara (‘Hammer’), set up in 1931. The analysis consists of a comprehensive survey of the backgrounds of the group members, the range of their antisemitic publication activities throughout the inter-war era, the sources of their published material and the content and style of their antisemitism. The concept of conspiracist antisemitism runs as a central thread, as the individuals involved had by the late 1920s accepted a belief in a global Jewish conspiracy. Through Vasara’s output and a range of other publications they were active until the end of the Second World War in trying to disseminate this antisemitism within the wider Finnish far right. As most of the members of the group were native Swedish speakers, they were also active as transmitters of antisemitic material between Sweden and Finland. An analysis of the backgrounds of the group members reveals a significant exposure to German antisemitism of both the pre-world-war and war eras. The Hammer Verlag set up by Theodor Fritsch in Germany seems to have acted as the most important model on which the Vasara group and many other Nordic inter-war antisemites modelled their activities.

Social media is increasingly viewed as a game changer in political struggles worldwide. Yet, even as its global reach and impact are now evident, its mechanisms of legitimation of organisations and public policies are still unexplored. This article discusses ‘communicative situations’ (Van Dijk, 2015) extracted from social network platforms concerning the dispute for the (de)legitimation of public universities in Brazil during the campaign and administration of a far-right government. Applying critical discourse analysis, we show the implications of the communication architecture of these platforms for the processes of discursive legitimation. Interactions driven by social identification change the text to be consumed by subsequent users, shifting the debate from technical to identity-based argumentative topos. Our contribution is two-fold: (1) we explore the struggle for legitimacy in the open channels of social media, where the institutional environment cannot suppress deviant opinions and highlight the politics of legitimation; and (2) we demonstrate how actors can legitimise the disinvestment in higher education, before managerial decisions reach universities, through discourses that would not be immediately associated with neoliberalism such as moral conservatism.

This article reviews Eviane Leidig’s “The Women of the Far Right: Social Media Influencers and Online Radicalization.”

The author analyzes the internationalization of European far right civil societies as non-traditional political actors that engage in international relations creating ideological networks. The purpose of the article is to reveal the role of European fascist civil societies in international ideological activism as a response to a perceived cultural war against globalism and cultural Marxism of left internationalists. The article analyzes and comprehensively defines the issue of the cultural war in the West and describes the characteristics of Spanish fascist civil societies as non-traditional political actors exposing their perspective as cultural war revolutionaries. Attempts to create international far right networks by Spanish actors are studied based on the analysis of The Militant – The Cultural War, the manifesto published by the Spanish fascist civil society European Future in February 2023. A discourse analysis of this document exposes the ideological narratives of this group that can help to create a theoretical framework of the cultural war concept for European far right politics. The results demonstrate that European far right activists consider there is an ideological war against Marxists and other leftist groups. Activists of the European Future see themselves as far right revolutionaries capable of causing an ideological revolution in European democracies. The manifesto serves as a tool to call out to other European far right activists of the continent to join them. The results can contribute to future research of ideological extremism and European far right activism.

This article critically examines the communicative and policy-framing response of Australia’s Victorian government to the state’s growing crisis of far-right extremism. Through a critical discourse analysis of the Victorian Andrews and Allan Labor governments’ political communication from 2021 to 2023, we explain how the government discursively responded to the rise of far-right extremism. We found the Andrews and Allan governments employed a range of communicative, discursive, and legitimisation strategies to both legitimise the government’s policy to ban Nazi symbols and gestures and to (re)establish Victoria’s reputation as an inclusive and multicultural liberal democracy. The findings of this article broaden our empirical understanding of the central role of political and crisis communication in responding to extremism and may provide a template for other governments to respond to the global crisis of far-right extremism.

Research examining radical visual communication and its manifestation on the trending platform TikTok is limited. This paper presents a novel methodological framework for studying mobilization strategies of far-right groups on TikTok, employing a mixed-method approach that combines manual annotation, unsupervised image classification, and named-entity recognition to analyze the dynamics of radical visuals at scale. Differentiating between internal and external mobilization, we use popularity and engagement cues to investigate far-right mobilization efforts on TikTok within and outside their community. Our findings shed light on the effectiveness of unsupervised image classification when utilized within a broader mixed-method framework, as each observed far-right group employs unique platform characteristics. While Conspiracists flourish in terms of overall popularity and internal mobilization, nationalist and protest content succeeds by using a variety of persuasive visual content to attract and engage external audiences. The study contributes to existing literature by bridging the gap between visual political communication at scale and radicalization research. By offering insights into mobilization strategies of far-right groups, our study provides a foundation for policymakers, researchers, and online platforms to develop proactive measures to address the risks associated with the dissemination of extremist ideologies on social media.

In this article, we aim to carry out a qualitative-quantitative investigation of 922 shorthand notes of Federal Deputy Jair Bolsonaro's speeches in the Chamber of Deputies from 2000 to 2018. As objectives, we analyze (i) the presence of religious and military lexical items in the hatred rhetoric of Bolsonaro throughout this chronological segmentation and (ii) the "moral turn" in his political discourse, when, from 2011 on, he starts to associate homosexuality with pedophilia. To do so, we anchored ourselves in a lexical analysis methodology, bringing Corpus Linguistics closer to Linguistic Anthropology. To that end, we distributed the data into two sub-corpora, from 2000 to 2010 and from 2011 to 2018, having as a parameter, firstly, to describe the diachronic contrast in the occurrences of 20 keywords, divided into 10 for the religious discourse and 10 for the military, and, secondly, to explain the reentextualization of the sign "pedophilia" in the (re)organization of the relationship between hate speech, homophobia and moral panic in the speeches of the politician. The pronouncements were processed in the AntConc program and in Excel. From 2011 on, the Bolsonarist discourse begins to balance the use of lexicons from the ultraconservative military discourse and the Christian fundamentalist discourse. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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Copyright of Plural - Revista de Ciências Sociais is the property of Revista Plural and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Ciencia Política is the property of Universidad Nacional de Colombia and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Ciencia Política is the property of Universidad Nacional de Colombia and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The study deals with the Slovak far-right movement known as Republika. The objective is to substantiate the theoretical concept of accommodation as it pertains to radical and anti-system political subjects within a liberal-democratic system. The research employs the original Far Right Index (FRIx) to analyse the ideological profiling of the Republika movement. The FRIx quantifies the theoretical concept of accommodation in a measurable form. Based on an in-depth political analysis of the positions and pronouncements of the Republika movement in the period 2021-2024, the study demonstrates how they present their political programme effectively without activating democracy's defence mechanisms, while preserving their true ideological framework. The paper reveals that Republika demonstrates attributes of far-right ideology, but from both a normative and a public perspective, it is regarded as a conventional right-wing party with a populist narrative. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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Copyright of Investigaciones Historicas is the property of Universidad de Valladolid, Facultad de Filosofia y Letras and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

While the far right is usually associated with an actively practiced hero worship, the relationship of new right-wing movements to the heroic remains undertheorized. This paper seeks to fill this void arguing that far-right online internet meme culture is marked by an ambivalent relationship to heroism, which stands in contrast to the serious, unambiguous take on heroism in “traditional” Nazi and neo-Nazi propaganda: In the context of the Great Meme War, a (partly) self-ironic approach to the desire for heroism can be observed, which, as I argue, serves to immunise the heroic in view of its feared loss/absence in the online sphere.

QAnon, a conspiracy theory born and developed in the virtual world, attacks public and cultural space, invades and disturbs it. The Capitole invasion of Washington on January 6th 2021, testifies the influence, extent and impact of this movement. Brandishing posters proclaiming "we are Q" and flags displaying the letter Q, making use of symbols that refer to a far-right culture, the followers of this theory have shown a violence that forces us to ask ourselves about its origin, its development and its communication techniques. In this regard, some part of the press has suggested an emanation from the protest movement of the Luther Blissett Project and an influence of the novel written by his Bolognese cell, Q. The purpose of this article is to understand if there is a direct link between this conspiracy theory and the Luther Blissett Project and if its media guerrilla practices and the novel Q have been a real source of inspiration. To this end, the first part of this analysis retraces the birth of QAnon and the key events that led to its development. The second part examines the movement and tries to define it coherently. The history of the Blissett project and the examination of shared points and correspondence with QAnon are addressed in Part Three. If the uncertainty of a link persists, a dysfunction of the legitimization of knowledge emerges, inextricably linked to ethics and to politics. The conspiracy theory is thus a metapolitical manifestation of subordinate social groups and a cultural response to the constant uncertainty of a liquid existence.

This article traces the origins of a particular paradigm, i.e. post-Kemalism, that dominated the study of modern Turkey and late Ottoman Empire from the 1980s to the 2010s. Post-Kemalist academia agreed on: 1) that almost all of Turkey’s modern day problems can be traced back to mistaken policies of the period between 1908-1950, and 2) that Turkey could democratize only if a liberal left – Islamist – Kurdish alliance wins elections and displace the Kemalist elites. The post-Kemalist paradigm not only created a distorted version of modern Turkish history, but it also legitimized and facilitated the rise of AKP in Turkish politics. The article ends with an invitation to turn the spotlight on the Cold War period, the more likely source of democratic backsliding and far right authoritarianism.

Vox, a rising far-right party, plays on concerns about the emptying Spanish countryside to promote its authoritarian version of traditional values. Lately it has developed an environmental narrative portraying rural life as under threat from progressive policies. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

AbstractDespite the possibility of unintended side effects, experiments in civil society like urban gardens, sustainable housing projects, ecovillages, and so forth are associated with transformative capacities in light of an increasingly serious social-ecological crisis. The tide of the political far right, however, demonstrates that outcomes of civil society engagement undermining emancipatory sustainability are hardly just unintended effects. Therefore, I analyze the role of experimental ecopolitics for the far right by means of the example of völkisch settlers in Germany, which are diverse far-right actors practicing a strategy of rural community building. After discussing whether these practices can be understood as ecopolitical experimentation, I reflect on its tensions with far-right climate-change denialism and its relevance for future scenarios of climate politics. I suggest that despite ideological differences, far-right environmentalism of everyday corresponds with characteristic elements of experimental practices of non-far-right experimentation. Representing far-right politics beyond anti-environmentalism and denial, far-right experimentation might provide bridge building and enable potential cooptation of non-far-right experiments and participatory sustainability governance. Further, it represents an agenda of exclusive authoritarian sustainability and ethno-securitization of climate change that—as recent COVID-19 protests have indicated—has a potential for social resonance far beyond the organized far right.

Social media is increasingly viewed as a game changer in political struggles worldwide. Yet, even as its global reach and impact are now evident, its mechanisms of legitimation of organisations and public policies are still unexplored. This article discusses 'communicative situations' (Van Dijk, 2015) extracted from social network platforms concerning the dispute for the (de)legitimation of public universities in Brazil during the campaign and administration of a far-right government. Applying critical discourse analysis, we show the implications of the communication architecture of these platforms for the processes of discursive legitimation. Interactions driven by social identification change the text to be consumed by subsequent users, shifting the debate from technical to identity-based argumentative topos. Our contribution is two-fold: (1) we explore the struggle for legitimacy in the open channels of social media, where the institutional environment cannot suppress deviant opinions and highlight the politics of legitimation; and (2) we demonstrate how actors can legitimise the disinvestment in higher education, before managerial decisions reach universities, through discourses that would not be immediately associated with neoliberalism such as moral conservatism. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The paper resumes debates produced during the 20th century in two different historical moments and contexts, but which present a central aspect to an anti-democratic configuration: the establishment of a political border between "us" vs. "them" from the consideration of "them" as an enemy to be destroyed. We resume discussions proposed in the book The Authoritarian Personality, published by Theodor Adorno and colleagues in 1950, and texts produced by Ignacio Martín-Baró in the 1980s, in the context of the civil war in El Salvador. The purpose of resuming these debates is to present reflections and possible solutions formulated by the authors for the social order they were questioning and, based on that, make considerations about some aspects that contribute to the understanding of anti-democratic offensives today, considering the strengthening of the extreme right in Brazil and other countries. Seeking to point out dialogues between those texts and the contemporary context, we also resort to the democratic theory developed by Ernesto Laclau and Chantal Mouffe. Considering what was produced in the past not as a "museum piece", but as something that instigates reflection on the past and the present is what motivates the writing of this paper. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Revista Brasileira de Historia is the property of Associacao Nacional dos Professores Universitarios de Historia and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

There has been an increasing level of far right activity in Ireland, particularly in protests against the siting of asylum seeker accommodation. An under-explored aspect of this emergent political activity has been its impact on overseas development aid (ODA). This article reviews a selected number of recent academic and policy articles on the rise of the far right and ODA with a view to understanding the nature and content of anti-ODA far right narratives. It considers counterstrategies that can be used by the ODA supporting community to combat far right anti-ODA narratives and policy changes. They include increased coordination between national and global issue campaigns, greater emphasis on positive rather than negative narratives based on alternative policy responses, and better messaging in these campaigns working closely with local affected communities to frame those messages. Ultimately, some of these recommendations could have implications for the political neutrality of nongovernmental organisations (NGOs). [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

For years, the construction of social subjectivity has been conditioned by the role of the so-called mass media, but the multiplicity of media platforms today contributes to the configuration of reality. In this context, this study analyses how the discourse of the far right in Spain effectively criminalised the International Women’s Day (8M) demonstrations in the first year of the pandemic by linking them to an increase in Covid-19 infections. To implement this strategy, Spain’s far-right party, Vox, used its social media accounts, but it also had the support of ultra-conservative digital media outlets to legitimise its discursive distortions. Taking this into account, this article presents a content and critical discourse analysis of the Twitter and Gab accounts operated by Vox and its leaders, Santiago Abascal and Rocio Monasterio, as well as three ultra-conservative newspapers, La Razón, OK Diario, and Libertad digital. The period covered is from 8 March 2020 to 8 March 2021.

This paper offers insights into the nexus of youth, masculinity, and right-wing populism in Australia. Here, we make reference to a wide body of international literature that suggests some affinity between disenfranchised (white) working-class young men and radical right ideas. Survey data were collected for a project on masculinity and the far right in Australia. A total of 203 young male informants worked primarily in ‘blue collar’ sectors of the Australian labour force. Some survey responses located them partly or potentially within the field of the populist right-wing, with many expressing anti-government sentiments and the discourse of white male victimhood. The majority were nostalgic for stereotypical masculinity. While right-wing populist movements across the world certainly differ, they often share a discourse promoting traditional gender roles.

Over the last decade, a number of non-mainstream European parties have cultivated friendly and mutually advantageous relations with the Russian political establishment. This phenomenon has been common to both the national conservative right and the radical left. This article critically discusses these parties' adaptation to the new political context triggered by Russia's full-scale invasion of Ukraine and assesses their strategies and tactics to adapt to the new reality. The cases analysed include primarily Western European Russia-friendly political forces and the level of analysis focuses both on the domestic and supranational EU-level dynamics.