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The article aims to understand the tensions inherent to the commemoration of a difficult and conflicted past and the conservation of dissonant heritage. It explores the politics of memory and identity, and the power struggles that underscore the heritagisation process through a study of the transformation of Rio de Janeiro's port in preparation to host the 2014 World Cup and 2016 Summer Olympics. The paper uses the notion of heritage dissonance to shed light upon contemporary struggles over the interpretation of the port's contested history and explores the debates that have surrounded the 'discovery' of archeological remains, which exposed a controversial past marked by collective amnesia. The paper identifies various actions, instruments, and strategies used by various actors to either support or undermine the project, from inertia and obstructionism to memorialisation and ritual agency. The analysis of these findings reveals the transformative potential of heritage, as an instrument of empowerment in the ideological battle over collective memory, and a tool of resistance against historical denial. It discusses the way debates over heritage have stimulated public debate, inflected the official historical narrative, and allowed the legacies of slavery to infiltrate collective consciousness. The paper concludes with a discussion of how heritage dissonance can engender actions leading to conflict mediation, thereby promoting reconciliation and dialogue, and, ultimately, societal change. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In 1542, with the promulgation of the New Laws, Spanish authorities made a greater effort to eliminate indigenous slavery in America, after the doubts expressed by various missionaries about the treatment given to the indigenous people by Spanish settlers. However, legally sanctioned slavery among indigenous people continued in the border regions of the Spanish Empire. My interest is to demonstrate that the persistence of this practice did not result in a legal contradiction, but rather was a means of sanctioning rebellious indigenous groups, using arguments of Francisco de Vitoria and other School of Salamanca scholars, especially in places where control of sovereignty was in question. Methodologically, I will use original texts from various sources, such as the minutes of the Cabildo of the Audiencia of Guadalajara, as well as reports on the Chichimeca War by various clerics and jurists who witnessed the conflict, such as Guillermo de Santa María, Jean Focher, and Fulgencia Vique. Temporally, I will focus on the discussion of war and slavery against the nomadic peoples of northern New Spain, known as the Chichimecas. The result was that, for many New Spanish clerics, slavery would serve to punish the supposed crimes of these peoples against peace, and also to change their archaic customs and teach them sedentary and civil life. Finally, I argue that the establishment of indigenous slavery in the northern frontier of New Spain demonstrates the limitations of the Spanish Empire in maintaining its most remote borders, especially when faced with peoples who did not have a civil political life with definable centers and hierarchies. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

There are currently over a million people enslaved in the United States. Under threat of horrendous punishment, they cook, clean, and even fight fires. They do this not in the shadow of the law but with the express blessing of the Thirteenth Amendment’s Except Clause, which permits enslavement and involuntary servitude as punishment for a crime. Despite discussions of this exception in law reviews, news reports, and Netflix documentaries, few commentators have recognized that this enslavement happens silently. No prosecutor, judge, or defense attorney tells convicted people that they will be enslaved as punishment for their crime. It is only once they are incarcerated that a prison administrator informs them they will be forced to work. This Article uncovers how this state of the world has come to be. It argues that our current regime is one of administrative enslavement: a constellation of judicial and legislative choices that places the punishment of enslavement outside the scope and processes of our traditional criminal punishment structure and into the hands of prison administrators. This Article is the first to provide a taxonomy of the administrative-enslavement regime. It uncovers the weak jurisprudential underpinnings of that regime, and it surveys all fifty states’ and the federal government’s legislative implementation of the Except Clause. It concludes by utilizing this taxonomy to analyze administrative enslavement’s legal weaknesses as well as how the status quo might evolve in the face of growing attacks from states removing Except Clauses from their state constitutions. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

About half of Luanda's population comprised enslaved people in the mid-nineteenth century. Although scholars have examined the expansion of slavery in Angola after the end of the transatlantic slave trade and the use of slavery to underpin the trade in tropical commodities, the labor performed by enslaved children has been neglected. This study explores the experiences of enslaved children working in Luanda during the era of the so-called "legitimate" commerce in tropical commodities, particularly between 1850 and 1869. It draws upon slave registers, official reports, and the local gazette, the Boletim Oficial de Angola, to analyze the means through which children were enslaved, the tasks they performed, their background, family connections, and daily experiences under enslavement. This paper argues that masters expected enslaved children to perform the same work attributed to enslaved men and women. After all, they saw captives as a productive unit irrespective of their age. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Using a feminist hermeneutic, this essay analyzes three examples of kyriarchal relationships in the New Testament found in stories of women who were enslavers who enslaved women. The first example is from Galatians where Paul rereads the story of Sarah and Hagar and uses the enslaver/enslaved relationship as an allegory. The second example is found in Acts 12, which is the clearest case of a woman enslaver who enslaved a woman: Mary and Rhoda. Finally, I analyze the character of Lydia found in Acts 16 and argue that she is also an enslaver who enslaved women. Each of these biblical characters was entangled in the kyriarchal pyramid of antiquity through their own oppression due to gender, yet they participated in kyriarchy due to status and class. Adding evidence from material culture, I analyze an example of a woman who enslaved another woman as depicted on an ancient funerary monument. This essay also considers the ethical ramifications of biblical texts that endorse slavery and have been used to support white supremacy and systemic oppression. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In the postapocalyptic world of Blade Runner, replicants become the medium and content of a life-changing revelation: human existence has become an enslaving simulation. Humans and replicants are confronted with the challenge of (re)defining the human. The Blade Runner movies enact this (re)definition through the arcs of two key characters: Rachael and Officer K. Transcending externally imposed enslavement, these replicants venture into the indeterminate future, choosing to serve a good that includes and empowers others to struggle for their own liberation. The Blade Runner movies can be interpreted as an apology for moral formation by means of the production of grounding and redefining fictional spaces and content. To combat the global dynamics of dehumanization and ecological destruction they have generated and to which they have themselves become victim, humans must create fictional spaces in which they can remember and imagine authentic living. The desire to become human and act as a genuinely human and humane person forms the necessary precondition for and that which sustains the lifelong self-formation process that is human existence. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper examines issues of the slave trade and slavery in the Momo River valley of Cameroon. Using primary sources (oral tradition and archival materials) and secondary sources, the paper shows the impact of the transatlantic slave trade in the region not only in the slave trade and slaving activities but also in the transformation of some old social institutions and the emergence of new ones. The paper argues that the transatlantic slave trade introduced capitalists in this part of Africa, who continued to make profits from legitimate commerce after the abolition of the slave trade through the persistent enslavement of other Africans to work in the palm oil industry. The Momo River valley continued to be a major source of these slaves. This paper therefore brings into the limelight slavery and the slave trade in an area which contributed to the transatlantic and the post-transatlantic slave trade but which has still not received adequate scholarly attention. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Several legal scholars have discussed the role of slavery within their own family histories and a growing number of scholars are exploring the successes and strategies of lawyers and Black litigants in freedom suits and other litigation in the United States antebellum South. I build on these literatures with a focus on procedure. In this Article, I analyze procedures involved in a few of my ancestral and personal experiences. Some of the experiences with process involved litigation to be free from slavery while other experiences did not explicitly involve any law. But they all involved process. Engaging in this practice--marshaling procedure to increase justice for marginalized groups and to decrease procedural subordination and white supremacy--is a form of what I am calling resistance proceduralism. I draw from engagement with procedures, such as requirements to file a lawsuit or for bonds and securities, in my ancestors' freedom suits--lawsuits fighting for their freedom from slavery--to query whether some marginalized litigants, and even people who were enslaved at the time, may have engaged in resistance proceduralism. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article examines the U.S. Constitution's relationship with American colonialism and imperialism. It discusses professor Maggie Blackhawk's foreword in the book "The Constitution of American Colonialism" in which she describes the influence of colonialism and imperialism on Americans' constitutional experience. It describes an alternative conception of the American constitutional order. It also explores the central role of slavery in the history of U.S. expansion.

In 1856, abolition activist Woodbury Davis joined the Maine Supreme Judicial Court (SJC) and quickly became its most radical member. Davis was an antebellum enigma: a high-ranking judge who advocated for Black voting rights, rejected the federal consensus that Congress could not pass laws interfering with slavery, denied that the Fugitive Slave Clause even applied to slaves, and believed that the Constitution was an engine for abolition. While Davis was on the SJC, the court issued advisory opinions on two of the most explosive issues in American politics: Black voting rights after Dred Scott v. Sandford and the Fugitive Slave Act. This Note explores the evolution of the law on slavery and race in the United States prior to the Civil War, focusing on Maine and the political pressures surrounding the SJC at that time. Next, this Note examines the SJC’s Voting Rights Opinion (1857) and the Personal Liberty Law Opinion (1861), focusing especially on Justice Davis’s novel constitutional arguments. Finally, drawing on these two cases, this Note argues that radical modes of antislavery constitutionalism were embedded in the American judiciary prior to the Civil War and evaluates the impact of this discovery on current debates in legal history. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article focuses on David Gellman's book, "Liberty's Chain: Slavery, Abolition, and the Jay Family of New York," which examines the complex relationship between the Jay family, slavery, and abolitionism across multiple generations. Topics include John Jay's role as both a slaveholder and antislavery advocate, the gradual shift towards abolitionism within the family, and the activism and denunciation of racism by subsequent generations, particularly William Jay and John Jay II.

For more than fifty years, Jamaican farm workers have been seasonally employed in Canada under the Seasonal Agricultural Worker Program (SAWP). In Canada, these workers live and work in conditions that make them vulnerable to various health issues, including poor mental health. This ethnographic study investigated Jamaican SAWP workers' mental health experiences in Southern Ontario. Several common factors that engender psychological distress among Jamaican workers, ranging from mild to extreme suffering, were uncovered and organised into five themes: (1) family, (2) work environments and SAWP relations, (3) living conditions and isolation, (4) racism and social exclusion, and (5) illness and injury. I found that Jamaican workers predominantly use the term 'stress' to articulate distress, and they associate experiences of suffering with historic plantation slavery. Analysis of workers' stress discourses revealed their experiences of psychological distress are structured by the conditions of the SAWP and their social marginalisation in Ontario. This article presents and discusses these findings in the context of SAWP power dynamics and concludes with policy recommendations aimed at improving the mental health of all SAWP workers. In foregrounding the experiences of Jamaican workers, this study addresses the dearth of research on the health and wellbeing of Caribbean SAWP workers. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Jazz bands from Benin draw on the spiritual traditions of Vodun to address the history of slavery through the creative circuits of transnational diasporic networks. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Name change can only take place in the Netherlands under strict conditions and according to patronizing regulations. At the moment, an amendment of name law is being drafted that would give descendants of Dutch citizens whose ancestors lived in slavery an exemption. If they have a family name that their ancestors received upon their release, they may change it free of charge. It remains to be seen, however, whether the desire to adopt new names in keeping with a reclaimed African identity can also be granted. After all, that would conflict with the general regulations when creating a new name. The whole issue shows political opportunism. First, it would be useful to get a good picture of name adoption in light of surnaming in general. Is it right to consider the names in question as slave names? Are they really that bad? It is more likely that precisely the exceptional position now obtained leads to undesirable profiling. In fact, the only solution to embarrass no one is a wholesale revision of the name law that does away with outdated 19th century limitations. Why should anyone be unhappy with their name? Why should someone who insists on having a different name be prevented from doing so? This essay examines the announced change in the law against the background of surnaming in general and the acquisition of family names in Suriname and the Netherlands Antilles in particular. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper analyzes a contemporary conception of digital despotism through themes drawn from classical Greek philosophy. By taking as a measure some of the most radically excluded categories of human existence, Aristotle’s slave and slavish types, I offer a way to understand digital despotism as a syndrome of overlapping risks to human impairment, brought about by the advent of automated data processing technologies, which dispossesses people along i) ontological and ii) cognitive dimensions. This conception aims to balance the appeal to the language of slavery in recent global historical, Marxist, republican, and postcolonial discourses on digital technology, while distinguishing itself from the coercive, material violence involved in the experiences of slavery itself. Unlike prior conceptions, this thematic idea of digital despotism moreover suggests political vulnerability to forms of despotic rule and integrates various risk factors that can therefore be better recognized in both policy intervention, and individual and/or collective resistance. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article discusses abolitionists, Frederick Douglass's changing views on the U.S. Constitution. It is reported that initially agreeing with William Lloyd Garrison that it was proslavery, Douglass later adopted an abolitionist stance, emphasizing the Constitution's text over framers intentions. It highlights his disagreement with Garrison and the shared goal with other constitutionalists of using federal policies to combat slavery.

The article primarily discusses historian, Annette Gordon-Reed's perspective on David Blight's essay about abolitionists, Frederick Douglass and the debate over whether the U.S. Constitution was proslavery or antislavery. It explores Douglass's changing views on the Constitution, emphasizing its proslavery aspects based on the text and historical context.

The article focuses on the themes of identity, belonging, and purpose, particularly within the context of the author's personal journey of exploring his family history. It delves into the psychological impact of uncovering difficult truths about one's ancestry, including confronting the legacy of slavery and grappling with the role of rape in his family's history. It discusses the distinction between ancestry and heritage.

John Woolman built upon Quaker principles and earlier critiques by Friends in New Jersey and Pennsylvania to oppose enslavement and the rum trade among members of the Religious Society of Friends. By the 1760s, after the devastation of the Seven Years' War, he recognised how English colonisation had destroyed Native communities, linking colonialism with enslavement and rum. Woolman located these intersecting inequities in the focus of English families on acquiring and perpetuating wealth. Unlike his public testimony against involuntary bondage, his writings against colonialism in his journal and essay 'A Plea for the Poor' remained unpublished until after his death. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In 1816 the Friends Tract Association published an excerpt from John Woolman's first antislavery essay Some Considerations on the Keeping of Negroes with every reference to slavery edited out. The editors wanted to highlight Woolman's 'general' message, that those who maintained their health, lived humbly and served God were rewarded with true happiness. In the excerpt, using biblical citations and an invocation of the early Quaker colonisation of the Delaware Valley, Woolman asserted that God rewards his servants. The excerpt successfully highlights this easily overlooked feature of Woolman's lifelong ministry, but by omitting Woolman's discussion of slavery it violated his original intention. The excerpt appeared in the last year of Quaker consensus on the issue of slavery. The editors believed they could set the issue aside because they thought the Quakers were in agreement on it, but shortly after their excerpt appeared the Quaker consensus on slavery fell apart. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Quakers became the first group in history to develop a consciousness about slavery and spearheaded the early movement in America and Britain that led to its abolition. Why did they develop this consciousness? What was the spiritual matrix that moved them to denounce a well-accepted and well-established practice that existed in most cultures from time out of mind? The following article helps answer this question. It particularly accents their radical emphasis upon egalitarianism—an emphasis that began in Christianity with the teachings of Jesus and Paul and came to the forefront in Protestantism with Martin Luther's teaching on the priesthood of the believers. The Quakers followed the doctrine of equality in the Bible, particularly stressing the monogenetic origin of humans in the book of Genesis and the universal redemption of Christ for the fallen race of Adam. They took this egalitarian message much further than others through deconstructing Luther's priesthood of the believers and rejecting the hierarchical structure of the church in toto, including any professional clergy that would administer the sacraments or preach an authoritative word from the Bible. All Christians were equal before God and received the same immediate instruction from the Holy Spirit, no matter what their race, gender, or position in life. This decided emphasis upon the priesthood of believers made Quakers treat everyone the same and led them to question the inferior status of blacks and a degrading institution like slavery. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article aims to explore the genesis of arenas as an interorganizational relation space that can promote, or at least cleave, the path for corporate crimes. Based the scenario in which Brazil eradicated slavery, we argue there has been the creation of dynamic arenas and counter-arenas as spaces for avoiding or promoting corporate crimes, while the state has played the role of facilitator in such crimes. This paper asserts that promotion and prevention of corporate crimes are both legitimate actions by the state in its regime of permission, and every single actor who play in this field through arenas. In order to map the key elements of these arenas, our investigation is based on the techniques of shadowing, in-depth interviews, and field observation. After building our data pool, we analysed the phenomena mostly through open, axial, and selective coding, based on the Grounded Theory approach as a mean for categorization. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper offers best practice guidance on participatory action research (PAR) methods in modern slavery studies, through sharing the experiences of survivors of modern slavery as active project consultants. By using participatory approaches and engaging in an action learning set model, this paper aims to understand how to meaningfully engage survivors of modern slavery as co-researchers. Inclusion was at the heart of this research study, and thus, this paper was co-produced by survivors of modern slavery. Through their voices, and by engaging in reflexivity, we share the challenges of engaging in meaningful peer research methods, lessons learned as well as the benefits of adopting this approach to provide creative, engaging and empowering opportunities for participation in research and skill development. We share some examples of challenges and successes in our approach to understand what meaningful peer research methods look like, addressing conservative and more liberal views including academic expertise, safeguarding and empowerment. In concluding this paper, we provide some recommendations for best practice, recognising a continual need to reflect and adapt peer research approaches that suits the needs of the peer researchers as well as the subject to be studied. The overwhelming sentiment, is that social science research must look to engage in peer research methods, recognising the expertise of lived experience, and the potential for research to empower others while also creating meaningful change. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Context and background Despite a social recomposition marked by the abolition of slavery and the emancipation of the layers of servile origin, access to land ownership rights for descendants of servile origin is far from guaranteed in Mauritania. Customary law based on Islamic jurisprudence stands up to the law of 1960 and the decrees of 1983 and previous legal reforms; in short, the modern legal arsenal does not elucidate, justify or facilitate equitable access of the descendants of the former servile strata to land like other landless Mauritanian communities. Supported in this by civil society organizations and politicians, they also come up against a lack of understanding of land issues and the difficulties of managing land disputes, sometimes leaving claimants on the sidelines, traditional landowners on the hook. live. Result: the wound of possible social tensions remains open. Goal and objectives This study aims to analyze and clarify the difficulties of access of the descendants of servile strata to land on the basis of the texts of Islamic jurisprudence (sharia), customary law, the modern legal arsenal and its various laws, decrees and including the law of 1960, the decree of 1983 and its difficulties. This analysis also takes into consideration the socio-anthropological and legal dimension of the land issue. Methodology We formulated hypotheses to be able to carry out our analysis, which was based on a set of studies, institutional and legal documents and a few interviews with resource persons, among others... This approach made it possible to deliver a content analysis based on institutional, socio-anthropological, legal documents and draft decrees and laws. Results: The study tries to put an accent on the reality of the social recompositions, which highlights the appearance of the claims of the descendants of the serviles who claim a better access to the lands. These claims come up against the legitimate and customary rights of traditional owners. Inheritance, donations, sharecropping, in short the appropriation of land... are governed by the texts of Islamic jurisprudence, the workhorse of customary chiefs. These transactions remain current and legally at the service of customary law which leaves little room for intruders. Indeed, the results of this study have shown that access to land for descendants of servile strata remains a major problem that even the land reform of 1983 and other legal texts have not been able to resolve today. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Black defendants are executed at a disproportionately high rate, an injustice quietly persisting in the shadow of America's dark history of slavery and Jim Crow. While a variety of intersectional factors have perpetuated this injustice, the role of prosecutors who commit misconduct to secure a conviction is significant. Defendants are presumed innocent until proven guilty, but when the prosecutors who carry the burden of proving that guilt choose not to play by the rules, they wantonly and recklessly embrace the risk of convicting--even killing--an innocent person. This Comment focuses on two primary forms of prosecutor misconduct: Batson violations that occur during jury selection when a prosecutor uses his or her peremptory strikes in a racially discriminatory manner, and Brady violations that occur when the prosecution suppresses materially exculpatory evidence from the defense. While the Supreme Court has established Fourteenth Amendment safeguards to protect criminal defendants from these forms of misconduct, this Comment argues that those safeguards are incomplete. Fourteenth Amendment jurisprudence fails adequately both to deter prosecutorial misconduct and to guarantee that criminal defendants receive a fair trial. These failures are only amplified for Black capital defendants, who experience disproportionally higher rates of prosecutor misconduct and capital sentencing. Seeking to better deter incidents of prosecutor misconduct and better ensure Black capital defendants receive due process of law, this Comment proposes a four-part Model Act. Inspired by the Sentencing Reform Act of 1984 and the Federal Sentencing Guidelines, this Act (1) creates a state commission for prosecutor misconduct, (2) charges the commission with the role of drafting advisory guidelines for classifying prosecutor misconduct, (3) mandates that the commission consider the guidelines prior to imposing sanctions on prosecutors found to have committed misconduct, and (4) mandates that state judges consider the guidelines prior to imposing remedies for cases affected by misconduct. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

From the 60s of the 20th century, the works of Sayyid Quṭb have enormous influence on the thought of Muslim youths and Islamists. The core message of his works is establishing the supremacy of Islamic law in all facets of life and outright condemnation of the subsisting order of the day concerning the political and socio-economic operations in Muslim nations. The effect of his thoughts on Muslim youths is visible in the resurrection of Islamists who have become a thorn in the flesh of political dictators and autocratic monarchs in Arabia. As part of efforts to neutralize the effects of Quṭb’s works on the ever-increasing Muslim youths in Saudi particularly and the Muslim world at large, Rabi’u Madkhali, a senior Salafi diehard with much influence in Madinah, kickstarted the project of refuting what he termed as "theological deviations” and “rebellious approach” in Quṭb’s thoughts. His works have given birth to a large number of Muslim youths who dedicate an extraordinary commitment to pathological hatred for Quṭb, his works, associates, and students. This article aims to criticize some submissions of Madkhali on Quṭb’s thought. The article which is library-based adopts an analytical method of research. Two issues, which include law enactment in a Muslim state and the abolition of the slavery system, are selected. The paper found that Madkhali’s refutations are highly characterized by accusations that need unequivocal proof, misinterpretation of Quṭb’s statements, and emotional submissions. It recommends further investigation into other Madkhali’s refutation of Sayyid Quṭb. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In 2018, the Oba (King) of Benin city in Edo state (Nigeria), a spiritual and traditional leader with significant authority, made a public, spiritual declaration on Nigerian human traffickers (especially those originating from Edo state) and proclaimed that victims of trafficking who were bound by oaths taken during the juju rituals were free. The Nigerian trafficking network relies mainly on juju as a control mechanism to keep the victims bound and subservient to them. Based on repeated in-depth interviews with young Nigerian women and teenager teenage victims of human trafficking for sexual exploitation, this article discusses how juju is used by the trafficking networks to keep their victims exploited, enslaved and indebted. Concurrently, the participants' narratives also illustrate the important impact of the declaration of the Oba for some women and teenagers in their process to leave the trafficking networks. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The island of St Helena played a crucial role in the suppression of the transatlantic slave trade. Strategically located in the middle of the South Atlantic, it served as a staging post for the Royal Navy and reception point for enslaved Africans who had been "liberated" from slave ships intercepted by the British. In total, St Helena received approximately 27,000 liberated Africans between 1840 and 1867. Written sources suggest that the majority of these individuals came from West Central Africa, but their precise origins are unknown. Here, we report the results of ancient DNA analyses that we conducted as part of a wider effort to commemorate St Helena's liberated Africans and to restore knowledge of their lives and experiences. We generated partial genomes (0.1–0.5×) for 20 individuals whose remains had been recovered during archaeological excavations on the island. We compared their genomes with genotype data for over 3,000 present-day individuals from 90 populations across sub-Saharan Africa and conclude that the individuals most likely originated from different source populations within the general area between northern Angola and Gabon. We also find that the majority (17/20) of the individuals were male, supporting a well-documented sex bias in the latter phase of the transatlantic slave trade. The study expands our understanding of St Helena's liberated African community and illustrates how ancient DNA analyses can be used to investigate the origins and identities of individuals whose lives were bound up in the story of slavery and its abolition. During the mid-19th century, around 27,000 "liberated Africans" were brought to St Helena island as part of the Royal Navy's efforts to suppress the transatlantic trade in enslaved Africans. Ancient DNA analyses, carried out on behalf of the community on St Helena, now shed light on their origins and identities. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper provides a genealogical overview of discourses pertaining to emancipation within Islamic thought. I demonstrate how classical Islamic scholarship developed a tradition in which a clear emancipatory ethic can be located. Further, I explore how emancipation came to be read as anticipating the abolition of slavery in the contemporary period through focusing on the work of Muhammad Abduh. Finally, I discuss the potential engagements between Islamic notions of emancipation and contemporary discourses pertaining to prison abolition. I argue that the strong emancipatory ethic found within the classical legal tradition would not abide by the exploitative prison systems found across various nations. Engaging Islamic law through a Liberation Theology framework, I claim that a serious engagement with prison abolition discourses is a natural continuation for a tradition with such a strong precedent of emancipatory impetus. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article advocates the transgression of incumbent theoretical divisions between rural and urban abodes of production and draws on new analyses of contemporary spaces of capital and labour antagonisms in Brazil. It does so to articulate a broadening of the definition of class and class struggle towards an emancipatory praxis that does not necessarily prioritise industrialised workers. The study has a particular focus on the reconfiguration of socio-spatial arrangements linked to 21st century commodity cultivation, extraction and trade and subsequent class tensions on the material and epistemological frontier between (hydro, agro and mineral) mega projects and the autonomous territories of rural subjects. The renewed degradation of conditions for a labour force that has always been precarious, the dissolving dichotomy between proletarianised and peasant labour, and the ongoing resistance to corporate capture by communities is evoked to contrast distinct metabolic relations within rural territories with the objectification of labour and nature under capitalism. The analysis reveals new configurations of class domination, tension and counter movements. Many critical scholars, particularly those in the Global South, have been attentive to alternate readings of the world by indigenous, African descendent, peasant and agro-extractivist communities that may be unfamiliar yet underpin vociferous, and often fatal, resistance to capital accumulation. The task to effectively situate these struggles within a theory of broader, heterogeneous class struggle and integrate this 'wealth' of collective struggle and knowledge towards societal transformation remains important work in progress. In this spirit, the paper offers some possibilities for making new conceptual and material connections between rural and urban productive spaces and across currently fragmented class formations and identities. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Formal spatial modeling and analytical approaches to maroon settlement, fugitivity, and warfare in the colonial-era Caribbean have tended to mine historical cartographic sources instrumentally to analyze the distributions and simulate processes driving marronage in St. Croix (Dunnavant 2021b; Ejstrud 2008; Norton and Espenshade, 2007). Through close-in analysis, we compare two Danish maps of St. Croix produced in 1750 and 1799 in relation to modern cartographic sources, to explore how cartographic forms and cartesian conventions (attempt to) elide blind spots in the colonial gaze. By modeling possible subject-oriented maroon movement on georeferenced colonial maps and contemporary LiDAR, we demonstrate how GIS can recover anti-colonial agency. Additionally, the practice of georeferencing itself is a critical site of analysis, revealing distortions suggestive of social and environmental conditions that limited colonial cartographers' ability to map certain wilderness and contested landscapes that lay outside of their control. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The author details an assignment she gave to her history students wherein they will write a biography of an enslaved person living in the early modern Atlantic world. Topics include the author's pedagogical goals for this "Contextualized Biography" assignment such as an analysis of an enslaved person's experiences through primary and secondary sources, and the sources used to reflect on the pedagogical and historiographical value of this assignment such as runaway advertisements.

This study presents a design methodology for Takagi‐Sugeno (T‐S) fuzzy models‐based secure communications in multiple time‐delay chaotic (MTDC) systems with Rivest cipher 4 (RC4) algorithm. The main advantage of the RC4 algorithm is that the key length does not affect the encryption and decryption speeds. To block a hacker from stealing a message, this study proposes increasing the complexity of an encrypted message (ciphertext) using a method of double encryption using the RC4 algorithm and chaotic masking. As a result, this more secure communications system can effectively defend the encrypted message (ciphertext). First, the RC4 algorithm and a key are used to encrypt the initial message (plaintext). To enhance security, the encrypted message (ciphertext) is then converted into an encrypted signal, which is a double encryption using chaotic masking. Additionally, an improved genetic algorithm (IGA) is adopted in this study, it can seek better feedback gains of fuzzy controllers to speed up the synchronization. In accordance with the IGA, a model‐based fuzzy controller is synthesized to exponentially stabilize the error systems so that the trajectories of the slave systems can approach those of the master systems. Finally, a numerical example with simulations is provided to illustrate the effectiveness of the proposed method. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]