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The culture of remembrance that dominates national communities and states that emerged after the civil war and disintegration of the former Yugoslavia is an area of daily conflict, and different and mutually exclusive interpretations of events from the past testify that Serbs, Croats, Bosniaks and other ethnic groups that share a common history remember and interpret it in completely different ways. Selective recollection, relativisation and fabrication of the past, reversal and forgetting, and falsification of facts about individual and group roles in contemporary history result in political conflicts in the present and could potentially lead to future misunderstandings and conflicts, making the Balkans even more unstable and without any perspective.

Five decades after a turbulent year of 1968, when student's protests shook the world and caused many transformations in its future development, the former ideas and the energy carried by those generations have been contextualized and actualized and parallels with today's political and social problems have been presented, especially when the academic population is condemned apathy, insecurity and conformism. Although there are still contradictory and controversial interpretations of those events, the Sixtieighters have remained synonymous for advanced and revolutionary movements, social awakening and the group for casting new hope to the citizens, inspiration in seeking for more humaneous ideas in politics and culture. Although mass protests around the world resembled one another, they all had different motives and character, especially at students' protests in the former Yugoslavia. While some stood up because of the blurred ideals of socialism, unemployment, poverty and education problems, others were openly manifesting nationalistic and separatist goals. The student protests on the territory of the former Yugoslavia were held in the 1990s, especially in Belgrade, together with protests of the opposition. Although they always had noble intentions and goals aimed at the overall interest and improvement of the position of young people, they were usually followed by various misuses.

Since the reaching of three decades of 'SANU Memorandum' affair (1986.), was the occasion to actualize and re-examine the role of the Serbian intelligentsia in political processes, in the early 2017 one more significant date happened - eight decades of appearance of Serbian Political Club (1937). As still today, one unofficial and incomplete document by a group of Serbian academics, on the eve of the dissolution of the Socialist Federal Republic of Yugoslavia, by which SANU intended to draw the attention of the Yugoslav and Serbian public to the crisis of the common state - is presented as scandalous and conspiratorial project. In the same way is evaluated the reaction of leading Serbian intellectuals on the eve of the dissolution of Kingdom of Yugoslavia - after the assassination of King Aleksandar, the rise of ustashe, the creation of the Croatian 'Banovina' and the fear sparked by the outbreak of World War II. How has the intellectual elite of the Serbian people, from the beginning of the 20th century to the present, found itself facing the double the charges for - on one hand - insufficient participation in political life, little or no announcements or critical reasoning, that its members are instead of general and national issues, concerned with particular interests, that they have become non-national, even anti-nationally oriented, while on the other hand - political, media, religious and scientific authorities of the immediate environment accuse them for full management of the political processes, that they shape ideologies, define guidelines and dictate instructions of. 'Greater Serbia' policy?.

In the article dedicated to marking the 170th anniversary of the birth of Svetozar Markovic, the author tries to present, explain and actualize some of the basic ideas and dilemmas which have marked the life and work of one of the most interesting figures in the Serbian political history. As a passionate opponent to the foreign invaders, the anti-national regimes, bureaucracy, omnipotence and arbitrariness of individuals, party leaders, nationalist zealots, unenlightened masses, and as a fiery advocate of the democratic order and supporter of disenfranchised people, Markovic is today still considered as a model which socially engaged intellectuals, patriots, and advocates of better, fairer and freer society should orient on. Of course, the century and a half later, many of Markovic's ideas are outdated and unrealistic, but their varied interpretations can still be stimulating for understanding of social and political issues of the Serbian people.

Numerous political, national and cultural issues that are more than a century dealt with the great Serbian statesman and scientist Stojan Novakovic historical destiny again set before generation of contemporary Serbian intellectuals and patriots. In this article we will try to point out the fundamental point of view Novakovic, designed and imbued his elaborate knowledge and experience as prime minister, diplomats, parliamentarians, scientists, publicists. Novakovic highlights the signs by which not only can we fathom the significance of certain historical phenomena and processes that followed the Serbian society, but also to recognize and determine the challenges we will inevitably face and intertwine in the future. Political ideas about building and strengthening state-permanent form, the necessity of a national program, as well as cultural and educational tasks at which he testified, have a lasting, zavjetanu force, as well as the message that the national aspirations of the Serbian people should be reflected and implemented through universal human, universal values. Today's situation in Serbian society witnessed how wise and far-sighted Novakovic warnings to constitutional order and freedoms of people are losing every sense of importance and if you do not come from the universal acceptance of legality, order, permanence and serious work, diligent preservation of all violence and arbitrariness. The aim of a strong rule of law and to prevent that ever happening again arbitrariness of individuals who should be placed on her forehead. Novakovic was particularly interested in how to be 'dismembered Serbian nation' to know each other, closer and unify national culture. He notes that there is no freedom without education, making education and politics must act together.

For 100 years there have been debates about the context, causes and culprits for World War I, alongside with constant endeavors to justify German and Austrian state and national reasons for choosing the option of war, and to attribute the biggest part of responsibility to Serbian nationalism. Although the ideals of liberation and unification of South Slavic peoples had many supporters among Croats, Slovenians and Bosniaks, regional historiographies interpret the ideal of Yugoslavia as a Serbian concept, present the Sarajevo assassination in a very negative context and reject it as a symbol of common heritage. At the same time, Serbian historians affirm the belief that unification of South Slavic peoples and creation of Kingdom of Serbs, Croats and Slovenes was an act of 'liquidation' of the Serbian state and suppression of Serbian national interest for the sake of common state and an attempt to create a supranational identity which was the cause of future defeats, suffering and ideological wandering. Now, at the 100th anniversary of the beginning of World War I, we again witness shameless attacks on Cyrillic, Vidovdan, Saint Sava, Serbian cultural and religious monuments. Not even in the 21st century does the cultural and political discrimination of Serbs in the region stops, especially in Croatia and Federation of Bosnia and Herzegovina. Because of that, Serbs no longer view Bosnia and Herzegovina as their country, but, as Milorad Ekmečić claims, as a 'leftover of leftovers' of Serbian ethnic community west of river Drina, which was subjected to systematical destruction and genocide during the entire 20th century. Gavrilo Princip and the members of 'Young Bosnia', who did not consider themselves Serbian but 'Serbo-Croatian' and Yugoslavian nationalists, heroic glory carry only in Serbian collective consciousness.