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The article sets out to show the ideological significance of the quotations from Vergil, Lucan, Horace, Homer, and Ovid found in Vita Nova 16 [XXV], the celebrated passage where Dante cites these poets as examples of personification in classical literature. In the quotations from Vergil’s Aeneid, Aeolus and Juno speak to each other, and Apollo speaks to the Trojans. In his framing of the quotations, Dante appears implicitly to regard pagan deities like Aeolus, Juno, and Apollo as inanimate things, raising the question as to why the author of the Vita Nova understood pagan gods in terms of poetic tropes. Focusing on the Vergilian quotations, this essay argues that Servius’s commentary to the Aeneid represents one of the major sources that might have led Dante to construe pagan deities as rhetorical personifications.

Zaključna seminarska naloga je posvečena iskanju povezav med upodobitvami krščanskega hudiča v srednjem veku in podobami demonov ter božanstev v poganstvu. V uvodnem delu besedila je skozi različne literarne vire predstavljena zgodba padlega angela Luciferja. Besedilo se nadaljuje s poglavjem, posvečenim elementom poganstva, ki so vplivali na oblikovanje krščanske dogme. Zadnji del pa je osredotočen na analizo petih umetniških del, ki so nastala med 11. in 13. stoletjem. Ta dela potrdijo domnevo, da so kristjani določene poganske ideje prilagodili svojemu mišljenju in na podlagi tega oblikovali podobo hudiča ter koncept zla. This graduation thesis is focused on finding relations between portrayals of the Christian Devil in the Middle Ages and images of pagan gods or demons. Firstly, the text concentrates on revealing the story of the fallen angel Lucifer through different literary sources. This continues into a chapter dedicated to elements of paganism that impacted the formation of Christian dogma. The last section focuses on the analysis of five art works that were created between the 11th and 13th centuries. These art works also confirm the idea that Christians appropriated some pagan elements and made them their own. With these elements in mind they then created the image of the Devil and the concept of evil.

Straipsnio objektas – baltų ir indoarijų (senovės indų) mitinių-religinių tradicijų paralelės vadinamojo pagrindinio mito kontekste. Indoeuropiečių tradicijoje yra plačiai paplitęs griausmavaldžio ir gyvatės bruožų turinčio jo priešininko dvikovos motyvas, kuriam baltų tautosakoje atstovauja Perkūno ir Velnio nesantaika, o indoarijų mitologijoje – dievų karaliaus Indros ir slibino Vritros dvikova. Straipsnyje, pasitelkus leksinės-semantinės ir kritinės teksto analizės, taip pat lyginamąjį metodus, siekiama surasti ir palyginti tuos indoarijų ir baltų minėtų mitinių būtybių bruožus, kurie yra susiję su pagrindiniu mitu, ir atskleisti kai kurias šio mito interpretacijos galimybes. The narrative of the mythological duel between the Thunder-wielder and the Dragon recurs in numerous Indo- European traditions and folklore. In reference to this common Indo-European myth, the article deals in particular with the parallels between Baltic and Indo-Aryan mythoreligious traditions. The research includes a lexical-semantic analysis of original Rigveda and Baltic folklore texts, critical text analysis and comparative methods. The article begins by presenting the schema, proposed by Russian philologists V. Toporov and V. V. Ivanov, of the common Indo-European myth, consisting of six universal mythologems that evidently correlate with the patterns of the myths found in Baltic and Indo-Aryan mytho-religious traditions. The author then proceeds with analysis and comparison of the shared characteristics between Baltic and Indo-Aryan protagonists, namely Perkūnas and Indra, complementing the study by adding a marginal, yet important, Rigveda character — Parjanya. This part of the article also involves an endeavour to suggest three interpretations that explain the Thunder-wielder’s role in Indo-European mytho-religious worldview. These are as follows: the Thunder- wielder as a militant ruler that falls under the second category in G. Dumézil’s tripartite ideology; his cosmogonical acts; and his close connection to the cycles of nature and fertility. The second part of the article includes analysis and comparison of the myths’ antagonistic characters Vṛtra, Vala, Ahi Budhnya and Varuṇa on the Indo-Aryan side and Velinas or Velnias on the Baltic side. The analysis begins with etymological and semantic evaluation of the mentioned names and then proceeds to compare the attributes and functions of the characters. For example, their connection to the primordial waters and chaotic state of the universe, as well as livestock and stones, rocks. The antagonists also perform the judicial function of a sovereign and act as secondary agents in antagonistic deeds. The analysis and comparison of the above-mentioned characters showed that Baltic and Indo-Aryan myths about the Thunder-wielder’s and Dragon’s duel share a common pool of mythologems. The findings contribute to the research of links and parallels among Indo-European folks and provide a basis for deeper analysis.

Barstukai, markopoliai, gabartai/ gabvartai rašytiniuose šaltiniuose pasirodo senosios religijos nuosmukio metu, t. y. XVI-XVII a. Prieštaringa informacija apie šias mitines būtybes (dievybes) suponuoja ir straipsnio tikslą - pasiaiškinti šių mitinių būtybių vardų kilmq bei funkcijas.

[ES] En este artículo presentamos una nueva inscripción romana dedicada a los Lares Viales, encontrada algunos años antes pero inédita hasta el momento. Su probable relación con el Camiño dos Arrieiros sugiere la posibilidad del continuo uso de esta ruta prehistórica, la cual conectaba el Puerto de Bares con As Pontes de García Rodríguez. La inscripción proporciona nuevas perspectivas en la romanización del norte de la actual Provincia de A Coruña., [EN] In this article we present a new Roman inscription dedicated to the Lares Viales, found some years ago but unpublished until now. Its probable relationship with the Camiño dos Arrieiros suggests the possibility of continued use of this prehistoric route, which linked the port of Bares with As Pontes de García Rodríguez. The inscription provides new perspectives on the Romanization of the north of the modern province of A Coruña.

Straipsnyje bandoma atkreipti dėmesį į kai kuriuos religinius egzistencinius momentus lietuvių tradicijoje, pasitelkiant ir prūsų bei kitų gretimų tautų religinius duomenis. Panaudojant istorinių šaltinių atskirus fragmentus bandoma įžiūrėti tam tikrą visuminę prasmę, pagoniškosios tikybos ir protėvių autoriteto įtaką visam senųjų lietuvių mentalitetui. Nors baltų genčių pasaulis buvo nevienalytis, už jo gentinio, kalbinio ir dialektinio margumo, skirtingų tradicijų, istorijų ir interesų slypi kažkokia jėga, konsoliduojanti baltų kultūrinį masyvą, padedanti atlaikyti egzistencinius ir karinius smūgius. Daug vietos skiriama burtų apeigų nagrinėjimui, parodant jų lemtingą reikšmę senovės baltų pasaulėžiūrai. Manytina, kad lenkų metraštininko Dlugošo teiginys apie burtininkavimą kaip vieną esminių lietuvių būdo bruožų, nebuvo laužtas iš piršto. Ypatingą reikšmę turėjo „kariniai“ burtai, t. y. susiję su karo žygiais. Remdamasis atskirais šaltinių pasakojimais autorius bando rekonstruoti senovės lietuvių karo ritualą. Išskiriamos jo 5 sudėtinės etapinės dalys: didžiūnų puota, kurioje vadas paskelbia žygio pradžią; karių priesaika rikiuotėje; žygio pašventinimas; žygis ir antpuolis; grobio aukojimas kaip karo žygio ritualo užbaigimas ir atsidėkojimas dievams. Tai nebuvo prietarai, o vieninga sistema, kuri padėdavo žmogui įgyti religinę ir psichologinę atramą bei pusiausvyrą. The article aims to bring attention to some religious existential episodes in Lithuanian tradition through Prussian and adjacent nations religious data. Holistic meaning and the influence of pagan religion and ancestries' authority for the entire ancient Lithuanians mentality is being examined through different fragments of historical resources. Although Baltic tribe's world was heterogenous, behind its tribal, linguistic and dialectal diversity, different traditions, histories and interests lied a power, which consolidated cultural Baltic array and helped to survive existential and military events. Magic rituals, which have fatal meaning to the worldview of ancient Baltic people, are closely examined. It is assumed, that a claim that practise of spiritism was one of the substantial Lithuanian's features, like polish annalist Długosz proposed, was not a lie. "Military" spells (related to military campaigns) were of particular importance. The author of the article tries to restore ancient Lithuanian's war ritual through different sources. 5 parts of the ritual were distinguished: grandee's feast, when the leader announces that the military campaign starts; warrior's oath while in line; campaign's sanctification; campaign and onslaught; the spoils' sacrifice to mark the end of the military campaign and gratitude to Gods. It was a unified system, not a superstition, which helped people to be religiously and psychologically stable.

Teiginys, kad baltai XIII - XIV a. aukojimo tikslais žudė belaisvius, XIII-XV a. šaltiniuose yra daug kartų paliudytas. Daugelis autorių yra įvykių amžininkai, turime atvejų, patvirtintų ne vieno šaltinio, pats pranešimų stilius ir kita byloja, jog toks paprotys tikrai egzistavo. Informacija apie karo belaisvių aukoji¬mo ritualą negausi ir fragmentiška Pranešimų dėmesio centre – žinia, kad patekę į nelaisvę kariai žudomi, o mirtis būna kankinanti, pagal stabmeldiškus papročius. I kitas apeigų detales nesigilinama. Apie aukotojų išvaizdą, elgesį, aukojimo vietą ir panašius dalykus nežinome. Dažniausiai susiduriame su deginamąja auka: belaisvis su kovos apranga, raitas ant žirgo, kartais pririštas prie keturių medžių, sudeginamas gyvas. Taip pat žinomi atvejai, kai belaisvis dievams pasiunčiamas jį tiesiog įmetus į ugnį. Tik vienas iš turimų pranešimų rodo, jog buvo įmanoma paaukoti belaisvį ir jo nedeginant: mirtinai subadyti ietimis. Kokių nors žynių dalyvavimo karo belaisvio aukojimo apeigose nagrinėjami šaltiniai nepatvirtina. Konkrečiausi ir patikimiausi belaisvių aukojimo baltų kraštuose atvejai liudija, kad paprastai aukotas tik vienas belaisvis. Tai ne vien baltams žinoma pergalės auka, kuria dievybei dėkojama už sėkmę, laimėjimą. XIII-XV a. šaltiniai vienodai tvirtina, kad aukota „dievams“, „dievaičiams“, „velniams“. Tik vieną kartą užsimenama apie atnašavimą „dievo“ garbei. Visų šių variantų autentiškumas labai problemiškas. Galime tik spėlioti, ar auka būdavo skiriama vienam pagoniškam baltų dievui, ar keletui. Atrodo, kad skirtingų baltų genčių karo belaisvių aukojimo papročiai XIII-XIV a. buvo labai panašūs. Šis baltų paprotys nėra kokia nors išimtis. Jis praktikuotas ir baltų kaimynų. In the narratives of the 13th-14th centuries stories (or allusions) about the sacrifice of war-prisoners to the pagan gods of the Baits are most evident. Examining all pros and cons reveals that this custom is not solely the result of chroniclers' imagination, but that this kind of sacrifice was really characteristic of the Baltic warriors in heathen times. The article reviews all the reports, concerning the above-mentioned rite of the Baits that can be found in the written sources of up to the end of the 15th century. An attempt is made to grasp the characteristic features of this custom, to ascertain the course of the war-prisoners' sacrifice, its place, time and aim, to identify the main performer of the rite and the number and kind of prisoners that were sacrificed. The possibility of differences in performance of this type of sacrifice among different Baltic tribes is also touched upon, as well as the ceremonies of war-prisoners' sacrifice in the neighbouring tribes, such as Germanic, Celtic, etc

Melville presents various pagan characters and pagan gods in his sixth novel Moby Dick. Though a good Christian brought up in the Presbyterian Church of New England, Ishmael shows special sympathy with Queequeg, a pagan worshipper of the idol, and consequently he turns idolater. The friendship thus formed suggests that Ishmael's final survival from the fatal encounter with Moby Dick is symbolic of the survival of his own paganism. Captain Ahab also reveals special kinship with the pagans, especially with the three harpooners, Queequeg, Tashtego, and Daggoo, and forms a sort of pact in nomine diaboli. His diabolical nature, however, is seen most symbolically in his relation to Fedallah, a Parsee. Though neither of them actually worships fire in the narrative, their particular veneration of the sun proves that they are fire worshippers after all. Ishmael's motive for escape from the Christian land is a romantic one. He identifies his going to sea with Narcissus' romantic dive into the water, and as a romantic young Platonist he finds in Moby Dick the embodiment of various pagan gods. Ahab's view of Moby Dick is a little different from Ishmael's. He regards it as a mask of something which must be struck through, and in his vengeful chase he plays variously the roles of Satan, Adam, and even of the Greek mythological hero Prometheus. Melville's remarks in his criticism and letter suggest that the wicked attitude of Ishmael and Ahab is also Melville's. In this sense Moby Dick is a mouthpiece of its author.