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We investigated geographic concentration in elevated risk for a range of postdisaster trajectories of chronic posttraumatic stress symptom (PTSS) and depression symptoms in a longitudinal study (N = 561) of a Hurricane Ike affected population in Galveston and Chambers counties, TX. Using an unadjusted spatial scan statistic, we detected clusters of elevated risk of PTSS trajectories, but not depression trajectories, on Galveston Island. We then tested for predictors of membership in each trajectory of PTSS and depression (e.g., demographic variables, trauma exposure, social support), not taking the geographic nature of the data into account. After adjusting for significant predictors in the spatial scan statistic, we noted that spatial clusters of PTSS persisted and additional clusters of depression trajectories emerged. This is the first study to show that longitudinal trajectories of postdisaster mental health problems may vary depending on the geographic location and the individual- and community-level factors present at these locations. Such knowledge is crucial to identifying vulnerable regions and populations within them, to provide guidance for early responders, and to mitigate mental health consequences through early detection of mental health needs in the population. As human-made disasters increase, our approach may be useful also in other regions in comparable settings worldwide.

A review of the forced relocation literature suggested that relocation following a natural disaster contributes to the environmental, social, and psychological stress experienced by disaster victims. The present study was designed to examine the effects of relocation on the well-being of victims of Hurricane Andrew, a major disaster that hit south Florida in August 1992. Respondents were 404 residents of southern Dade County who were interviewed in their current residences 6 months after the hurricane. Results indicated that at 6 months postevent, relocation was associated with higher levels of ecological stress, crowding, isolation, and social disruption. Moreover, relocation and ecological stress interacted to predict psychological symptoms: Relocatees living in poor conditions fared worse than either nonrelocatees who lived under comparable conditions or other relocatees who lived under better conditions.

To supplement a substantial literature on the symptomatic consequences of disaster, this article focuses on the adaptational requirements experienced by disaster victims, operationalized as the stressful life events following a severe flood that occurred in 1984 in southeastern Kentucky. In this study of older adults, life events were analyzed a three levels of specificity: as an aggregate measure reflecting the total amount of changes without regard to content, as seven content-oriented categories (Household Disruption, Financial Disruption, Family Conflict, Social Disruption, Health Disruption, Bereavement, and Good Things For Self), and as 40 specific events. In analyses that controlled for subjects' preflood resources, mental health, and sociodemographic characteristics, differences between victims and nonvictims in the number and types of life events experienced were tested. Overall, the findings suggest that older flood victims are more likely than other older adults to experience social disruption, but not necessarily the other six categories of life events. Most specifically, victims were found to be more likely than nonvictims to have friends/neighbors move away and to have new family conflicts; victims were less likely than others to have children leave home.

The article presents abstracts of political and social science research. They include "The Political Costs of Failure in the Katrina and Rita Disasters," "President Bush and Hurricane Katrina: A Presidential Leadership Study," "Metaphors Matter: Disaster Myths, Media Frames, and Their Consequences in Hurricane Katrina," "Weathering the Storm: The Impact of Hurricanes on Physical and Mental Health," and "Planning for Postdisaster Resiliency."