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Copyright of Journal of Babylon Center for Humanities Studies is the property of Republic of Iraq Ministry of Higher Education & Scientific Research (MOHESR) and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

In the summer of 2020, Turkey and Greece deployed naval vessels in the contested eastern Mediterranean waters, which led first to a standoff and eventually a collision. Soon after, a US warship arrived at Crete. While this move should have been intended to calm tensions between the two historical rivals, some observers saw this as a show of support for Greece, marking a significant shift from the traditional American role of mediator. This article examines the US responses to gas exploration and other disputes in the eastern Mediterranean, including the Greek‐Turkish divide over Cyprus. It argues that Washington's tilt toward Athens has been pushing Ankara to deepen its economic, diplomatic, and even military relations with Moscow. The United States could rebalance with Turkey and drive a wedge between it and Russia, for instance through incorporating its NATO ally into strategies for reducing Europe's reliance on President Vladimir Putin for energy resources. But if the current zero‐sum approach persists, Turkey is likely to continue to look east—which is not in the American interest. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

There was a drought in Central Asia around 800 BC. Therefore, the Scythians migrated from east to west and came to the steppes north of the Black Sea. The Greeks reached the Black Sea to establish a colony. Meanwhile, the Greeks established colonial cities both in the south and north of the Black Sea. As a result of these developments, relations began between the Scythians and the Greeks. After Scythian rule, Sarmatian rule began in the north of the Black Sea. Scythian and Greek relations continued during the Sarmatian rule. There were economic, military and cultural relations between the two societies. Greek colonists bought the goods they needed from the Scythians. They sold the goods they needed to the Scythians. Most wheat was exported from the Scythian country. Other exports included cattle, leather and fur. Chief among these were olive oil and wine. Knowing the Scythian military power and the success of the Scythians in archery, the Greeks took advantage of the Scythian archers to protect the city of Athens. Scythians were very attached to their traditions and customs. They were closed to external cultural influences and mutual cultural interaction. Despite this, there were some Scythians who went to the Greek cultural environment. They had the opportunity to explain their own culture or compare their own culture with Greek culture. In this study, the relations between the Scythians and the Greeks were tried to be revealed in their economic, military and cultural dimensions. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Relation extraction (RE) is a crucial step for knowledge graph construction, which aims to extract meaningful relations between entity pairs in plain texts. Very few works have been studied on Chinese relation extraction (CRE) in the military field. Moreover, recent deep neural network-based methods have achieved considerable performance but still suffer from three inherent limitations, including overlapping of entities, imbalanced data and the ambiguity. Therefore, this work investigates a novel Multi-Grained Lattice Transformer (MGLT), which leverages external information of lexicon and word sense tailored for CRE. In MGLT, self-matched lexicon words and related word senses are fused through a cross-transformer mechanism to alleviate the ambiguity in texts. The finally enriched sequence representation in MGLT captures the relatedness between the head entity and the tail one, which is helpful to alleviate the overlapping of entities. Experimental results on two benchmark datasets and a self-developed dataset constructed from online military news show that the proposed MGLT achieves state-of-the-art (SOTA) performance. Compared with other typical baselines, MGLT achieves better area under curve (AUC) and F 1 -score by up to 10.46% and 6.90%, respectively. We further demonstrate the effectiveness of using ensemble learning to fully exploit complementary information from multiple MGLT-based base learners to improve the overall performance for imbalanced data classification on the military dataset. Such results indicate that the proposed ensemble learning model is effective and robust to be applied in practical applications. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The influx of populism in Europe revived the values of illiberal, authoritarian government. This affects the democratic character of Civil–Military Relations (CMR) in the post-communist countries in particular. We analyzed the development of CMR in Czechia (1992–2022) under the influence of populism (2010–2022). Applying the CMR concept of the shared-democratic-values-perspective, our study provides empirical evidence that persistent shortcomings in formal institutional and informal socialization of Czech officers by values of democracy open a dangerous back door for spreading the values of military populism in the Czech Armed Forces. We argue that such development in the last 10 years has resulted into a formation of illiberal alliances between populist leaders and the military elite and poses a risk of the army being misused to politically support the authoritarian populist government. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The role of China in the liberation of Africa from colonial rule cannot be down played as I laid a foundation to Africa today. Most African countries were aided by China militarily and ideologically in the fight against Western colonial rule. Though some scholars would suggest that China's contribution was as a result of the hostility that was there in the times of the cold war between the self-acclaimed democrats of the Western bloc and the Communist Eastern bloc. Philosophers like Marx Engel, Karl Marx, Lenin and Mao Zedong had a major influence on the liberation of Africa. The purpose of this paper is to show how the relationship that started as sincere has become a curse for the poor and unconnected Africans. In recent years the Chinese has overtaken the Briton hood Institutes of the International Monetary Fund (IMF) and World Bank as the major lenders of loans to African States. Kwame Nkrumah warned us of the danger of Africa being recolonised in what he termed neo colonialism where the colonisers will come as investors. Neo colonialism is no longer a theory but has become a reality as will be exposed in this article using empirical, qualitative and quantitative research methods to show how a friendship with China has benefited the elite politicians at the cost of citizens affairs. Africa is endowed with natural resources yet it has the poorest population per Gross Domestic Product (GDP) per capita. The paper will show how it is easy for a Chinese to own a business in Africa compared to the native Africans using the case of Shurugwi in Zimbabwe. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In reorienting its foreign policy to counter China, the United States must grasp China's ambitions deeply. Understanding the historical roots and driving forces behind Chinese actions is vital. Previous research analyzed the global ambitions of the Chinese Communist Party (CCP) and its strategic means to realize them, with a focus on Southeast Asia. It highlighted the CCP's pursuit of hegemony and its use of malign influence, avoiding actions that might provoke a US military response. This second installment of research proposes a revised US strategy, emphasizing partnerships in Southeast Asia to limit China's ability to act against US interests. Relevant to foreign relations experts and military operations, this research advocates for shaping the regional environment to constrain China's power. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Ataturk Arastirma Merkezi Dergisi is the property of Ataturk Arastirma Merkezi Dergisi and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Using Nadkarni's theoretical framework, this study argues that Türkiye has been unable to raise its relations with Indonesia to the level of strategic partnership. This study examines the reasons for this in two separate layers: First, as a rising middle power, Indonesia is a country where the role of the leader in the foreign policymaking process is relatively in- fluential. This situation shows that Turkish policymakers should take into consideration the leaders' foreign policy orientations in their relations with Indonesia. Secondly, Turkish decision-makers need to carefully analyze internal factors such as culture and domestic politics when developing relations with middle-power countries. In this context, although this study finds that military and commercial relations between Türkiye and Indonesia have reached a significant level, it argues that this is still not sufficient for a strategic partnership. Finally, this study suggests that Indonesia and Türkiye should build their relations by thoroughly considering the internal dynamics in each country. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Based on the experience of other countries, in the current context of regional security, the enhanced relations with NATO, and the status of candidate country for EU membership, the Republic of Moldova has to pay increased attention to its security and defence. It includes not only increasing budget allocations for the defence sector, professionalizing the armed forces or participating with troops alongside other European countries in various theatres of operations, but also ensuring institutional transparency and rigorous implementation of EU standards of civilian democratic control over the armed forces. The effectiveness of democratic civilian control will contribute to enhancing national security and will bring the Republic of Moldova closer to the European community. This article briefly discusses the evolution of democratic civilian control over the armed forces of the Republic of Moldova from a theoretical and practical point of view and sets up some recommendations. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Contact experiences with women in senior leadership roles are important for creating acceptance of women in organizations dominated by men, such as the military, as leadership roles are considered demanding, requiring numerous agentic qualities that are often ascribed to men. The military lacks women in leadership levels within its organization. We wished to determine whether quality and quantity contact with women in leadership positions reduces intergroup anxiety, increases empathy and perspective-taking, and subsequently creates more favorable attitudes toward women in the military. This was examined in three studies, one with a military sample consisting of men (n = 95), another with a civilian sample of men (n = 367), and a third study with a civilian sample of women (n = 374). Our findings revealed that quality contact was related to attitudes toward women in the military for all three samples. Results from the indirect effects tests conducted for the civilian male and female samples revealed that for civilian men, intergroup anxiety demonstrated a significant indirect effect between quantity contact and attitudes toward women in the military, while both intergroup anxiety and perspective-taking demonstrated significant indirect effects between quality contact and attitudes toward women in the military. Furthermore, both quantity and quality contact demonstrated significant direct effects. On the other hand, results revealed that for civilian women the only significant relation was the direct effect between quality contact and attitudes toward women in the military. Intergroup anxiety, perspectivetaking, and empathy did not demonstrate any indirect effects for the civilian women sample. Thus, given that interactions with women in leadership positions are related to views of women in the military, research should further explore the role of contact for women in non-traditional work roles. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

With its geopolitical location and underground resources, the South Caucasus region has turned into a competitive field for regional and global powers, especially since the 19th century. Three Caucasian countries (Azerbaijan, Georgia, and Armenia) gained independence in the region where Soviet domination had been effective for many years. In the first years of their independence, these countries, on the one hand, faced political and economic crises and, on the other hand, sought ways to integrate into the international system. These crises had negative consequences for Azerbaijan, which has been at war with Armenia, and the lack of military capacity led to the loss of the First Karabakh War. The history of military cooperation between Türkiye and Azerbaijan, which built their relations on the discourse of “one nation, two states”, dates to the Caucasian Islamic Army’s liberation of Baku in 1918. Military relations, which ended soon after Azerbaijan went under Soviet domination, were re-established after its independence in 1991. Cooperation in the field of military and defence, which continues in many areas from training and technical issues to exercises, has expanded especially in the last decade. This study claims that Azerbaijan’s military cooperation with Türkiye was decisive in winning the Second Karabakh War. In this context, Türkiye-Azerbaijan military relations, which date back 100 years, will be discussed from a historical perspective, and Azerbaijan’s military capacity will be evaluated. In addition, the study will include the cooperation opportunities that have deepened with the Second Karabakh War and the future expectations.

This article analyzes the relationship between civil–military relations and professional military education (PME) in Türkiye before the 2016 coup attempt. Its main argument is that an effective PME system could not be realized due to the problematic nature of civil–military relations. The dominant role of the military in politics turned PME into a domain reserved solely for soldiers; however, this autonomy did not help the officer corps to create an effective PME system. Based on historical analyses, this article concludes that civil–military cooperation is necessary for developing a successful PME system, and it endorses Mukherjee's integrated model. Moreover, it shows that civil–military cooperation for the development of PME is a requirement regardless of the nature of civil–military relations. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Humania del Sur: Revista de Estudios Latinoamericanos, Africanos y Asiáticos is the property of Humania del Sur. Estudios Latinoamericanos Africanos y Asiaticos and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The governing balance between civilian regime and military leadership has become an important aspect of governance in Pakistan. When military and civilian life are pragmatically in touch with each other, both become an asset, otherwise, they are an aggressor to each other. It is their integration that ensures the convergence of their goals and directions as well as values and ideologies, as both depend on each other. This not only leads to the consolidation of democracy but also fulfills the effective civilian oversight over the military. For this, an efficient governing structure can keep in check the state's civil-military equation and ensure that the incidence of military intervention or influence is minimized. The theoretical and structural construction of this integration and ideological alignment is particularly relevant to civil-military interaction under the National Security Committee (NSC) in Pakistan. This paper analyzes the civil-military relations in Pakistan under two different models i.e., 'control theory' and 'convergence theory' to bring a new perspective to the analysis of the topic. The paper begins with a brief review of both theoretical frameworks, followed by the history of civil-military relations under military rule, civilian setup, and NSC governance in Pakistan. The paper then looks into the case of hybrid governance under the NSC in line with the tenets of the 1973 Constitution of Pakistan. It suggests that far-reaching national strategic concerns and governing balance issues can be addressed under NSC, which is currently not being utilized to its full potential; instead it should function as a regular forum of dialogue and consultation, and not as an irregular decision-making entity. A consistently functional consultative NSC can help diffuse the ideological differences between civil and military elements of governance, creating more prospects of integration and decreasing chances of outright interference, as postulated by Janowitz in the convergence theory. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Military Strategy is the process of matching the resources provided to military power according to the threat. Threat is about the future rather than the present and involves an assessment based on the predictions. In a sense, it is perception. When perception is far from reality, it leads to unnecessary waste of resources or, conversely, to increased risks for countries. This study aims to explain the impact of threat perception on military strategy during the Cold War period through the case of Türkiye. The findings obtained through document analysis are supported by interviews with retired military officers specialized in military strategy. According to the main argument of the article, Türkiye’s threat perception during the Cold War was determined by the United States (US) and Türkiye’s defence design was based on this threat created by the US. Questioning the dimensions and accuracy of the threat revealed that the threat was overestimated. One of the reasons why the US overestimated the Soviet threat was its need to appropriate its resources by distributing the need for conventional power among its allies, and another reason was its desire to keep the Alliance under control. However, countries like Türkiye had to spend more strategic resources on military power than necessary. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Security Strategies Journal / Güvenlik Stratejileri Dergisi is the property of Strategic Research Institute and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The article reports that military aggressions by the Kremlin in the Black Sea region, including the wars in Georgia (2008) and ongoing conflict in Ukraine since 2014, stem from Russia's enduring imperial ambitions rather than being reactive measures. The author argues that these actions pose a significant threat to global stability and highlights the historical context of Russia's expansionist tendencies, emphasizing the potential collapse of the existing world order if not addressed promptly.

The European Union's decision to deepen and develop the military mobility from a logistical and organisational point of view represents a logical step in its natural evolution. The implementation of the EU Action Plan on Military Mobility, presented by the High Representative of the European Union for Foreign Affairs and Security Policy in 2018, represents a main act in achieving the generic purpose of the European Union, i.e., a European Defence Union. This article aims to highlight these military mobility measures proposed to be implemented, but also to emphasise the outcome from the integrated management of defence resources point of view. This article will try to link the causes to the results concerning the implementation of European military mobility. A synthetic documentary analysis, taken mainly from a qualitative point of view and with an additional quantitative support, will try to highlight the causal element and the effects on European military mobility related to the integrated management of defence resources. The research hypothesis is related to the utility of measures taken for the development and operationalisation of European military mobility in relation to the actual impact on defence resource management, respectively the coherence of defence planning in member states and resource optimisation. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Why did Afghanistan falter as a U.S. partner? America's war in Afghanistan was lost for many reasons, but the U.S. military contributed to its downfall in two ways. First, U.S. combat units, trained to fight conventional battles, conducted counterterrorism operations (aka "search and destroy" missions) against guerilla forces that resulted in hardening the resolve of the enemy while causing widespread and senseless civilian casualties. Second, the Afghan military could not exist without U.S. logistical and material support. Because the Afghan Army was trained and equipped to fight a conventional-type war, they were incapable of operating independent of U.S. support, and could not survive on their own against guerrilla forces in a protracted civil war. Therefore, the Afghan security forces were not properly trained and equipped, demonstrating that the U.S. military repeated mistakes of the Vietnam War. It is argued that the United States must temper its conventional warfare mindset and re-direct resources toward improved ways to conduct limited wars against irregular adversaries. The constabulary forces concept described by Morris Janowitz is a feasible way to improve the chances that U.S. forces will succeed in such limited wars. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In this paper， an ontology-based knowledge graph construction method for military terminology is proposed, which is used to obtain semantic information in military terminology corpus and construct military terminology knowledge graph. Then the ontology of military terminology is built firstly based on the analysis of military terminology corpus. In this method, the rule based method and the pre-trained model based method are used to extract the relation of military terminology and the knowledge of military terminology is stored in the graph database at last. This method can construct high quality knowledge graph of military terminology for intelligent applications such as semantic search， intelligent question and answer. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article presents a dossier on economic elites and political power in Latin America. It emphasizes the importance of understanding the nature and dynamics of these elites in their specific spatiotemporal context. It is mentioned that Latin American elites have attempted to appropriate the wealth produced in the region, but have been conditioned by economic, political, and military relations with the major centers of accumulation. Additionally, it is noted that these elites have had a high capacity to pressure and take control of state apparatuses in their respective countries. The article also mentions the different dimensions of power exercised by these elites, such as economic, ideological, political, military, and transnational networks. Although information on elites in Latin America is limited, the growing academic interest in studying these elites in recent years is highlighted. The article presents different lines of study on economic elites and their relationship with the state, the right-wing, and the political space in Latin America. It also addresses resistance to tax payment and corporate capture of the state. Two specific articles are mentioned that analyze the trajectories of agents in the Mexican leadership elite and the connections of agents who financed the Center for Public Studies in Chile. Other articles explore the relationship between economic guilds and bureaucracies in Colombia, as well as the perceptions of the business community in Córdoba regarding taxes in Argentina. Finally, the statuary crisis of the elites in Chile is highlighted. [Extracted from the article]

After the 1970s, historical investigations about the influences of political power and wars in the formation and transformation of societies were resumed from a new perspective. The development of the New Military History enabled the study of military relations as decisive factors for the alteration of socio-cultural structures. In this sense, this article aims to analyze, from the Rule of the Order of the Knights Templar, how the fusion of monastic religious values with military techniques, enabled the creation of a new institution: the warrior monks. We will highlight issues related to discipline and obedience, as guiding axes for the action of knights in battle, as well as the impact of these behaviors on the results of conflicts, making the Order one of the most prestigious military institutions of the Middle Ages. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The aim of this article is to provide a synthetic overview of France’s involvement into the Indo-Pacific region, in the context of the protection of important national interests related to the possession of overseas territories. This article analyses impact of the French-Chinese bilateral cooperation on relations with Taiwan. The author points out that France has recognized the government of the PRC as the only representative of China since 1964 and does not maintain diplomatic relations with Taiwan, emphasizing that this is a permanent position, initiated by General de Gaulle, and cooperation between Paris and Taipei is developed in accordance with the “one China policy.” The second aspect of the analysis of France’s policy and strategy towards the Indo-Pacific region was embedded in the broader framework of political, economic relations and military alliances with Asian countries as an element of promoting a multipolar order and stopping Chinese expansionism in the Indo-Pacific area and strengthening its own geopolitical position against the background of China’s rivalry with United States. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article studies the role of military culture in defense policymaking. It focuses on Russia's post-Soviet civil–military relations and military reform attempts. After the fall of the Soviet Union, Russia's armed forces were in a state of despair. Despite having relative institutional autonomy, the military neither made itself more effective before minister Serdyukov nor tried to overthrow the government. The paper uses the advocacy coalition framework's belief system approach to analyze data from military memoirs, parliamentary speeches, and 15 interviews. The research shows that the military's support for institutional autonomy, combined with its elites' self-serving bias, critically contributed to what I term an "imperfect equilibrium" in Russian civil–military relations: the military could not reform itself and fought back against radical, though necessary, changes imposed by civilian leadership. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Cuestiones Políticas is the property of Revista Cuestiones Politicas and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Any threat to use nuclear weapons inherently carries the possibility of escalation to a level such that both parties in a conflict, and likely many others, would be destroyed. Yet nuclear weapons are also seen as necessary for securing the very things that would be destroyed if the weapons were ever used. The fix for this nuclear dilemma relies on the strategy of deterrence. Deterrence provides a rationale for why nuclear weapons are necessary, even though they may seem dangerous. But the practice of deterrence involves less intentionality and agency than is usually assumed. The success of deterrence relies partially on luck as well as unrealistic assumptions about human behavior. Rather than a strategic necessity, deterrence may be an institutionalized behavior, accepted because it has always been practiced rather than because it makes sense. Assessing the ethics of deterrence and nuclear weapons requires engaging with these issues. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

During military operations between 2001 and 2014, British political and military leaders came to believe that the public were casualty-averse and viewed soldiers sympathetically as victims. Recent scholarship has demonstrated that this interpretation of public opinion altered the way that British combat operations were conducted in Afghanistan. This study finds that this elite interpretation was inaccurate. Providing a first analysis of British media representations of soldiers at key moments throughout the whole campaign, it finds that this interpretation misjudged the nature of soldier victimhood. Where political and military elites attributed public disquiet to military casualties, this research finds that the public was more likely to be concerned with contextual factors (notably competent management) and argues that casualty-aversion was a symptom of this concern rather than its cause—a finding which sees the U.K. experience as supporting and extending U.S.-based theory. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Politica: Tidsskrift for Politisk Videnskab is the property of Politica: Tidsskrift for Politisk Videnskab and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Objective/Context: The economic, political and military relations between the People’s Republic of China and Latin America have grown exponentially since the beginning of the 21st century. In this context, this article questions how the perception of Latin American citizens about China varies, taking into account its commercial, military and political dimensions. To answer this question, it is proposed that according to the theory of social identity, the perception towards China will be homogeneous, while from the individualist theories of public opinion a greater heterogeneity is expected in the perception of Latin Americans towards the Asian giant. Methodology: Data from the 2020 Latinobarómetro survey were used to estimate a cluster analysis to identify the different types of political, commercial and military perception of Latin American citizens towards China and a multinomial regression analysis to identify political and sociodemographic factors. related to each profile. Conclusions: The analysis found evidence in favor of the individualistic theories of public opinion, identifying four groups, one with a favorable perception of China in the three dimensions evaluated, another with a favorable perception, less so in the military dimension, and another two groups that did not. have a favorable perception of China. This study also shows that Latin Americans who do not support democracy are more likely to belong to groups with a low perception of China. Originality: The analysis of clusters is a novel methodology in the study of the perception of Latin Americans about China, as well as analyzing the perception of China as a multidimensional phenomenon and not only analyzing the favorability towards that country. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article explains the Gulf diplomatic crisis and its repercussions by tracing its various stages. It also analyzes the inconsistency of US policy during the Trump administration toward this crisis and how this taught Qatar not to rely entirely on the United States to achieve security. These challenges pushed Qatar to diversify its international alliances and to create a rapprochement with countries in the region, such as Turkey, to achieve military security. Qatar's status as an energy provider to Asia and an alternative to Russian oil and gas, along with its soft power, also strengthened its strategic position. Eventually, the article explains, Qatar was able to strengthen its relationship with the United States once the Biden administration took power. The study concludes that Qatar has become a model for small countries in the region. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Many contemporary security issues entail the domestic military deployment, which is deemed to blur the division between armed forces and police. This argument relies on the theoretical coalescence between territory, political authority, and community. In contrast, I argue the military domestic deployment is largely grounded on the process of defining and redefining the boundaries of the community to be protected, which informs the organization of the instruments of force and is shaped throughout the process of legitimizing a particular kind of violence deployment. This article analyses the parliamentary minutes on three domestic military operations in Brazil—Operation Rio (1994), Operation Arcanjo (2010), and the Operation Rio de Janeiro (2017)—through the moral exclusion framework and shows that the debates about whether or not the armed forces should be deployed are embedded in the struggle of drawing the community's boundaries. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Eastern Review is the property of University of Lodz - Lodz University Press and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Journal of German Language & Literature / Istanbul Üniversitesi Alman Dili ve Edebiyai Dergisi / Studien zur Deutschen Sprache und Literatur is the property of Istanbul University, Faculty of Letters and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

This article describes Saudi Arabia's historic and arduous journey to national‐defense transformation, launched around 2015. It analyzes the challenges and opportunities of defense reform in the kingdom while highlighting the role of the United States in this process. Last, the article discusses the future of US‐Saudi defense relations. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The military implications of Chinese control of Taiwan are understudied. Chinese control of Taiwan would likely improve the military balance in China's favor because of reunification's positive impact on Chinese submarine warfare and ocean surveillance capabilities. Basing Chinese submarine warfare assets on Taiwan would increase the vulnerability of U.S. surface forces to attack during a crisis, reduce the attrition rate of Chinese submarines during a war, and likely increase the number of submarine attack opportunities against U.S. surface combatants. Furthermore, placing hydrophone arrays off Taiwan's coasts for ocean surveillance would forge a critical missing link in China's kill chain for long-range attacks. This outcome could push the United States toward anti-satellite warfare that it might otherwise avoid, or it could force the U.S. Navy into narrower parts of the Philippine Sea. Finally, over the long term, if China were to develop a large fleet of truly quiet nuclear attack submarines and ballistic missile submarines, basing them on Taiwan would provide it with additional advantages. Specifically, such basing would enable China to both threaten Northeast Asian sea lanes of communication and strengthen its sea-based nuclear deterrent in ways that it is otherwise unlikely to be able to do. These findings have important implications for U.S. operational planning, policy, and grand strategy. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Since the historical events in the recent period of the Turkestan geography resulted in occupation, the figures who opposed the Soviet occupation at that time were labeled with the accusation of treason. The Turkic Republics who had gained their independence after the collapse of the Soviet Union, encountered with the emerging of a new perspicacity, which led to the historical events of that period to be discussed from a different perspective. This has naturally led to discussions about some names. İn this context, one of the most controversial names has been Molla Ibrahim Beg. He was criticized by the anti-Soviet circles for his demeanor towards Enver Pasha and the relationship he established with Alim Khan; Mollah Ibrahim Beg has begun to be recognized as a historical hero in today's Uzbekistan, where the identity building process is taking place. The main subject of the study is to evaluate Molla Ibrahim Beg, who was overshadowed by relative concept such as treachery and heroism, according to the conditions of the period and to disclose his activities. In the introduction part of the study, after a general summary of the historical events that took place in the time and place where Mullah Ibrahim Beg was active, the details of the study have been taking part on different views related to the treachery and heroism. By emphasizing his attitude towards Enver Pasha and his relationship with Alim Khan, which are the main reasons for being accused of treason, the subject has been amplified and to further reveal different perspectives. By studying its anti-Soviet military activities and its relations with the Afghan government, the historical reasons and importance of the Turkishness of Turkestan have been tried to be disclosed. In the conclusion part of the study, objective inferences in accordance with the academic method, and relative concepts such as treachery and heroism have been tried to be made. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article questions the applicability of Moskos' institutional/occupational model in a non-Western country whose modernization process resembles that of Western countries. This may be important for two reasons: First, most military sociologists have based their theories on the military's position and development in Western societies. Whether the historical military development in Turkey resembles Western militaries due to the 19th-century military modernization efforts through Western experts' guidance with the military as leader in the nation's modernization or whether this historical military development had a unique structure and mission involving founding the country is debatable. Second, most existing studies on the Turkish military and civil-military relations in Turkey have been conducted by journalists, political scientists, and historians and lack a background in sociological theory. Instead, these studies have discussed the direct or indirect interventions of armed forces in politics. This paper begins building the theoretical foundation for a discussion of the opportunities and challenges of reorganizing Turkey's civil-military relations by examining the applicability of one Western model to this non-Western country. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]