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Liver transplant programs in Canada require a period of 6 months of abstinence from alcohol before considering a patient with liver disease secondary to alcohol for transplantation. Although some studies have demonstrated good outcomes following a transplant in carefully selected patients before the 6‐month abstinence period has been met, there have been arguments against this, including the claim that the public has a general negative perception of those with alcohol dependence. We performed a multicenter cross‐sectional survey to determine the perception of people in British Columbia, Canada, toward liver transplantation in patients with liver disease due to alcohol who have not demonstrated the capacity to remain abstinent from alcohol for 6 months. A total of 304 patient questionnaires were completed, and 83.1% agreed with a period of abstinence of 6 months. In those patients who were unlikely to survive 6 months without a transplant, 34.1% of respondents agreed with, 44.1% did not agree with, and 21.4% were neutral about, early transplantation; 42.8% would have less trust in the process of transplantation if a period of abstinence was not maintained, but relaxing the requirement for an abstinence period would not have an impact on the majority's decision to donate organs. Only 30.5% would support abandoning the abstinence criteria. Conclusion: Among patients followed at general gastroenterology, medicine, or transplant clinics, there is a willingness to relax the criteria in selected patients unlikely to survive without a transplant, although a general consensus remains in support of the existing 6‐month alcohol abstinence rule. A larger scale survey of all provinces in Canada would be required to assess support for such a change in policy.

Since the 1980s, within the broader context of studies on smart cities, there has been a growing body of academic research on networked cities and “computable cities” by authors including Manuel Castells (Castells, 1989; Castells & Cardoso, 2005), William Mitchell (1995), Michael Batty (2005, 2013), and Rob Kitchin (2011). Over the last decade, governments in Asia have displayed an appetite and commitment to construct large scale city developments from scratch—one of the most infamous being the smart entrepreneurial city of Songdo, South Korea. Using Songdo as a case study, this paper will examine, from an urban systems perspective, some of the challenges of using a green-city model led by networked technology. More specifically, this study intends to add to the growing body of smart city literature by using an external global event—the global financial crisis in 2008—to reveal what is missing from the smart city narrative in Songdo. The paper will use the definition of an urban system and internal subsystems by Bertuglia et al. (1987) and Bertuglia, Clarke and Wilson (1994) to reveal the sensitivity and resilience of a predetermined smart city narrative. For instance, what happens if the vision moves from the originally intended international-orientated population towards remarketing the city to attract a domestic middle-class population. The lens of the financial crisis in 2008 revealed that the inherent inflexibility of a closed-system approach in Songdo was not sufficiently resilient to external shocks. The shift towards a domestic middle-class population revealed the inequality in accessing the city services in a system designed with formalized and rigid inputs and outputs. By focusing predominantly on technology, the social dimensions of the city were not part of Songdo’s smart city vocabulary. Therefore, in adopting a technologically deterministic approach (Mullins & Shwayri, 2016) to achieving efficiency and combating environmental issues, Songdo’s green city model was found insufficient in its ability to cope with the complexity and dissonance that occurs in relation to “glocal” challenges facing cities today.