30 results on '"Somer, Murat"'
Search Results
2. Cascades of Ethnic Polarization: Lessons from Yugoslavia
- Author
-
Somer, Murat
- Published
- 2001
3. Politics of Notables versus National Machine: Social, Political and State Transformations, Party Organizations and Clientelism during AKP Governments
- Author
-
Baykan, Toygar Sinan and Somer, Murat
- Subjects
authoritarianism ,İYİ Parti ,Party organizations ,clientelism ,popular broker state ,CHP ,national machine politics ,socio-economic change ,AKP ,politics of notables ,HDP - Abstract
This article reviews the existing body of scholarship and draws on original qualitative research that compares the party organizations of four major Turkish parties. By doing so, it highlights the causal relationships -mediated by political agency– between socioeconomic structures and party politics. Clientelism remained part and parcel of Turkish party politics and state-society relations since the transition to multi-party system in mid-20th century through AKP governments. However, important changes occurred in terms of who effectively supplied it, how, and to whom on the basis of broader socioeconomic transformations of Turkey. Political parties did not equally or homologously adjust and respond to social change. The AKP’s successful organizational responses to socioeconomic transformations had important implications for Turkey’s political regime. In pre-AKP clientelism, the state and powerful local notables within parties were key to the supply and distribution of clientelistic benefits. We argue that this contributed to the emergence of electoral democracy under tutelage of military-bureaucratic state actors who faced weak resistance from a fragmented civilian political class. In turn, during AKP governments, the locus of patronage shifted from state to party and from local notables to the AKP party machine: national machine politics. This helped the party to pacify military-bureaucratic tutelage and achieve dominance in party politics, but, the lack of a categorically pro-democratic party ideology and the paradoxes of national machine politics together led the party to transform Turkey to an electoral autocracy instead of developing democracy. Further, the AKP reshaped the Turkish state, which on the surface began to look like a party-state. By revising and providing nuance to this observation, we discuss the emergence of a popular broker-state mediating between national and local state institutions and local communities through its control over resources. We maintain that all these changes facilitated also the party’s internal decay. This generates important opportunities for opposition parties, who however continue to rely heavily on pre-AKP forms of clientelistic politics. Without refashioning their party organizations and party-voter linkages, they may not be able to defeat the AKP electorally, and even if they are, they may not be able to secure successful democratization. They also face difficulties of altering how they form clientelistic linkages with society without controlling state resources at national level.
- Published
- 2023
4. Circumnavigating the Aegean question: Joint development of the Aegean Sea by Greece and Türkiye
- Author
-
Somer, Murat and Somer, Murat
- Abstract
Greece and Türkiye have been at odds regarding the Aegean question for several decades. Past efforts between the two countries to reach a permanent maritime boundary settlement did not yield any substantial solution. In this context, a joint development arrangement between the two neighbours might offer several advantages and would serve good neighbourly relations between the two coasts of the Aegean Sea., La Grèce et la Turquie sont en désaccord sur la question de la mer Égée depuis plusieurs décennies. Les efforts antérieurs entre les deux pays pour parvenir à un accord permanent sur les frontières maritimes n'ont abouti à aucune solution de fond. Dans ce contexte, un accord de développement conjoint entre les deux voisins pourrait offrir plusieurs avantages et favoriserait des relations de bon voisinage entre les deux côtes de la mer Egée., Grecia y Turquía han estado enfrentados respecto a la cuestión del Egeo durante varias décadas. Los esfuerzos anteriores entre los dos países para llegar a un acuerdo de límites marítimos permanentes no produjeron ninguna solución sustancial. En este contexto, un acuerdo de desarrollo conjunto entre los dos vecinos podría ofrecer varias ventajas y favorecería las buenas relaciones de vecindad entre las dos costas del Mar Egeo.
- Published
- 2023
5. Moderate Islam and Secularist Opposition in Turkey: Implications for the World, Muslims and Secular Democracy
- Author
-
Somer, Murat
- Published
- 2007
- Full Text
- View/download PDF
6. Pernicious polarization, autocratization and opposition strategies
- Author
-
Somer, Murat (ORCID 0000-0003-1053-3751 & YÖK ID 110135), McCoy, Jennifer L.; Luke, Russell E., College of Administrative Sciences and Economics, Department of International Relations, Somer, Murat (ORCID 0000-0003-1053-3751 & YÖK ID 110135), McCoy, Jennifer L.; Luke, Russell E., College of Administrative Sciences and Economics, and Department of International Relations
- Abstract
""Pernicious polarization"" - the division of society into mutually distrustful Us versus Them camps in which political identity becomes a social identity - fosters autocratization by incentivizing citizens and political actors alike to endorse non-democratic action. An exploratory analysis of new V-Dem data on polarization indeed shows the negative relationship between the level of political polarization and liberal democracy ratings. How can pernicious polarization be avoided or reversed once present? By drawing on an endogenous explanation of polarization, where the decisions and actions of both opposition actors and incumbents contribute to its evolution, we focus on the question of what democratic opposition actors can do to stop or reverse pernicious polarization. Based on insights from examples across the world and deductive theory-building, along with illustrative cases, we offer a typology of potential opposition goals, strategies and tools, and then analyse how these may affect polarization and in turn democratic quality at early and late stages. We identify goals as either generative or preservative, and we argue that ""active-depolarizing"" and ""transformative-repolarizing"" strategies are more promising than ""passive-depolarizing"" and ""reciprocal polarizing"" strategies to improve a country's resilience to autocratizing pressures. The specific tools employed to pursue these goals and strategies are also crucial, though the effectiveness of available institutional accountability and mobilizational tools will change as the process of polarization advances. The emerging literatires on opposition strategies to democratize electoral autocracies and to improve the resilience of democracies should incorporate their impact on polarization as a critical intervening variable., Central European University Institute of Advanced Studies
- Published
- 2021
7. Overcoming polarization
- Author
-
Somer, Murat (ORCID 0000-0003-1053-3751 & YÖK ID 110135), McCoy, Jennifer, College of Administrative Sciences and Economics, Department of International Relations, Somer, Murat (ORCID 0000-0003-1053-3751 & YÖK ID 110135), McCoy, Jennifer, College of Administrative Sciences and Economics, and Department of International Relations
- Abstract
Around the world, democracy is being undermined by elected leaders using polarizing political strategies that divide societies into mutually distrustful camps. The logic of polarization creates incentives for political leaders and voters alike to sacrifice democratic principles rather than risk their side losing power, and it changes the capacity of institutions designed to manage political conflict and sustain democracy. Drawing lessons from experiences around the world, we propose strategies for oppositions to depolarize or repolarize around democracy-building agendas. We further analyze the challenges of “the day after” polarizing incumbents are removed, and how strategic choices to emphasize long-term collective interests over short-term partisan interests can begin to shift the vicious cycle to a virtuous one., NA
- Published
- 2021
8. Turkey's new Kurdish opening: religious versus secular values
- Author
-
Somer, Murat and Liaras, Evangelos G.
- Subjects
Turkey -- Political aspects ,Kurds -- Political aspects ,International relations ,Regional focus/area studies ,Justice and Development Party -- Domestic policy - Abstract
Over the last several months, Turkish politics have been roiled by the 'Kurdish opening' launched by the governing AKP (Justice and Development Party). Though admittedly vague in its content, this [...]
- Published
- 2010
9. Will Turkey's president accept the country's election results?
- Author
-
Somer, Murat
- Subjects
Contested elections ,Local elections -- Forecasts and trends ,Presidents (Government) -- Beliefs, opinions and attitudes ,Cogeneration power plants ,Opposition (Political science) ,Elections ,Political parties ,Right and left (Political science) ,Market trend/market analysis ,General interest ,News, opinion and commentary - Abstract
Byline: Murat Somer In Turkey's March 31 local elections, the opposition parties - particularly the center-left Republican People's Party CHP and the informal alliance it formed with a newly founded [...]
- Published
- 2019
10. Türkiye Cumhuriyeti Anayasası’nda değişiklik yapılmasına dair kanun (üzerine teknik-bilimsel rapor)
- Author
-
Oder, Bertil Emrah (ORCID 0000-0003-0821-3935 & YÖK ID 4038); Somer, Murat (ORCID 0000-0003-1053-3751 & YÖK ID 110135), Özenç, Berke; Yılmaz, Didem; Kalaycıoğlu, Ersin; Sağlam, Fazıl; Kaboğlu, İbrahim Ö.; Uygun, Oktay; Erözden, Ozan; İnceoğlu, Sibel; Üzeltürk-Tahmazoğlu Sultan; Şirin, Tolga; Özyavuz, Tuncer; Emre,Yunus; Taşkın, Yüksel; Berksoy, İrem, Law School; College of Administrative Sciences and Economics, Department of Law; Department of International Relations, Oder, Bertil Emrah (ORCID 0000-0003-0821-3935 & YÖK ID 4038); Somer, Murat (ORCID 0000-0003-1053-3751 & YÖK ID 110135), Özenç, Berke; Yılmaz, Didem; Kalaycıoğlu, Ersin; Sağlam, Fazıl; Kaboğlu, İbrahim Ö.; Uygun, Oktay; Erözden, Ozan; İnceoğlu, Sibel; Üzeltürk-Tahmazoğlu Sultan; Şirin, Tolga; Özyavuz, Tuncer; Emre,Yunus; Taşkın, Yüksel; Berksoy, İrem, Law School; College of Administrative Sciences and Economics, and Department of Law; Department of International Relations
- Abstract
NA
- Published
- 2017
11. 'Barış Süreci ve Kürt Meselesi’nde Kimlik ve Dış Politika: Riskler ve Fırsatlar,' (The Peace Process and Identiy and Foreign Policy in the Kurdish Question)
- Author
-
Somer, Murat
- Subjects
Ethnic conflict ,Identity ,Economıcs ,Kurds ,Turkey ,Iraq ,Political Science ,Statsvetenskap ,Annan samhällsvetenskap ,Other Social Sciences - Abstract
From a conceptual-theoretical as well as political perspective, this essay examines the interrelationships between the identity and foreign policy dimensions of Turkey’s Kurdish question and makes policy recommendations. Recent domestic and regional developments present both opportunities and great risks for Turkey’s social, political and territorial cohesion, peace and stability. In order to utilize the opportunities, Turkey needs to simultaneously achieve two goals. Domestically, it needs to successfully continue its present peace process and achieve genuine democratization. This process should culminate in a state of affairs whereby the complex social and political questions underlying the Kurdish question can be processed through the mechanisms of normal democratic politics and with the participation of legitimate Kurdish political actors. One crucial and insufficiently understood challenge the Turkish state and society have to manage during the peace process is the challenge of how to addressing the identity question, which is the formative basis of Turkey’s Kurdish question. This question consists of two separate but interrelated needs. The first is to address the Kurdish need and demands for ‘cultural-national’ recognition. The second is to address the need for a common national identity encompassing all ethnic-cultural groups, and to acknowledge that many Turks identify with Turkishness as such a common identity, which, they feel, should shape the state’s identity. These two challenges can only be met by introducing new and flexible categorizations to which people can feel belonging under different names. In foreign policy, Turkey should consolidate its improved relations with regional Kurds based on interdependence and its redline should be the emergence of a hostile Kurdish statehood in the region, not Kurdish self-rule per se. This, however, should be done without alienating Arabs by defending any particular status for Iraqi or Syrian Kurds. If Turkey fails in these endeavors, however, major destabilizing developments can occur whereby the identity and belonging perceptions of many Kurds as well as Turks can experience significant shifts.
- Published
- 2013
12. Is Turkish Secularism Antireligious, Reformist, Separationist, Integrationist, or Simply Undemocratic? : Secular State and Religious Society: Two Forces in Play in Turkey. Edited by Berna Turam. New York: Palgrave, 2012
- Author
-
Somer, Murat and Somer, Murat
- Abstract
Turkey often presents itself, and is often hailed by its allies, as being a positive example of secular democracy for Muslim countries to emulate. Scholars analyze the country as a relatively successful case of secular modernization and state-building in a postimperial, Muslim-majority society. At the same time, Turkish state-dominated secularism (laiklik) has long been criticized as an undemocratic or even unsecular model. But critical accounts often make mutually exclusive and contradictory assertions regarding the nature of Turkish secularism. The question is: What exactly went awry with laiklik?
- Published
- 2013
- Full Text
- View/download PDF
13. Secular state and religious society: two forces in play in Turkey
- Author
-
Somer, Murat (ORCID 0000-0003-1053-3751 & YÖK ID 110135), College of Administrative Sciences and Economics, Department of International Relations, Somer, Murat (ORCID 0000-0003-1053-3751 & YÖK ID 110135), College of Administrative Sciences and Economics, and Department of International Relations
- Abstract
NA
- Published
- 2013
14. Failures of the discourse of ethnicity: Turkey, Kurds, and the emerging Iraq
- Author
-
Somer, Murat (ORCID 0000-0003-1053-3751 & YÖK ID 110135), College of Sciences, Department of Chemistry, Somer, Murat (ORCID 0000-0003-1053-3751 & YÖK ID 110135), College of Sciences, and Department of Chemistry
- Abstract
This article analyzes the discursive-ideational barriers restricting regional cooperation by examining Turkey's relations with Iraqi Kurds from a critical, theoretical perspective in the context of Turkey's domestic reforms and its relations with the USA and the EU. It is argued that the ethnicity discourse undermines cooperation, insofar as it feeds the perception of rival groups with zero-sum interests. Presenting a simple model, the article argues that replacing the ethnicity discourse with alternative, post-ethnic discourses requires combining alternative discourses with policies that produce positive-sum interests, coordination between groups, and opportunities for joint collective actions. Hence, state capacity to formulate and implement such policies is crucial. Predictions and policy implications are generated accordingly. First, further reconciliation of Turkey's domestic Kurdish conflict through democratic and administrative reforms, EU integration, and the promotion of national-identity models that are more flexible and more reflective of diversity will facilitate cooperation with Iraqi Kurds. Second, prosperity and democratic stability in Iraq will help achieve a lasting resolution in Turkey. Third, regional cooperation requires that domestic and external actors promote the positive-sum perception of Turkish and Kurdish interests. Fourth, research can help by developing linguistic-analytical categories that transcend the narrow discourse of ethnicity in favor of discourses that reflect multiple and compatible group belongings., NA
- Published
- 2005
15. Turkey's Kurdish conflict: changing context, and domestic and regional implications
- Author
-
Somer, Murat (ORCID 0000-0003-1053-3751 & YÖK ID 110135), College of Administrative Sciences and Economics, Department of International Relations, Somer, Murat (ORCID 0000-0003-1053-3751 & YÖK ID 110135), College of Administrative Sciences and Economics, and Department of International Relations
- Abstract
This article develops new analytical categories that are necessary to analyze Turkey's Kurdish conflict in its changed domestic and international environments and to evaluate the policy options. If Turkish state policies and discourse, and that of the other regional and international actors, signal to Kurds that the Turkish and Kurdish identities are mutually exclusive categories with rival interests, radical shifts may occur in Turkish Kurds' social and political identities and preferences. If state policies promote these identities as complements with compatible interests, radical shifts are unlikely and Turkey can play a more constructive regional role., NA
- Published
- 2004
16. Path to Collective Madness: A Study in Social Order and Political Pathology
- Author
-
Somer, Murat, primary
- Published
- 2002
- Full Text
- View/download PDF
17. Sustainable Democratization and the Roles of the U.S. and the EU: Political Islam and Kurdish Nationalism in Turkey.
- Author
-
Somer, Murat
- Subjects
DEMOCRATIZATION ,ISLAM ,NATIONALISM ,DEMOCRACY - Abstract
Sustainable democratization has to be foremost a domestic transformation based on domestic consensus. In regard to political Islam and Kurdish nationalism, which involve complex questions of identity, democratization in Turkey requires time and domestic debate. The EU and the U.S. have significant long-term interests in assisting this process by acting as firm but judicious anchors: They should avoid promoting culturally or historically essentialist values and be non-intrusive in areas with weak domestic consensus. Domestic actors should pursue domestic consensus, formulate versions of nationalism that are more compatible with liberal democracy, and design policies to gradually improve state-society relations. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]
- Published
- 2006
18. Path to Collective Madness/Collective Action or Madness? (Book).
- Author
-
Somer, Murat
- Subjects
- PATH to Collective Madness: A Study in Social Order & Political Pathology (Book), COLLECTIVE Action or Madness (Book), GUPTA, Dipak
- Abstract
Reviews the books 'Path to Collective Madness: A Study in Social Order and Political Pathology,' by Dipak K. Gupta and 'Collective Action or Madness?: Explaining Group Identities and Violence.'
- Published
- 2002
- Full Text
- View/download PDF
19. Turkey's secular state.
- Author
-
Somer, Murat
- Subjects
- *
LETTERS to the editor ,TURKISH politics & government, 1980- - Abstract
A letter to the editor is presented in response to the article "Courtroom Drama" in the April 5, 2008 issue.
- Published
- 2008
20. Pernicious polarization, autocratization and opposition strategies
- Author
-
Russell E. Luke, Jennifer L. McCoy, Murat Somer, Somer, Murat (ORCID 0000-0003-1053-3751 & YÖK ID 110135), McCoy, Jennifer L., Luke, Russell E., College of Administrative Sciences and Economics, and Department of International Relations
- Subjects
021110 strategic, defence & security studies ,Autocratization ,Polarization ,Democratic erosion ,Democratic backsliding ,Democratic resilience ,Opposition strategies ,05 social sciences ,Geography, Planning and Development ,Polarization (politics) ,0211 other engineering and technologies ,Opposition (politics) ,Identity (social science) ,02 engineering and technology ,0506 political science ,Politics ,Political economy ,Political science ,Political Science and International Relations ,050602 political science & public administration ,Social identity theory ,Government ,Law - Abstract
""Pernicious polarization"" - the division of society into mutually distrustful Us versus Them camps in which political identity becomes a social identity - fosters autocratization by incentivizing citizens and political actors alike to endorse non-democratic action. An exploratory analysis of new V-Dem data on polarization indeed shows the negative relationship between the level of political polarization and liberal democracy ratings. How can pernicious polarization be avoided or reversed once present? By drawing on an endogenous explanation of polarization, where the decisions and actions of both opposition actors and incumbents contribute to its evolution, we focus on the question of what democratic opposition actors can do to stop or reverse pernicious polarization. Based on insights from examples across the world and deductive theory-building, along with illustrative cases, we offer a typology of potential opposition goals, strategies and tools, and then analyse how these may affect polarization and in turn democratic quality at early and late stages. We identify goals as either generative or preservative, and we argue that ""active-depolarizing"" and ""transformative-repolarizing"" strategies are more promising than ""passive-depolarizing"" and ""reciprocal polarizing"" strategies to improve a country's resilience to autocratizing pressures. The specific tools employed to pursue these goals and strategies are also crucial, though the effectiveness of available institutional accountability and mobilizational tools will change as the process of polarization advances. The emerging literatires on opposition strategies to democratize electoral autocracies and to improve the resilience of democracies should incorporate their impact on polarization as a critical intervening variable., Central European University Institute of Advanced Studies
- Published
- 2021
21. Overcoming polarization
- Author
-
Jennifer McCoy, Murat Somer, Somer, Murat (ORCID 0000-0003-1053-3751 & YÖK ID 110135), McCoy, Jennifer, College of Administrative Sciences and Economics, and Department of International Relations
- Subjects
Sociology and Political Science ,Authoritarian regimes ,Post-Soviet ,Autocracy ,Political science - Abstract
Around the world, democracy is being undermined by elected leaders using polarizing political strategies that divide societies into mutually distrustful camps. The logic of polarization creates incentives for political leaders and voters alike to sacrifice democratic principles rather than risk their side losing power, and it changes the capacity of institutions designed to manage political conflict and sustain democracy. Drawing lessons from experiences around the world, we propose strategies for oppositions to depolarize or repolarize around democracy-building agendas. We further analyze the challenges of “the day after” polarizing incumbents are removed, and how strategic choices to emphasize long-term collective interests over short-term partisan interests can begin to shift the vicious cycle to a virtuous one., NA
- Published
- 2021
22. Türkiye Cumhuriyeti Anayasası’nda değişiklik yapılmasına dair kanun (üzerine teknik-bilimsel rapor)
- Author
-
Oder, Bertil Emrah (ORCID 0000-0003-0821-3935 & YÖK ID 4038), Somer, Murat (ORCID 0000-0003-1053-3751 & YÖK ID 110135), Özenç, Berke, Yılmaz, Didem, Kalaycıoğlu, Ersin, Sağlam, Fazıl, Kaboğlu, İbrahim Ö., Uygun, Oktay, Erözden, Ozan, İnceoğlu, Sibel, Üzeltürk-Tahmazoğlu Sultan, Şirin, Tolga, Özyavuz, Tuncer, Emre,Yunus, Taşkın, Yüksel, Berksoy, İrem, Law School, College of Administrative Sciences and Economics, Department of Law, and Department of International Relations
- Subjects
Turkish Law ,Constitutional law - Abstract
NA
- Published
- 2017
23. Varieties of capitalism in the Middle East & North Africa: A comparative perspective
- Author
-
Sinanoğlu, Semuhi, Somer, Murat, and Uluslararası İlişkiler Anabilim Dalı
- Subjects
Middle East ,Siyasal Bilimler ,Middle eastern countries ,Political Science ,International Relations ,Uluslararası İlişkiler ,Political system ,Capitalism ,North Africa ,Management systems ,North Africa country ,Capitalist economy - Abstract
Ortadoğu çalışmaları, diğer bölge çalışmalarıyla aynı düzeyde ilerleyemiyor. Öne sürülen teoriler süratle Latin Amerika, Uzak Asya ve Doğu Avrupa'ya uyarlanıp uygulanırken, Ortadoğu çalışmaları istisnailikten mustarip. Bu tez, iki hedefi gerçekleştirmeyi amaçlıyor. Öncelikle bu çalışma, Ortadoğu'nun bütünleşmiş bir bölge olarak kabul edilebileceğini savunarak bölgeyi karşılaştırmalı ekonomipolitik genel tartışmalarına, özellikle karşılaştırmalı kapitalizmler literatürüne dâhil ediyor. Farklı kapitalizm ideal tiplerinin açıklama gücünü ve bunların Ortadoğu bağlamına uygulanabilirliklerini analiz ediyor. Bu analize göre, piyasa-dışı bir kapitalizm türü olarak patrimonyal kapitalizm Ortadoğu bağlamına genel olarak uyuyor. Patrimonyal kapitalizm, Sovyet bakiyesi ülkeler gibi başka alanlarda da gözlemlenen ve standart altı ekonomik performansa yol açan modern bir görüngü olduğu için; bu kavramsallaştırma Ortadoğu bölgesinin az gelişmişliğine dönük özcü/kültürcü teorilere karşı çıkılmasına yardımcı oluyor. 23 ülkenin kümeleme analizi ve dört ülkenin (Tunus, Katar, Rusya Federasyonu ve İran) karşılaştırmalı vaka analizi ile Ortadoğu'yu Sovyet bakiyesi ülkelerle karşılaştıran bu çalışma, patrimonyal kapitalizmin yekpare bir kavram olmadığını ve alt tiplerinin olduğunu savunuyor. Ortadoğu'nun bölgeler arası bir karşılaştırmayla bu literatüre dahil edilmesi, patrimonyal kapitalizme dair anlayışımızı güçlendiriyor. Ayrıca bu çalışma, Ortadoğu'da bölge-içi çeşitliliği de Ortadoğu ülkelerinin patrimonyal kapitalizmin farklı alt kategorilerine sınıflandırılmasıyla açıklıyor. Ortadoğu bölge çalışmalarında, rejim tipleri ve otoritarizm dereceleriyle bölge-içi çeşitliliği izah eden analizler hâkim konumdayken; bu tez, bölge çalışmalarına ve bölgedeki ekonomipolitik varyasyona dair anlayışımıza katkı sunuyor. Tez, özellikle petrol zengini rejimler arasındaki farklılaşmayı önemli kurumsal alanlar olan kurumsal finansman, endüstriyel ilişkiler ve düzenleyici çerçeveler üzerinden açıklıyor. Middle Eastern studies do not generally keep pace with other regional studies. While emerging theories are quickly adapted and applied to specific contexts in Latin America, East Asia, and Eastern Europe, Middle Eastern studies often suffer from exceptionalism. This thesis is aimed at accomplishing two goals. Firstly, it incorporates the Middle East as a region into general discussions concerning comparative political economy, specifically the literature of comparative capitalism, by outlining justifications for why the Middle East should be treated as an integrated region. It evaluates the explanatory power of different concepts or ideal types of capitalism and their applicability to the Middle Eastern context and maintains that patrimonial capitalism, which is a 'non-market type of capitalism', generally fits the Middle Eastern context well. Since patrimonial capitalism is a modern phenomenon which explains sub-optimal economic performance in other settings such as post-Soviet countries, this designation helps challenge culturalist and essentialist theories regarding the underdevelopment of the Middle East. By comparing the Middle Eastern context with post-Soviet countries through cluster analysis of 23 countries and using comparative case studies (Tunisia, Qatar, Russian Federation, and Iran), this thesis argues that patrimonial capitalism is not a monolithic concept and rather has its own sub-types. The incorporation of the Middle Eastern context into this literature via cross-regional analysis will thus enhance our understanding of patrimonial capitalism. Secondly, this thesis acknowledges the high degree of diversity across the region by classifying Middle Eastern countries into various subgroups of patrimonial capitalism. As Middle Eastern studies are currently dominated by analyses focusing on regime types and degrees of authoritarianism, this thesis will contribute to the regional studies and to our general comprehension of variations in political economies across the region by differentiating between oil-rich regimes along lines of vital institutional domains such as corporate financing, industrial relations, and regulatory frameworks. 168
- Published
- 2017
24. Failures of the Discourse of Ethnicity: Turkey, Kurds, and the Emerging Iraq
- Author
-
Murat Somer, Somer, Murat (ORCID 0000-0003-1053-3751 & YÖK ID 110135), College of Sciences, and Department of Chemistry
- Subjects
021110 strategic, defence & security studies ,Sociology and Political Science ,media_common.quotation_subject ,05 social sciences ,Perspective (graphical) ,0211 other engineering and technologies ,Ethnic group ,Context (language use) ,02 engineering and technology ,Democracy ,0506 political science ,Ethnicity discourse ,Ethnic identity and conflict ,Turkey ,Iraq ,Kurds ,Promotion (rank) ,State (polity) ,Perception ,Political economy ,Political Science and International Relations ,Development economics ,050602 political science & public administration ,Sociology ,International relations ,media_common - Abstract
This article analyzes the discursive-ideational barriers restricting regional cooperation by examining Turkey's relations with Iraqi Kurds from a critical, theoretical perspective in the context of Turkey's domestic reforms and its relations with the USA and the EU. It is argued that the ethnicity discourse undermines cooperation, insofar as it feeds the perception of rival groups with zero-sum interests. Presenting a simple model, the article argues that replacing the ethnicity discourse with alternative, post-ethnic discourses requires combining alternative discourses with policies that produce positive-sum interests, coordination between groups, and opportunities for joint collective actions. Hence, state capacity to formulate and implement such policies is crucial. Predictions and policy implications are generated accordingly. First, further reconciliation of Turkey's domestic Kurdish conflict through democratic and administrative reforms, EU integration, and the promotion of national-identity models that are more flexible and more reflective of diversity will facilitate cooperation with Iraqi Kurds. Second, prosperity and democratic stability in Iraq will help achieve a lasting resolution in Turkey. Third, regional cooperation requires that domestic and external actors promote the positive-sum perception of Turkish and Kurdish interests. Fourth, research can help by developing linguistic-analytical categories that transcend the narrow discourse of ethnicity in favor of discourses that reflect multiple and compatible group belongings., NA
- Published
- 2005
25. Ideal citizenship depictions in Turkish primary school textbooks: Changes and continuities during the government of the Justice and Development Party
- Author
-
Seyis, Didem, Somer, Murat, and Uluslararası İlişkiler Anabilim Dalı
- Subjects
Textbooks ,Siyasal Bilimler ,Political Science ,Citizenship ,Adalet ve Kalkınma Party ,Ethnic identity ,Primary education schools ,Nation - Abstract
Bu çalışma Adalet ve Kalkınma Partisi döneminde inşa edilen Türk ulusal kimliğinin etnik ve dini kimlik bileşenlerindeki değişimi ve devamlılığı ölçmeyi amaçlıyor. Bunu gerçekleştirebilmek için sıkı devlet denetimi altında tutulan ilköğretim ders kitaplarına odaklanıyor. Araştırmanın temel hedefi, farklı etnik ve dini kimliklere sahip Türkiye yurttaşlarının ders kitaplarında inşa edilen ulus algısında ne derece yer bulabildiğini göstermektir. Adalet ve Kalkınma Partisi hükümetleri döneminin açıklayıcı bir analizini yapmak için bu dönemde basılan ders kitaplarıyla bu hükümetlerden hemen önce basılmış ders kitaplarını karşılaştırmalı olarak incelemek büyük önem taşımaktadır. Bu sebeple, bu tez 2000 yılı ders kitapları ile 2012 yılı ders kitaplarının karşılaştırmalı içerik ve söylem analizlerinde varılan sonuçlara dayanarak son dönemde üretilmesi hedeflenen yurttaş kimliğinin etnik ve dini bileşenlerindeki değişimleri ve devamlılıkları gösterir. Bu iki ayrı döneme ait Hayat Bilgisi, Sosyal Bilgiler ile Din Kültürü ve Ahlak Bilgisi ders kitaplarının mukayesesi sonucunda varılan noktaya göre Adalet ve Kalkınma Partisi döneminde öğrencilere sunulan ulus algısı, Türkiye Cumhuriyeti tarihi boyunca olduğu gibi hiyerarşik yapıdadır. Ders kitaplarının toplumda yer alan bazı etnik ve dini kimlikleri idealize ederek inşa ettiği kapsayıcılıktan uzak bir ulusal kimliği tüm yurttaşlara empoze etmesi, bu hiyerarşik ulus algısının temel kaynağıdır. Ders kitaplarının karşılaştırmalı söylem ve içerik analizi sonuçlarına göre Adalet ve Kalkınma Partisi döneminde farklı etnik ve dini kimlik grupları, kurulan hiyerarşik ulus algısında farklı derecelerde ulusa kabul edilir veya ulustan dışlanır. Böylece, kanun önünde eşitliğe sahip yurttaşlar ders kitaplarının kimliksel içeriğine ve söylemine göre inşa edilen ulus algısının farklı basamaklarında yer alır.Anahtar Sözcükler: Türkiye, Adalet ve Kalkınma Partisi, ulus, ulusal kimlik, etnik kimlik,dini kimlik, ders kitapları, ilköğretim, makbul yurttaş, Türklük, devlet, söylem analizi, içerik analizi The present study examines the changes and continuities in the ethnic and religious aspects of the Turkish national identity during the government of the Justice and Development Party. For this purpose, it focuses on primary school textbooks which are under strict state supervision. The main drive behind this study is to show the extent to which different ethnic and religious identity communities are recognized hence included in the textbook representation of the nation. A complete assessment of the national identity-formation in textbooks during the Justice and Development mandate necessitates the comparison between the textbooks published in this era and those published just before the party's accession to power. Accordingly, this thesis builds upon the findings of comparative discourse and content analysis of textbooks from 2000 and 2012. The results of the comparative analysis on textbooks of Life Sciences, Social Sciences, and Religious Culture and Moral Knowledge courses show that similar to the general tendency of textbooks during the history of Turkey, the image of nationhood constructed in the textbooks published during the Justice and Development Party rule is hierarchically-organized. The major reason behind this is the imposition of a national identity, which is dominated by certain ethnic and religious identities, on other citizens with different ethnic and religious identities. As a consequence of this, the nation is constructed in a hierarchical pattern by assigning ethnic and religious identity communities to different ranks according to their compliance to the idealized national identity.Keywords: Turkey, the Justice and Development Party, nation, national identity, ethnicidentity, religious identity, textbooks, primary school, ideal citizen, desirable citizen, Turkishness, state, content analysis, discourse analysis. 204
- Published
- 2014
26. Is Turkish secularism anti-religious, reformist, separationist, integrationist, or simply undemocratic?
- Author
-
Somer, Murat (ORCID 0000-0003-1053-3751 & YÖK ID 110135), College of Administrative Sciences and Economics, and Department of International Relations
- Subjects
Secularism ,Refporm ,Separationist ,Democracy ,Political science ,Government and law - Abstract
NA
- Published
- 2013
27. To which Eurasia does Turkey belong? A comparative analysis of Turkish Eurasianist geopolitical discourses
- Author
-
Eren Webb, Ebru, Somer, Murat, and Uluslararası İlişkiler Anabilim Dalı
- Subjects
Nationalism ,Islamist currents ,Geopolitic position ,Turkey ,Critical discourse analysis ,International Relations ,Uluslararası İlişkiler ,Kemalism ,Socialist movements ,Comparative analysis ,Eurasia ,Geopolitic - Abstract
Bu çalışma Türkiye'de milliyetçi, sosyalist ve İslamcı jeopolitik gelenek üzerinden şekillenen biri Kemalist diğeri ise Osmanlıcı olmak üzere iki tane öne çıkan Avrasyacı söylem olduğu iddiasındadır. Dolayısıyla bu tez bu üç jeopolitik gelenek ve iki jeopolitik söylemi kollektif hafıza ve eleştirel jeopolitik teorilerinin yardımı ile karşılaştırmalı olarak analiz etmek amacındadır. Bu üç geleneği temsil eden üç süreli yayının (milliyetçi Türk Yurdu, sosyalist Teori ve İslamcı Türkiye Günlüğü) 1990- 2010 yılları arasında yayınlanmış sayılarına uygulanan içerik analizi aracılığı ile şu üç temel soruya cevap aranmıştır: birincisi, bu üç jeopolitik söylemi birbirinden ayıran faktörler nelerdir? İkincisi, yakın dönemde milliyetçi ve sosyalist grupların görüşlerinin birbirlerine yakınlaşıp ulusalcı adı verilen duruş altında birleşirlerken İslamcı grubun bu iki gruba karşı yeni bir fikir kutbu oluşturduğu iddia edilebilir mi? Üçüncü olaraksa, eğer bu yeni kutuplaşma meydana geldiyse altta yatan sebepler nelerdir?Birinci soruya cevap olarak, bu çalışmada gösteriliyoru ki bu üç grubun jeopolitik vizyonları ve geçmişi nasıl kurguladıkları onların bugkünkü kendi Avrasyalarını nasıl oluşturduklarını ve Türkiye'yi bu kurgulanmış Avrasya'ya nasıl yerleştirdiklerini belirliyor. İkinci soruya cevap olaraksa, yine bu tez gösteriyor ki milliyetçi ve sosyalist jeopolitik gelenekler arasında Avrasyacılık noktasında bir kesişme yaşandığı tezi doğrudur. Bu çalışmanın bulgularının da desteği ile iddia ettiği üzere Soğuk Savaş sonrası Türkiyesi'nde bu yeni ortkalık ve beraberinde gelen kutuplaşma yaşandı çünkü İslamcı çevreler liberallerle yeni bir ortaklık geliştirdiler ve beraber Kemalist tarih yazımını hedef alan alternatif bir tarih anlayışı içine girdiler. Bu arada sosyalist ve milliyetçi gruplar ise bu arayışa karşı çıkıp Kemalist tarihe sadık kalmayı tercih ettiler. Diğer bir deyişle bu üç jeopolitik grubun elitleri pragmatik bir anlayışla kendi siyasi amaçlarına uygun doğrultuda jeopolitik söylemlerini şekillendirirken ortaya çıkan kollektif hafıza odaklı tartışmalar yeni kutuplaşmanın aktörlerini belirledi. This study argues that there are two prominent Eurasianist discoursesin Turkey, the Kemalist and the Ottomanist, and that these traditions draw on three geopolitical traditions: the nationalist, the socialist, and the Islamist. The thesis then comparatively examines these three traditions and two discourses by employing insights from theories of collective memory and critical geopolitics. The contents of three representative journals (the nationalist Türk Yurdu, the socialist Teori, and the conservative democrat Türkiye Günlüğü) are analyzed, investigating their issues published between 1990 and 2010, in order to seek answers to three main questions. First, what distinguishes these three types of geopolitical traditions? Second, did the nationalist and socialist views in recent years converge on each other, thereby forming the Ulusalci view, while the Islamists became the new opposing pole? Third, insofar as the answer to the second question is yes, why did this realignment take place?In response to the first question, the thesis shows that the geopolitical visions of these three groups and the way they imagine the past help to explain their respective perspectives of Eurasia and how they place Turkey in these perspectives. In response to the second question, again the thesis shows that the nationalist and socialist visions of Eurasianism did indeed converge on each other. The thesis then maintains that this happened because the Islamist circles in the Post- Cold War allied with the liberal groups and developed a ?counter-memory? of the past that became an alternative to the Kemalist historiography, while the nationalist and socialist geopolitical traditions remained faithful to the Kemalist narrative of the past. In other words, while the political elites of these three ideological camps try to construct these geopolitical discourses instrumentally with a view to serve their political aims, the ensuing disputes of historiography and competing collective memory constructions shape and constrain their political and ideological alliances and cleavages. 193
- Published
- 2011
28. The impact of citizenship benefits on the national identity perception of the displaced communities: The Palestinians and comparisons with the Armenians in Lebanon
- Author
-
Yeğin, Şenay, Somer, Murat, and Uluslararası İlişkiler Anabilim Dalı
- Subjects
Siyasal Bilimler ,Political Science - Abstract
Bu çalışma vatandaşlık faydalarıyla ulusal kimlik edinme ilişkisinin daha iyi bir şekilde kavranmasına Lübnan?da örnekler arası karşılaştırma yaparak katkı sağlıyor. Dört farklı grupla yapılan planlanmış röportajlar sayesinde bu çalışma vatandaşlık faydalarının ev sahibi ülkeyle özdeşleşmelerini arttırmaya eğilimli olduğunu gösteriyor. Araştırma Beyrut'ta dört farklı grupla gerçekleştirilen saha çalışmasına dayanıyor. Bu gruplar: Tüm vatandaşlık haklarından yararlanan vatandaşlığa kabul edilmiş Ermeniler; Ermeni'lerden daha az vatandaşlık faydalarına sahip olan vatandaşlığa kabul edilmiş Filistinliler; Birleşmiş Milletler (BM) tarafından tanımlanmış (ID) Beyrut şehrinde yaşayan ve daha da az vatandaşlık faydalarına sahip Filistinliler; ve en az vatandaşlık hakkına sahip olan BM tarafından tanımlanmış (ID) Bourj Al Barajneh Mülteci Kampı'nda yaşayan Filistinliler. Yapılan röportajlara göre daha az (çok) vatandaşlık faydalarına sahip yerinden edilmiş bireyler daha az (çok) ontolojik güvenliğe sahip olduklarından dolayı, bu tez, vatandaşlık faydaları arttıkça bu bireylerin ulusal kimlik edinmelerini arttırmaya eğilimli olduğunu savunuyor. Bu ilişki iki sonuç doğuruyor. Birincisi, daha az vatandaşlık faydasına sahip olan ve dolayısıyla ontolojik olarak daha güvensiz olan insanlar birden çok kimlik benimsemek için gerekli olan psikolojik kaynaklara daha az sahip oluyorlar. Bu nedenle, ev sahibi ülkenin ulusal kimliğini orijinal ulusal kimliklerine rakip olarak görüyorlar. İkincisi, görüşmelere göre, yerinden edilmiş bireyler ev sahibi ülkenin vatandaşlığını bir takım haklara sahip olmak için bir araç olarak görseler de, daha fazla vatandaşlık faydasına sahip oldukça ev sahibi ülkelerle daha fazla özdeşleşme gerçekleşiyor. Bunun nedeni vatandaşlık faydalarının onlarıpsikolojik olarak daha çok kaynak sahibi yaparak, bilinçlice veya bilinçsizce, birden çok kimlik benimsemelerini sağlaması. Sonuç olarak, bu bireyler ev sahibi ülkenin ulusal kimliğini orijinal ulusal kimliklerine uyumlu olarak görmeye başlıyor ve bu da yerinden edilmiş bireylerin ev sahibi ülkenin ulusal kimliğini benimsemesini kolaylaştırıyor.Anahtar Kelimeler: Ulusal Kimlik, Vatandaşlık Faydaları, Yerinden Edilmiş Topluluklar, Ontolojik Güvence, Rakip/Uyumlu Kimlikler This study contributes to a better understanding of the relationship between citizenship benefits and national identity acquisition through a within-case comparative examination of Lebanon. Through structured interviews with four groups it shows that more citizenship benefits tend to increase the identification of displaced individuals with their host country. In particular, the research draws on field work in Beirut, which involved interviews conducted with four groups: naturalized Armenians with full citizenship benefits; naturalized Palestinians with less citizenship benefits than naturalized Armenians; Identified (ID) Palestinians by the UN but live in Beirut and who have even less citizenship benefits; and Identified (ID) Palestinians by the UN and who live in Bourj Al Barajneh Camp and who have the lowest amount of citizenship benefits. The thesis argues that citizenship benefits tend to increase national identity acquisition among displaced individuals because, as the interviews suggest, displaced individuals with less (more) citizenship benefits have less (more) ontological security. Two consequences follow from this. First, people with less citizenship benefits and thus more ontological insecurity are psychologically less resourceful to embrace multiple identities. Thus, they tend to view the national identity of the host country as rival to their original national identity. Second, as the interviews show, although the displaced individuals view the citizenship of the host country as instrumental, nevertheless they display more identification with the host country as they gain more citizenship benefits. It is argued that this is because more citizenship benefits make them psychologically more resourceful to embrace multiple identities, whether this happens consciously or subconsciously. Consequently, they begin to see the national identity of the host country as compatible to their original national identity, which makes it easier for them to embrace the host country identity.Keywords: National Identity, Citizenship Benefits, Displaced Communities, Ontological Security, Rival/Compatible Identities 139
- Published
- 2010
29. The bourgeoisie and moderation: The case of political İslam and the Kurdish question in Turkey
- Author
-
Şahin, Osman, Somer, Murat, and Diğer
- Subjects
Siyasal Bilimler ,Sociology ,Turkey ,Political Science ,Kurdish question ,Democratization ,Sosyoloji ,Tolerance - Abstract
The dominant Kurdish movement and political Islam in Turkey have displayed different patterns, which is also visible in two important political parties these movements have produced. While the pro-Kurd DTP has failed to integrate into the mainstream Turkish politics and moderate its discourse and goals, the Islamist AKP has shown a willingness to be a part of mainstream politics and tried to prove their difference from radical wings of political Islam. This paper is an attempt to explain this variance by investigating a possible role of the bourgeoisie in respective political parties. I argue that the bourgeoisie can be moderating force under certain conditions; thus, transforming the radical movements if it is allowed to play central roles. In addition, I suggest that the presence of such a class within the leader cadre of the AKP might be one of the reasons of its moderate stance whereas the lack of such a class within the DTP might have contributed to the stalemate in the Kurdish question. Bugünün Türkiye?sinde, bu hareketleri temsil eden ana akım partilerin karşılaştırılmasından da anlaşılabileceği gibi, politik İslam?ın ve ana Kürt hareketinin izledikleri yol açısından önemli farklılıklar gösterdiği tartışılabilir. Bir tarafta İslamcı AKP?nin kendisini radikal İslami akımlardan ayırmak için ve legal politik hayat ile entegre olmak için çabalarına şahit olurken; öbür tarafta bu hedeflere ulaşmakta başarısız olmuş Kürtçü DTP partisini görmekteyiz. Bu araştırmada bu farklılığının sebeplerinden birinin burjuva sınıfı olup olmadığı araştırılmaktadır. Burjuva sınıfı, belirli koşullar dahilinde, radikal hareketlerin ılımlılaşmasında roller oynama potansiyeline sahiptir. Bu bağlamda, bu çalışma, AKP?nin lider kadrolarında burjuva sınıfına mensup insanlar bulunurken; bu sınıfın DTP kadrolarında bulunmamasını bu farklılığın ihtimal dahilindeki sebeplerinden birisi olarak önermektedir. 138
- Published
- 2008
30. LETTERS.
- Author
-
Reichel, Fredric, Yarmolinsky, Adam, Fryer, Donald, Rickwood, Frank, Wollack, Kenneth, Cowan, Glenn, Hitchins, Robert, Meshkati, Najmedin, Somer, Murat, Clark, Terence, Cutileiro, Jose, Lerner, Joseph, Spreutels, Jean, Johnson, Tim, Grueter, Patrick, and Baxter, Gregga
- Subjects
- *
LETTERS to the editor , *SULTANS , *POLICE , *BOMBINGS - Abstract
Several letters to the editor are presented in response to articles in previous issues including "Where's Our Sultan," which talked about the sultan of Oman, "Drop Your Guns," which dealt with the European police and "Carnage Jerusalem," which focused on the bombing of Mahane Yehuda.
- Published
- 1997
Catalog
Discovery Service for Jio Institute Digital Library
For full access to our library's resources, please sign in.