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The article critically analyzes sociopolitical discourses about language(s) and multilingualism in South Tyrolean preschools by combining political and discourse theory. Drawing on empirical material from a discussion on the topic broadcast on public regional television, in which representatives of politics, research, pedagogical practice and parents participated, the author describes a hierarchization of educational rights in favor of the ‘German’ group, which is constructed as endangered. Through references to the historical era of fascism and Italianization measures associated with it, a continuity of minorization is constructed that requires special protection of the German group and makes it possible to demand the exclusion of non-German positioned children from the educational system. Overall, the analysis reveals a reversal of linguistic majority and minority relations. The targeted monolingualization and mono-ethnicization of preschools is legitimized with a quasinatural authority of the Second Autonomy Statute, which can be read as a strategy of depoliticization. (DIPF/Orig.) Mit einer Verknüpfung von Politik- und Diskurstheorie geht der Artikel gesellschaftspolitischen Diskursen über Sprache(n) und Mehrsprachigkeit in Südtiroler Kindergärten nach. Auf der empirischen Basis einer Diskussion, die im regionalen Fernsehen ausgestrahlt wurde, und an der Vertreter:innen aus Politik, Wissenschaft, pädagogischer Praxis und Eltern teilnahmen, rekonstruiert der Text eine Hierarchisierung von Bildungsrechten zugunsten der ‚deutschen‘ Gruppe, die als gefährdet dargestellt wird. Über Bezugnahmen auf die historische Epoche des Faschismus und der damit verbundenen Italianisierungsmaßnahmen wird eine Kontinuität der Minorisierung konstruiert, die besonderen Schutz für die ‚deutsche‘ Gruppe erfordert und es ermöglicht, den Ausschluss nicht-deutsch positionierter Kinder aus dem Bildungssystem zu fordern. Insgesamt zeigt sich im Material eine Umkehrung von Mehr- und Minderheitsbeziehungen. Die von bestimmten Gruppen angestrebte Monolingualisierung und Mono-Ethnisierung von Kindergärten wird mit einer quasinatürlichen Autorität des Zweiten Autonomiestatutes begründet, was sich als Strategie der Depolitisierung lesen lässt. (DIPF/Orig.)

Roma people are likely Europe’s most discriminated and marginalized minority. In the past years, increasing attention has been paid to their migration to Western Europe and their limited social mobility in their countries of destination. Our article focuses on the “post‐return” experiences of Roma and the changes generated by return migration in their communities of origin, a topic largely neglected so far. We build on recent debates around post‐return positionality, asking how adult and old Roma returnees experience return. We thus contribute to the growing literature on return migration and lifecourse that distinguishes between the return migration of children and youth, that of adults, and that of older migrants. Focusing on Roma returnees, we employ an understanding of migration not just as a means of generating resources, but also as a learning process where the Roma population acquires new ideas and a sense of agency and dignity. Informed by long‐term fieldwork in ethnically mixed localities in Romania (including participant observation and 76 semi‐structured interviews), we inquire into the ethnic relations and negotiations between Roma and non‐Roma populations. Migration results in a weakening of the economic dependency of the Roma on the non‐Roma. In this new context, which is still marred by ethnic prejudice and inequality, we analysed how local interethnic relations were reshaped by the returned Roma’s new consumption practices, new modes of communication, and new claims for equality. While adult Roma tend to demand equality and decent treatment, setting in motion a process of ethnic change, older returned Roma tend to maintain more submissive practices.

Die deutschsprachige Minderheit ist aus der Kolonisierung Namibias als „Deutsch Südwest-Afrika“ hervorgegangen. Umfangreiche schriftliche und mündliche Kompetenzen in Deutsch, Englisch und Afrikaans sind üblich. Trotz des Einflusses der Kontaktsprachen gilt das namibische Deutsch im Vergleich zu anderen extraterritorialen Varietäten als standardnah. Meine Dissertation geht mit zwei Studien der Forschungsfrage nach: „Welche soziale Ordnung regiert die mehrsprachige Praxis und sprachliche Variation im Deutschen der deutschsprachigen Minderheit in Namibia?“ Die Selbstangaben der Teilnehmer*innen in der quantitative Fragebogenstudie zeigen eine für eine Minderheit erwartbare Ordnung mit starkem Gebrauch von Deutsch innerhalb der Gemeinschaft und der Verkehrssprachen Englisch und Afrikaans eher mit externen Kontakten. Trotz der Dominanz des Deutschen in der Familie sind auch Englisch und Afrikaans unter anderem durch gemischtsprachige Elternhäuser präsent. Zentraler Teil der Dissertation ist die explorativ-qualitative Diskursanalyse über die Wahrnehmung von Deutsch, Englisch, Afrikaans und der weiteren namibischen Kontaktsprachen Otjiherero, Oshivambo und Nama/Damara. Zentral in der Perzeption der Sprachformen des Deutschen ist eine ideologische Aushandlung zwischen „Reinheit“ und „Vermischung“ durch Entlehnungen. So ist die kontaktgeprägte Variante des Deutschen das distinktive Kennzeichen einer Identifikation als Namibianer*innen gegenüber den Deutschlanddeutschen. Die für die Zugehörigkeit zu Namibia stehende „Vermischung“ des Deutschen mit den Kontaktsprachen geht aber auch mit Befürchtungen eines vermeintlichen Sprachverlusts einher, dem mit einem ideologischen Regime der sprachlichen „Reinheit“ begegnet wird. Dies soll letztlich den Spracherhalt und damit Fortbestand der Minderheit garantieren. The German-speaking minority emerged from the colonization of Namibia as "German Southwest Africa." Written and oral proficiency in German, English and Afrikaans is common. Despite the influence of contact languages, Namibian German is considered close to standard in comparison to other extraterritorial varieties. My dissertation applied two studies to address the research question: "What social order governs multilingual practice and linguistic variation in German among the German-speaking minority in Namibia?" The self-reports of the participants in the quantitative questionnaire study show an expected order for a minority with a strong use of German within the community and with external contacts more often the lingua franca English and Afrikaans. Despite the dominance of German within the family, English and Afrikaans are also present, especially through mixed-language parental homes. The central part of the dissertation is the exploratory qualitative discourse analysis on the perception of German, English, Afrikaans and the other Namibian contact languages Otjiherero, Oshivambo and Nama/Damara. Central to the perception of German language forms is an ideological negotiation between "purity" and "mixing" through lexical borrowing. Thus, the contact variety of German is the distinctive marker of identification as Namibians vis-à-vis Germany-Germans. However, the "mixing" of German with the contact languages, which stands for belonging to Namibia, is also accompanied by fears of a supposed loss of language, which is countered with an ideological regime of linguistic "purity". This is ultimately supposed to guarantee language preservation and continued existence of the minority.

Planning has historically been used as a tool to regulate queer people in urban space and parades have long been a vibrant, yet overlooked, practice for resisting such municipal regulation—although parades themselves require spatial planning practices. We analyze the 50-year history of the Los Angeles Pride parade through archival materials, asking to what extent and how the historical planning of LA Pride demonstrates a radical planning praxis, especially in relation to policing. We find that LA Pride was initially (a) a ritual of remembrance and (b) a political organizing device. In contrast to heteronormative readings of Pride as an opportunity to “come out” and transform the “straight state,” we argue that the early years of Pride demonstrated intersectional and insurgent planning wherein heterogeneous queer people claimed agency through collectively expressing joy as an act of resistance to municipal governance. Based on theories of Black joy and the feminist killjoy, we conceptualize this experience as a “spatialized queer joy.” This concept is particularly germane given ongoing debates regarding the relationship between queer and BIPOC urban life and policing. We suggest that spatialized queer joy complicates conventional readings of Pride and queer urban space, offering instead powerful tools for radical queer planning praxis.

This article proposes a framework for classifying ethnic minority organisations based on a broad combination of discursive and non-discursive criteria rooted in their political opportunities profile. One diasporic and one non-diasporic organisation were chosen for Russia and Poland, respectively. Diasporicity is understood according to William Safran’s criteria and Rogers Brubaker’s triadic configuration. The Russian study cases are Komi Voityr and the Russian Polish Congress; the Polish, the Silesian Autonomy Movement and the Belarussian House. The analysis of their status, activities, domestic and external political impact, localisation and role in the ‘triadic configuration’ has shown that the four cases are ethnic minority associations, and their legal status and scope of activities differ significantly. Their domestic political opportunities are rather scarce. Out of the four cases, just one organisation is an active part in Brubaker’s classical triadic configuration; its role is not traditional, ascribed to the respective ‘angle’. Although both Russian associations enjoy an official status, their activities are limited to the cultural, memorial and linguistic domains, primarily at the national level. In Poland, both associations act internationally as advocacy groups, and their activities are not confined to culture and language. Far from being universally applicable, the proposed classification framework can still add to the comparative ethnic politics toolkit.

This article tracks how relations between two neighbouring states of the Baltic region, Po­land and Lithuania, developed over the last decades. These relations cannot be described in unambiguous terms. On the one hand, common aspirations for European integration created conditions for rapprochement and cooperation. On the other, the partnership has been complicated by disagreements and mutual claims. The main problem is the situa­tion of the correspondent ethnic minorities in the two countries: Poles in Lithuania and Lithuanians in Poland. According to the Polish authorities, the interests of Lithuania’s Polish residents are not safeguarded, and their rights are infringed. Similar complaints are voiced by Vilnius regarding the situation of ethnic Lithuanians in Poland. These contradictions are partly smoothed by common political interests: cooperation within the North Atlantic Alliance, defiance of the notorious ‘threat from the East’ and joint support for the pro-­Western opposition in the neighbouring Belarus.

Smart engagement approaches are now widely applied in community planning processes. However, there continues to be a lack of representation from marginalized groups such as racial/ethnic minorities in planning processes. In this study, we explore what smart community engagement methods are being applied by small cities in the U.S., and how minority communities are participating in the planning process with those engagement methods. We analyzed planning documents and public engagement data from five small cities located in different regions of the U.S. with varying levels of minority populations. We evaluated the planning processes of the study cities, specifically comprehensive planning, and what smart community engagement tools they have applied. Our study shows that smart engagements are performed primarily through community surveys and online outreach initiatives. Despite adopting these approaches, most cities received lower participation from minority populations compared to non-Hispanic Whites. Cities with higher participation rates provided more engagement opportunities and conducted targeted community events and surveys to reach out to minority and low-income communities. From this study, we conclude that cities should apply varied methods for community engagement and should not rely solely on smart approaches to engage with minority communities. For cities to increase their overall civic participation, including those underrepresented, smart engagement approaches should be supported by targeted public events and outreach activities.

Das Leben in den Städten Zentralasiens hat in den vergangenen dreißig Jahren einen tiefgreifenden Wandel erfahren. Vor allem haben sich das Ausmaß und die Konstellationen kultureller und religiöser Vielfalt verändert. Häufig wird angenommen, dass der urbane Raum für gegenseitige Abhängigkeiten und komplexe Formen des Zusammenlebens nach dem Zerfall der Sowjetunion abgenommen hat. Als Grund gilt die Binnenmigration vom Land in die Städte bei gleichzeitiger Auswanderung ethnoreligiöser Minderheiten. Der Beitrag untersucht, wie vor dem Hintergrund dieser Entwicklungen neue Formen der Vielfalt in den urbanen Zentren Zentralasiens entstanden sind. Dabei steht die Frage im Mittelpunkt, welche Auswirkungen die Diasporagemeinden ethnoreligiöser Minderheiten, die außerhalb der Region entstanden sind, für ihre Herkunftsstädte in Zentralasien haben.

The COVID-19 pandemic has demonstrated the multifarious roles of information. While the interconnected nature of the globe has seen the rapid transmission of knowledge, disinformation has continued to spread in parallel. In Georgia, the transfer of information is distinguished by high levels of 'bonding' social capital within society. The prevalence of informal networks - characterised by the dual-phenomenon of close ingroup ties and out-group mistrust - has deeply impacted Georgians' attitudes and practices throughout the pandemic, from issues including compliance with regulations to beliefs regarding the severity of the virus itself. As such, this article examines the role of these informal forms of social capital and their impact on the dissemination of information during the COVID-19 pandemic, focusing particular attention on community- level mechanisms in two ethnic minority communities: (1) the Georgian-Armenian community of Samtskhe-Javakheti and (2) the Georgian-Azerbaijani community of Kvemo Kartli.

Mit der sich verändernden Zusammensetzung der Gesellschaften kommen Fragen der sozialen Vielfalt und des gleichberechtigten Zugangs von Minderheitengruppen zur Gesundheitsversorgung zunehmend ins Blickfeld. Gleichwohl gibt es weiterhin Debatten über die praktische Umsetzung der Gleichstellung im Gesundheitswesen. Ziel der Beiträge in diesem Band ist daher ein besseres Verständnis des Phänomens der Ungleichheit und Diskriminierung von Minderheitengruppen beim Zugang zur Gesundheitsversorgung aus interdisziplinären Perspektiven der Medizinethik, der öffentlichen Gesundheit und des Rechts. Ein solches Verständnis kann dazu führen, dass die besonderen Bedürfnisse von Minderheiten in Bezug auf die Gesundheitsversorgung ermittelt werden. With the changing composition of societies, there is growing consideration of questions of social diversity and equal access to healthcare for minority groups. Despite raised attention to this topic in recent years, there are still debates regarding implementation of healthcare equality in practice. Therefore, the aim of the contributions presented in this volume is a better understanding of the phenomenon of inequity and discrimination of minority groups in accessing healthcare from interdisciplinary perspectives of medical ethics, public health, and law. Such an understanding can lead to the determination of minorities' special needs concerning healthcare and barriers precluding them from benefitting from existing opportunities.

To queer urban planning and municipal governance requires explicit civic engagement with sexual and gender minority inclusions, representations and needs in urban plans and policies across departmental and committee silos. This collection questions the hetero-cis-normative assumptions of urban planning and examines the integration of LGBTQ+ issues in municipal governance at the interface of community activism, bureaucratic procedures, and political intervention. The editorial summarizes the contributions to this thematic issue within a tripartite thematic framework: 1) counter-hegemonic reactions to hetero-cis-normativities; 2) queering plans and policies; and 3) governance coalitions and LGBTQ+ activisms.

The past 20 years have witnessed major shifts in language and education policy in Malaysia. This reflects a range of social, economic, and political forces that influence and shape the policymaking in this multi-ethnic and multicultural country. Past research has suggested that language and education policies in Malaysia tend to have two main stances and are generally related to Malay (the national language), English, Mandarin, and Tamil. One stance is related to issues of globalization and employability, and the other is related to national and ethnic identities. In view of these stances, this paper seeks to contribute to the discussion and debates on these issues by empirically investigating inherent ideological positions in official statements published in two newspapers in the past 20 years. Specifically, it adopts concepts from critical discourse studies, and uses methods from computational linguistics to examine official statements from a total of 30,508 Malaysian newspaper articles published between 2000 and 2020. The findings indicate that the role of Malay and national ideology, and the global positioning of English continue to be central concerns in the discussion of language and education in Malaysia. In addition, the importance of learning Mandarin is also emphasized. However, indigenous and minority languages are largely absent in the discourses on education policies in the country. The effects of this exclusion are already apparent in the shift to languages like Malay, Mandarin, and English as a first language, and the increasing number of languages considered to be under threat in Malaysia., Austrian Journal of South-East Asian Studies, Vol. 14 No. 2 (2021): Multicultural Lingual and Multicultural Education

Die Geschichte des türkisch-deutschen Migrant*innentheaters ist fast so alt wie die der türkischen Arbeitsmigration in die BRD. Von Beginn an befanden sich unter den Ankömmlingen nämlich auch Künstler*innen, die frühzeitig nach artistischen Ausdrucksmöglichkeiten suchten. Bald entstanden so erste Bühnenprojekte fernab der öffentlich subventionierten Theaterlandschaft, und über die Jahrzehnte entwickelte sich eine vitale Kultur, die weitgehend unbemerkt von der breiteren deutschen Öffentlichkeit stattfand. Der Autor präsentiert die Vorgeschichte des zeitgenössischen postmigrantischen Theaters in Deutschland und liefert damit eine unentbehrliche Grundlage für dessen weitere Betrachtung.

This article studies citizenship beyond its manifestation as a formal legal status, by exploring citizenship as a process shaped by people’s everyday practices and experiences of belonging. Through investigating the daily struggles over belonging and membership of young people with migrant background in the autonomous province of South Tyrol in Northern Italy, this study pays particular attention to the ways in which belonging on the macro scale (the nation, the state) and the micro scale (the village, the city, the region) clash, intersect and interact with each other. By highlighting practices of belonging at the margins of a state by actors considered to be at the margins of the state, this article contributes to scholarly debates that “decentre” citizenship by studying it at, from and for the margins.

Mit dem Entwurf National Education Policy von 2019 werden bildungspolitische Rahmenvorgaben für ganz Indien vorgelegt. Diese läuten einen Paradigmenwechsel der nach eigenem Bekunden größten Demokratie der Welt ein. Ideologische Argumentationen der hindu-nationalistischen Regierungspartei stellen die seit der Unabhängigkeit des Subkontinents säkularplurale Demokratie in Frage. Verfassungsmäßig garantierte Einheit in Vielfalt soll durch inkludierenden Hindu-Nationalismus ersetzt werden. Dadurch werden jene ausgeschlossen, die dieser Ideologie nicht folgen wollen. Welthistorisch implizierte Höherwertigkeit wird mit zivilisatorischen Anfängen im Indus-Tal begründet. Der Beitrag ordnet exemplarische Aspekte des Themas systematisch für aufgeklärte Weltbürger/-innen in- und außerhalb Indiens, die sich ihrer historischen Verantwortung bewusst sind. (DIPF/Orig.), The draft of the National Education Policy of 2019 presents an educational policy framework for whole India. This opens up a paradigm shift for the biggest democracy of the world, according to own description. The Hindu nationalist ruling party’s ideological arguments question the secular plural democracy that has existed since the subcontinent gained independence. Unity in diversity guaranteed by the constitution shall be replaced by inclusive Hindu nationalism. This excludes those who do not want to follow this ideology. The implied worldhistorical superiority is based on civilizing roots of the Indus Valley. The article sorts out exemplary aspects of the topic systematically for enlightened global citizens in and outside India who are aware of their historical responsibility. (DIPF/Orig.)

In the literature, Malaysian Indians, as minorities, are marginalized and discriminated against, while their agency is either conspicuously lacking or one-dimensional. As a result, the mainstream discourse concerning Malaysian Indians is discursive and renders them subordinate. I argue that despite the marginalization and discrimination, grassroots Malaysian Indian Hindus are not powerless. With a case study of a demolished estate Hindu temple in Penang, I unpack their agential compliance and lack of confrontation when the state government destroyed their community temple. Their agential responses reflect their diverse political and social experiences as minorities and the myriad ways of interpreting the political rivalry between the ruling federal and opposition-led state government. Analysis of the case study is derived from ethnography and in-depth interviews with the estate Hindus., Austrian Journal of South-East Asian Studies, Vol. 14 No. 1 (2021)

Multilingual or linguistically heterogeneous societies are increasing around the globe. Socio-political processes, like Europeanization and globalization, are responsible for this expansion. Universal norms and standards for language use and identity are spreading, mediated by international organizations and charters. In this view, multilingualism can be seen as a challenge to national social cohesion, though it remained undisputed before the development of global multi level governance. In many places, languages of traditional territorial minorities have been recognized and given official status, leading in some cases to new forms of local, regional, and national governance. Furthermore, the proliferation of multilingualism is boosted by a variety of forms of mobility, where mobility is understood as physical migration or new forms of virtual mobility connected to digital networks. Mobility in this sense underpins the linguistic and transnational identity of the migrants who bring new languages with them. One of the questions in need of analysis is the circumstances and conditions that lead to the inclusion/exclusion from society of specific linguistic groups with shared linguistic features. This thematic issue wants to address the apparent schism between multilingualism and social inclusion as well as the language policy and planning pursued by supranational institutions, states, and societal organizations in their efforts tackle it. In this issue, the focus of study of linguistically diverse societies will be on the closely interrelated dependencies which impact language policy and planning.

Evidence suggests that as public opinion towards immigration becomes more negative, so the descriptive representation of ethnic minority groups is increasingly restricted. Recently, some initial research into the causal mechanism hinted that this effect is driven by patterns of candidacy. This suggests that political parties are creating an ‘ethnic penalty’ of their own in the selection stage. This paper investigates the relationship between patterns of candidacy, party strategy, and public opinion in Great Britain from 1997 to 2019, and proposes that ‘punitive parties’ are strongly responsible for shaping the representational outcomes of minority groups. I find support for earlier suggestions that parties are increasingly likely to place ethnic minority candidates away from ‘winnable’ contests as anti-immigrant hostility rises. These findings are important for our conceptions of ethnic penalties, of party behaviour in selection processes, and for the study and cause of improving political representation.

The study aims to explore the genesis and the role of the Madhesh movement on state-restructuring in Nepal as well as challenges. This social movement erupted in January 2007 in the Tarai/Madhesh (southern plain terrain) region of Nepal after the issues of federalism and proportional representation were not included in the Interim Constitution. The data collection of this empirically-based study was carried out through In-depth interviews with participants (politicians, journalists, and ordinary people) of the movement, and direct observation. The Madheshi community as the excluded community in Nepal seemed to have angered against state-sponsored discrimination and exclusion that had been occurring for centuries. Madheshis were treated as non-Nepali; though the history of Nepal’s Tarai/Madhesh has been old. The movement was spontaneous to a large extent against the state's prejudices and discriminations. This movement brought the changes, promoting social justice and equality in essence, and Madheshis / minorities’ rights and inclusion in particular. As a result, the number of electoral constituencies was increased as it reached 120 in Tarai/Madhesh while it was 80 only; the representation of Madheshi and other minorities in the political arena reached 35 % and more, while it was 20% only. The main output of this movement was that it contributed to ensuring the principle of inclusion and federalism as a political system.

Extract ----- Abstract The aim of this study was to explore the application of culturally responsive school leadership (CRSL) in an out of school time organization (OST). This was accomplished by analyzing how the actions of leaders both enabled and constrained CRSL. Research was conducted with Inspire Mentoring an OST organization that provides mentoring services to approximately 90-120 high school students of color from freshman through senior year. Approximately 60% of the mentors identify as people of color. The data collected for this qualitative case study occurred over 6 months and included: 6 semi-structured interviews with executive leaders and adult mentors, 5 observations of organizational meetings and community workshops, and reviewed documents from Inspire Mentoring. The leadership practices observed were analyzed using the behaviors of CRSL. This study suggest that positional OST leaders should become more connected to their community understanding longstanding inequities, interrogate their own worldviews, and work in tandem with minoritized youth and community members to address cultural youth development needs. Keywords: out of school time, culturally responsive school leadership, youth leadership, case study ----- Bibliography: Miller, Ishmael A.: Passing the Mic: Toward Culturally Responsive Out of School Time Leadership, IJREE – International Journal for Research on Extended Education, Vol. 8, Issue 1-2020, pp. 52-65. https://doi.org/10.3224/ijree.v8i1.05

Expanding the scope of inclusion beyond specific groups such as individuals with disabilities has led to the investigation of school systems’ inclusiveness from the perspective of all students. With this in mind, this research investigated the experiences of students and parents belonging to the ancient Syriac community in Turkey, who inhabited Mesopotamia since the inception of Christianity. Obtaining the views of 43 parents and their 46 children through semi-structured interviews, the school system was investigated at a political, cultural, and practical level in terms of the educational inclusion of Syriac individuals. Overall, student and parent views indicated that: (a) policy-making lacked an approach to reach all students and organize support for diversity; (b) school cultures needed to build a community whereby inclusive values were established; and (c) school practices lacked the organization to target and ensure the learning of all and mobilize resources to achieve this aim. Details of findings are included and discussed. Implications address the importance of building schools that consider the increasingly diverse school populations around the world, with a particular focus on cultural and religious diversity.

International audience; Religious minorities are increasingly present in the public sphere. Often pointed out as a problem, we argue here that the establishment of these minorities in Western societies is happening through struggles for recognition. Communities or individuals belonging to different minorities are seeking recognition from the society in which they are living. In Section 1, we present, briefly, our perspective, which differs from the analyses generally presented in the sociology of religion in that it adopts a bottom-up perspective. In Section 2, we present and discuss articles dealing with case studies in the cities of Barcelona, Geneva, and Montreal. In Section 3, we discuss two articles that present a process of individualization of claims for recognition. Finally, we present an article that discusses the case of an unrecognized minority in the Turkish school system.

In interwar Romania, the numbers of Baptists grew exponentially among the ethnic majority population in the border regions of Transylvania, Banat, and Bessarabia. In the competition over souls and for cultural space in the newly formed Greater Romania, the Roma became an important minority to win over. In 1930, Petar Mincov visited Chișinău and spurred outreach to the Roma among Romanian Baptists as he had in Bulgaria. It was here and in the cities of Arad and Alba-Iulia that some of the first Romanian Roma converted to the Baptist denomination. The first Roma Baptist (and first Roma neo-Protestant) Church, called Biserica Credinţa (Faith Church), was founded in Arad city around 1931. Confessional newspapers in English, Romanian, and Russian from the interwar period reveal the initiative taken by members of the local Roma community to convert and to start their own church. The article analyses the role of Romanian Baptist leadership in supporting Roma churches and the development of these new faith communities in the borderland regions. Unlike outsider attempts to foster a Roma Baptist community in Bucharest, the Faith Church survived World War II and communist governments, and provides insight into the workings and agency of a marginalized double minority. The article also looks at the current situation of Roma evangelicals in Arad city and how the change in religious affiliation has helped or hindered attempts at inclusion and policy change.

In the field of international relations and transnational cooperation, normative attitudes and values of foreign cultural and educational policy (FCEP) sometimes precede practice in Germany and within internationally active organisations. However, in order to be able to act credibly to the outside world, cultural mediator organisations in particular should also implement structures of diversity and inclusion. In this study, the concepts of diversity and inclusion will be explained, a selection of existing measures will be presented and concrete steps for implementing diversity and inclusion will be shown. For the area of foreign cultural and educational policy, this results in suggestions as to how a corresponding cultural change within organisations could be supported.

Bad Heilbrunn : Verlag Julius Klinkhardt 2022, 304 S. - (Studien zur Professionsforschung und Lehrerbildung), Gegenwärtig wird der Ruf nach einer Steigerung der ‚Reflexionsfähigkeit’ von Lehrer:innen im Zuge von Schul- und Unterrichtsentwicklung, von Schüler:innen im Zuge der Erwartung der Gestaltung des eigenen Lern- und Bildungsweges und von Lehramtsstudierenden und Referendar:innen im Zuge ihrer Professionalisierung lauter. Die daraus erwachsenden aktuellen Herausforderungen im Bildungswesen wurden auf einer Tagung der DGfE-Sektion Schulpädagogik im Herbst 2021 an der Universität Osnabrück diskutiert. Der vorliegende Herausgeber:innenband vereint Beiträge, die aus ausgewählten Symposien hervorgegangen sind und vielfältige Perspektiven auf das Reflexionsparadigma eröffnen. In einem ersten Teil werden die theoretischen Diskurse zu Reflexion und Reflexivität vertieft. Daran schließen sich Aufsätze an, die die Perspektive auf Reflexion und Reflexivität in der Lehrer:innenbildung richten sowie die Thematik in Bezug auf Schule und Unterricht untersuchen. (DIPF/Orig.)

Reintjes, Christian [Hrsg.]; Kunze, Ingrid [Hrsg.]: Reflexion und Reflexivität in Unterricht, Schule und Lehrer:innenbildung. Bad Heilbrunn : Verlag Julius Klinkhardt 2022, S. 277-294. - (Studien zur Professionsforschung und Lehrerbildung), Assimilation und Segregation präg(t)en die Beschulung von Kindern aus minorisierten sozialen Gruppen in vielen Ländern. Dieser Beitrag fokussiert drei Formen, in denen Assimilation und Segregation zu erziehungswissenschaftlichen und professionsbezogenen Reflexionsanlässen werden können: In einem ersten Schritt wird ein internationaler Vergleich dazu genutzt, die erziehungswissenschaftliche Reflexion dieses Problemzusammenhangs zu vertiefen. Sodann wird – am Beispiel Kanadas – beleuchtet, wie eine Gesellschaft derartige Beschulungsformen kritisch reflektiert, um schließlich – anhand der Erzählungen von Menschen, die in der Bundesrepublik sogenannte „Türkenklassen“ besucht haben – auch die biographische Dimension erziehungswissenschaftlicher Reflexionen zu erörtern und professionstheoretisch zu wenden. Einige Schlussfolgerungen und Anschlussfragen runden den Beitrag ab. (DIPF/Orig.)