Search

This dissertation presents an account of the important but under-theorized phenomenon of political tension, and argues that contrary to appearances, tension is in fact indispensable to a healthy political process. Though the felt aspect of political tension is often unpleasant, its responsiveness to structural properties makes it a valuable asset for the purpose of social progress. Understanding the value of tension, in turn, leads us to re-examine many common assumptions about the nature and value of social stability, the importance of democracy, and the meaning of mutual recognition. Chapter 1 gives a characterization of the basic phenomenon, drawing on a variety of examples, most notably the American Civil Rights movement of the 1960s. A preliminary definition of political tension is proposed, and is contrasted with a variety of similar or related concepts. Chapter 2 explores the ways in which tension progresses through different stages, and further explores the claim (most famously made by Martin Luther King, Jr. in his “Letter from Birmingham Jail”) that tension can be deliberately exposed and channeled for the purpose of resolving otherwise intractable political disagreements. Chapter 3 presents a conceptual argument against the notion that political arrangements can be structured in such a way as to eliminate or prevent the existence of tension. Finally, Chapter 4 introduces the idea of tension-resilience, and argues that the best defense against destructive manifestations of tension is to proactively engage with that tension in its early stages, using it as a guide for addressing hidden structural issues. A conception of mutual recognition is presented as a means of formalizing the collective values of tension-resilience. A society or organization characterized by this mutual recognition, it is argued, is one that sacrifices a degree of stability for the more important (but frequently underappreciated) value of meta-stability: that is, the ability to evolve in a well-informed, deliberate fashion.

Weronika Kurasz's review of Larry L. Macon Senior's Doing God’s Will: Martin Luther King Jr. and a Life of Purpose. Saint Paul Press, 2019.

This essay develops an account of Martin Luther King Jr.’s justification for and use of what I will call “democratic propaganda”—truthful propaganda that is aimed at promoting and fostering democratic political action by stirring readers’ emotions. I interpret King’s famous “Letter from Birmingham Jail” in the broader context of his work and argue that it is a piece of democratic propaganda. I give an account of what led King to support the use of democratic propaganda and why he hoped it would help to overcome a central problem in the civil rights movement: the political inaction of the white moderates. King emphasizes shame in the Letter, and I argue that this concept offers us a new way of thinking about the efficacy of democratic propaganda. I close by considering the relevance of King’s approach for today’s Black Lives Matter movement. Despite the innovativeness of King’s use of shame, I suggest it may be time for a new approach to Black politics and activism.

The effect(s) of delivery style may be in the form of punctuation and accentuation of speech, or they may be of subtler nature like adding emotion and force to utterance(s). This article then, investigates the position of paralinguistic factors: pace of delivery, pitch, intensity and pause pattern in King Martin Luther’s speech “Have a Dream” in political context. These factors carry attitude, psychological condition and emotional state of the speaker to the audience and affect their attitudes and emotions. These factors have been called the factors of delivery style because they can be used only in spoken language. These factors are the physical properties of speech and thus they are observable. These factors, thenwill be analyzed and studied with the help of van Dijk Model of CDA to answer To what extent the ideology of Martin Luther King Jr is reflected through the paralinguistic choices “I Have Dream”. In terms of the findings, the analysis found that persuasion is not the result of the use of the persuasive strategies in words and syntax alone as delivery style also plays an important role in persuasion. Pace of delivery along with pitch intensity and pause pattern are the main components of political speech delivery style for persuasive end. Moreover, the delivery style adds certain effect to other rhetorical strategies. Martin Luther King Jr. is a master of speech delivery style as he makes the best persuasive use of pace, pause, pitch and intensity in his speech.

Nonviolence struggle on the issue of racism: The White and Black in the United States voiced by Martin Luther King, Jr. The impact was that he won the Nobel Peace Prize for speaking out the peaceful side in every action for blacks. Learning from King, regarding the issue of racism in Papua, the path of peace by presenting love must be the most important thing to promote peace and humanity. The method used in the research is qualitative research with a literature study approach. This study aims to explain the problem of racism, describe Martin Luther King's, background and explain the main points of Martin Luther King's struggle, racism, and humanity where everyone is required to fight violence nonviolently.

Charles Johnson sets his 1998 novel Dreamer during the Chicago Freedom Movement that Martin Luther King Jr led in 1966. Alongside his fictionalised King character, Johnson imagines a doppelganger, Chaym Smith. Johnson develops the story of Chaym and King by evoking the biblical story of Cain and Abel. The hatred, violence, and injustice that are inherent in the Bible story of the two brothers contrast sharply with the love, nonviolence, and justice that are paramount to the historical King’s theology, and the surprising juxtaposition forces readers to reappraise what they think they already know about both the biblical Cain and the historical King.

The main aim of this article is to discuss Black churches’ ambivalence toward Martin Luther King Jr.’s protest strategy in the context of the "Black Lives Matter" (BLM) debate. Although many Black churches played a significant role in the Civil Rights Movement, some of them presented harsh criticism towards King’s civil disobedience - criticism which is rarely mentioned today. Analyzing their arguments is especially interesting now, when churches that oppose BLM claim they would support it if it resembled King’s movement more. Recalling the past controversies and comparing the discussion in the civil rights era to the contemporary debate might be helpful in understanding Black churches’ reasons for accepting or rejecting protest movements

During the mid-twentieth century, many southern White religious leaders proudly championed police brutality and other forms of state-sanctioned violence against Black citizens. In Martin Luther King, Jr’s Letter from Birmingham Jail, he defends direct-action non-violent protests as he responds to criticisms and offers his own critique of the clergymen who gave commendations to “the police force for keeping ‘order’ and ‘preventing violence,’” while ignoring the “ugly and inhumane treatment” that the police exerted on non-violent Black protestors who sought to stand up for their rights. King intentionally includes examples of violence against older Black women and girls in his critique. In this article, the historical grounding in King’s critique is expanded to reflect longstanding support of police violence in White communities and a form of sanction through silence in Black communities centered around communal survival in the face of violent White power structures. This article highlights religious communities which ignored at best and sanctioned at worst police violence against Black women and girls and identifies the need for change in the twenty-first century. Ultimately, it calls for leaders to be in proximate location to police violence so when they see it, they can be moved ethically to address it.

The Forum is a private, not-for-profit organization for board-certified, fellowship-trained, female orthopaedic surgeons. Founded in 1999, The Forum was conceived as a partnership with women in industry, designed to support women orthopaedic surgeons by providing a place to share research and practice ideas and to stimulate interest and research in arthroscopic surgery. Membership has grown from a handful of founding members to nearly 100 strong in 2021. An annual meeting is held over Martin Luther King, Jr., weekend each year, combining scientific and social programs and highlighted by the Sandy Kirkley Memorial Lecture. The Forum has recently gained notoriety through the work of some of its members in advocating for the protection of athletes from sexual abuse and the publication of the first position statement on the topic, subsequently endorsed by the American Academy of Orthopaedic Surgeons. A recent partnership with the American Orthopaedic Society for Sports Medicine and the Arthroscopy Association of North America to provide concurrent sessions at the 2021 combined annual meeting has increased the visibility of the society and its members.

ئه‌م توێژینه‌وه‌یه‌ كه‌ ته‌رخانكراوه‌ بۆ ڕۆڵ و هه‌ڵوێستی سیاسی (مارتن لۆته‌ر كینگ) له‌ نێوان ساڵانی ١٩٥٥- ١٩٥٧, خستنه‌ڕووی سیاسه‌ت و ڕێبازێكی جیای خه‌باتكردنه‌ بۆ گه‌یشتن به‌ ئامانجه‌كان كه‌ ئه‌ویش بریتیه‌ له‌ خه‌باتی ناتوندوتیژی, ئه‌م شێوه‌ خه‌باته‌ به‌بێ به‌ كارهێنانی چه‌ك و توندوتیژی عه‌قڵێكی گه‌وره‌ و پێشینه‌یه‌كی فیكری و ڕۆشنبیری پێویسته‌, هه‌روه‌ها ئه‌م شێوازه‌ له‌ خه‌بات بواری سه‌ركه‌وتن و گه‌یشتن به‌ مافه‌كانی زیاتره‌ له‌ خه‌باته‌كانی دیكه‌ . (مارتن لۆته‌ر كینگ) توانی له‌ ڕێگای ئه‌م شێوازه‌ له‌ خه‌باتكردن به‌شێكی گه‌وره‌ی مافه‌كانی ڕه‌شپێستانی ئه‌مریكا به‌ ده‌ست بهێنێت .توێژینه‌وه‌كه‌ له‌ ده‌روازه‌ و دوو ته‌وه‌ره‌ پێكدێت, ده‌روازه‌كه‌ ته‌رخان كراوه‌ بۆ ژیان و پێگه‌یشتنی (مارتن) له‌ ڕووی په‌روه‌رده‌یی و خوێندنه‌وه‌, هه‌روه‌ه تیشك خراوه‌ته‌ سه‌ر مێژووی بنه‌ماڵه‌كه‌یان و كاریگه‌ری دایك و باوكی له‌ سه‌ر دروستكردنی كه‌سایه‌تی ناوبراو. له‌ ته‌وه‌ره‌ی یه‌كه‌مدا باس له‌ سه‌ره‌تای چالاكیه‌كانی مارتن لۆته‌ر له‌ ویلایه‌تی ئه‌لاباما كراوه‌. له‌ ته‌وه‌ره‌ی دووه‌میشدا ئاماژه‌ به‌ ڕووداوه‌كه‌ی (ڕۆزا باركس) كراوه‌ و تێدا ئاماژه‌ به‌ ڕۆڵ و كاریگه‌ری (مارتن ) له‌م ڕووداوه‌ دراوه‌ و لێكه‌وته‌كانی ڕووداوه‌كه‌ش خراوه‌ته‌ڕوو.

Human progress is neither automatic nor inevitable.—Dr. Martin Luther King [(1)][1]In 1986, the U.S. Department of Health and Human Services released the Report of the Secretary’s Task Force on Black and Minority Health [(2)][2]. Commonly known as the Heckler Report , this landmark document

Being able to tell and understand stories is a key component for efficient communications. The narrative structure is the structural framework that underlies the order and manner in which this story is presented to a reader, listener, or viewer, this work presents a novel visualization methodology that can be used to extract the narrative structure of texts and present in a visual, immediate and intuitive manner. This tool efficiently summarizes the content of a text, and it also allows in depth analysis of the narrative structure. The characteristics and use of the tool are exemplified using a TED talk by Hans Rosling. Its potential then is shown using two historical speeches: President Donald Trump’s inaugural speech and I Have a Dream by Dr. Martin Luther King Jr.

This article draws equally from archives as well as artwork, most of which remains unlocated. In 1963 William Christopher (1924–1973), a thirty-nine-year-old gay, white, Southern, Christian, dedica...

In 1965, there were a number of major events occurring in the United States, including the U.S. soldiers fighting in the Vietnam War; the historic march that took place in Selma, Alabama, led by Dr. Martin Luther King, Jr.; the murder of Malcom X in Harlem, New York; and the signing of The Voters Rights Act by President Lyndon B. Johnson. It was a time that Black families were moving in a positive direction in the areas of housing, employment, and education. Since 1965, Black men in the United States have not made the same progress as their White and Hispanic counterparts. This article explores both the absence of Black males in households as well as the nesting syndrome created by mothers rearing Black men and its impact on Black males since 1965.

A call to action for behavioral scientists to utilize the field’s collective set of knowledge and skills to conduct and support research to prevent racism and combat the effects of racism on health outcomes

El artículo ofrece diversos planteamientos elaborados por Heschel, un filósofo rabino del S. XX, asesor de Luther King, quien aludió las características de la decadencia del mundo contemporáneo. A su vez, partiendo de la desesperanza que brota de semejante encrucijada, se ofrecen distintos planteamientos para considerar el valor de la crisis y se muestran los lineamientos filosóficos y místicos que ofrece Heschel para construir una renovada visión de la realidad. De tal modo, la elaboración de significados para la existencia personal surge de la criticidad y de la aceptación del desasosiego que deriva de existir en un mundo caótico.

Charismatic leaders play fascinating roles in society, for good and for ill. In the United States, we are aware of the power of Martin Luther King and John Lewis in the fight for equal rights, and every country will have its heroes in its struggles for freedom. And, we are equally aware of the impact of despots who have led to terrible miscarriages of justice. We are less accustomed to think of the roles of charismatic leaders in our scientific communities, as we prefer to believe that we all “follow the science” rather than the scientist! Nonetheless, my eyes were opened to the impact of personal charisma in science at the Society for Neuroscience Meeting in 1980. I was chatting with a very fine membrane biophysicist when Eric Kandel walked by and my colleague said, “Kandel is my hero.” I was surprised, as the work my friend did was detailed characterization of membrane currents, far from the grand sweep of Kandel’s work. And when I asked my friend why he revered Kandel, he said that he didn’t dare to dream to big picture questions but restricted himself to elucidating the details of cellular mechanisms precisely because of his own lack of visionary courage. My friend valued Kandel, not for the details of his experiments, but for articulating that someday it would be possible to establish the molecular and cellular bases of learning and memory. I learned from this conversation that scientists add value or are destructive to our collective enterprise in disparate ways. Henry Markram is one of these fascinating individuals who dared to set himself and our community the most ambitious of goals. I first met Markram early in his career when he was doing breathtaking and virtuoso work in brain slices, first as a postdoc and then as …

Jugoslavenske novine izvještavaju svoje čitatelje o američkom građanskom pokretu. Novine govore o pokretu u njegovom političkom, ekonomskom, društvenom, kulturnom i sportskom kontekstu. U političkom kontekstu novine pišu o Kingu i njegovim umjerenim metodama borbe za građanska prava, ali i o metodama radikalnijih Afroamerikanaca. te kako raste politička moć afroameričkog društva. Iznosi se djelovanje američke visoke politike, koja u različitim prilikama zauzima ili proafroameričke stavove, ili antiafroameričke stavove. Ekonomski položaj afroameričkog društva se prikazuje kroz društvene probleme. Novine iz različitih vremenskih perioda iznose članke koji se bave rasnim nemirima koji su bili aktualni prikazujući ih kao reakcijom društva koje je diskriminirano i stavljeno u inferioran položaj od strane vlasti, institucija, policije i generalno bjelačke populacije. Čitateljima jugoslavenskih novina poznata je uloga sportaša, književnika i pjevača koji su predstavljali simbol afroameričkog jedinstva i moći, otpora represiji i diskriminaciji za generalnu afroameričku javnost. O relevantnosti afroameričkog problema u daljnjim godinama govore novine člancima kojima obilježavaju važne obljetnice pokreta i ocjenjuju (ne)napredak koji je afroameričko društvo postiglo u borbi za jednakopravnost. Yugoslavian newspapers do report to their readers about civil rights movement. Newspapers talk about movement in political, economical, social, cultural and sports context. In political context newspapers represent King and his moderate methods of fighting for civil rights, but also more radical methods by other African Americans. They also write about the growth of political power of African Americans. There is talks about the influence of american high politics and how it takes pro-black or anti-black stances. The economical power of African Americans is shown through social issues. Newspapers from different periods of time talk about racial riots which illustrate to readers the discrimination and repression of the African Americans by the political power, institutions, police and white society in general. Readers of yugoslavian newspapers are informed about the influence of African Americans from sports and culture on the movement. They represented a symbol, for a general african american public, of african american power and unity, but also a resistance to repression and discrimination. Newspapers talk about the relevancy of the african american problem in the next years through articles that talk about the anniversaries of important events, and the progress that has been made by civil rights fight.

À la suite du décès de George Floyd à Minneapolis, en mai 2020, de puissantes manifestations sont organisées dans plusieurs centaines de villes des États-Unis - parfois accompagnées d'émeutes - puis, dans une moindre mesure, en Europe. Elles ont remis au coeur du débat public la question du racisme et des discriminations envers certains groupes socio-ethniques, en particulier les Noirs américains. La pesanteur des symboles historiques de l'oppression est telle que plusieurs statues d'hommes blancs, honorant des figures de la Guerre de Sécession ou des élus connus pour leur soutien à la ségrégation raciale, sont démantelées. En 2015 déjà, un mouvement souhaitant enlever la statue de Cecil Rhodes de l'Université du Cap, en Afrique du Sud, avait initié une vague de contestation de l'héritage commémoratif lié à la colonisation et à l'esclavage #Rhodesmustfall (Rhodes doit tomber) qui toucha aussi les universités américaines. Cela, alors que seuls de rares monuments honorent des personnalités afro-américaines aux États-Unis. Parmi eux, le mémorial Martin Luther King Jr., situé sur le National Mall dans la capitale fédérale, Washington, District of Columbia (DC). Ce mémorial comprend une statue entourée d'allocutions de cette figure du mouvement des droits civiques des années 1960. La localisation excentrée de ce mémorial récent, premier monument à honorer une personnalité afro-américaine sur le National Mall, interpelle d'autant plus que les citations retenues présentent une vision du monde qui articule luttes locales et globales.

This article examines how Martin Luther King Jr. and the movement with which he is often synonymous are taught in UK schools, as well as the consequences of that teaching for twenty-first-century understandings of Britain's racial past and present. The UK's King-centric approach to teaching the civil rights movement has much in common with that in the US, including an inattention to its transnational coordinates. However, these shared (mis)representations have different histories, are deployed to different ends, and have different consequences. In the UK, study of the African American freedom struggle often happens in the absence of, and almost as a surrogate for, engagement with the histories of Britain's own racial minorities and imperial past. In short, emphasis on the apparent singularity of US race relations and the achievements of the mid-twentieth-century African American freedom struggle facilitates cultural amnesia regarding the historic and continuing significance of race and racism in the UK. In light of the Windrush scandal and the damning 2018 Royal Historical Society report on “Race, Ethnicity and Equality in UK History,” this article argues both for better, more nuanced and more relevant teaching of King and the freedom struggle in British schools, and for much greater attention to black British history in its own right.