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In this article, labour market outcomes of British Columbia graduates from liberal arts and applied education programs are investigated by examining the 1996 cohort of baccalaureate graduates one year and five years after graduation. We argue that the individual return to education has to be analyzed from a multi-dimensional perspective, in relation to initial educational and career goals of graduates who have anticipated both intellectual challenges and economic rewards from their investment in education. The study reveals differences in outcomes (i.e., employment, earnings) by program type, gender and age. Our main conclusion is that graduates from applied education programs experience a more rapid integration into the labour market as compared to graduates from liberal arts education programs. Although earning differences by program type and age either decrease or even disappear over time, earning differences by gender are enhanced five years after graduation. Also, we conclude that graduates from applied education programs establish and accomplish more focused educational and career goals, while graduates from liberal education programs establish broader educational and career goals. (Contains 8 tables and 5 notes.)

Political, economic, and social explanations of higher education reform, and the very definition of "reform," are the main departure points of this volume. The introduction uses the examples of Canada, Austria, Germany, and Japan to show that in all these countries, reform has meant reduced state funding and control and increased reliance on market mechanisms, private sources of funding, and new forms of university governance and management.

British Columbia has implemented two significant higher education reforms in the last 15 years. The first was an "Access for All" policy, and in particular, the creation of a new breed of institution--university colleges--and recognition of the right of colleges and institutes to confer "applied" degrees. The second reform, more recent and potentially with wider effect, is the decision to allow and, in fact, encourage the emergence of a private higher education sector to complement and to compete with the public sector. Although both reforms had the declared objective of enhancing accessibility and choice by expanding opportunities to study for degrees, the more recent one, now being implemented, had the further objective of opening higher education to market forces. (Contains 2 tables.)

The demand for and participation in continuing education by Canadian university graduates who completed bachelor and/or first professional degrees in 1995 are analyzed in this article. Within five years of completing their first degree, in addition to participating in graduate programs, a large number of those graduates participated in non-degree programs and courses for career and job purposes and for personal reasons. Through a descriptive analysis of National Graduate Survey (NGS) data for the 1995 cohort, the authors examined the socio-demographic profile of participants, their motives for participating in continuing education, and their choice of specific programs. According to the study findings, the respondents' labour-market situation, both in objective and subjective terms, was an important reason for participating in continuing education; indeed, more than three-quarters of participants had a job/education-related reason for participating in continuing education. In particular, the study provides information and insight into the demand (expressed and latent) of a targeted university continuing education audience. The National Graduate Survey together with Adult Education and Training Survey (AETS) and institutional data, allow a more realistic assessment of participants' needs and program preferences. (Contains 4 endnotes and 8 tables.)