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Prabowo Subianto's victory in Indonesia's 2024 presidential elections was decisive, and it is widely accepted that incumbent President Joko Widodo's de facto endorsement of him played a significant role in this outcome. But the motivations of Widodo (commonly known as "Jokowi") for picking his former adversary as his heir, and the reasons for his determination to get Prabowo elected in a landslide, remain poorly understood. This article demonstrates that Jokowi selected Prabowo after other options had fallen through, and that he made his choice with full awareness of the risks and uncertainties involved. By implication, he also tolerated the danger a Prabowo presidency could pose to Indonesian democracy. Tempted by Prabowo's offer to make Jokowi's son, Gibran Rakabuming Raka, his vice-presidential candidate, Jokowi went all-in and mobilized state resources to secure their triumph. Based on interviews with key actors, this article delivers a detailed picture of the factors that made Prabowo president-and that gave Jokowi few guarantees of continued influence. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Canadian Journal of Economics is the property of Wiley-Blackwell and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

This paper examines the effect of state-level monitoring on municipal governance, focusing on outcomes in financial reporting quality, local corruption, political entrenchment, and municipal financial soundness. I exploit the staggered adoption of fiscal monitoring policies that entail a regular review of municipal financial reports for signs of fiscal distress. I find that introducing these monitoring policies is associated with an increase in the proxies for reporting quality, a decrease in the number of corruption convictions, and a reduction in re-election likelihood for incumbent politicians. Consistent with the purpose of the policies, my evidence shows that fiscal health ratios of municipalities improve after initiating state monitoring. Collectively, my results are consistent with state fiscal monitoring improving several important aspects of municipal governance. Data Availability: Data are available from the public sources cited in the text. JEL Classifications: G18; G38; H1; H11; H7; H83; M4. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In an industry with homogeneous goods, this note compares the standard incumbent's strategic capacity choice versus the incumbent's pre‐emptive payment (profit) transfer (PPT) strategy (i.e., pre‐entry acquisition). It is shown that via the transfer option, the incumbent holds its monopoly position "dissuading" the potential competitor entry for a range of fixed costs larger than under strategic capacity. Moreover, in that range, at least one firm is better off under PPT, while the other is indifferent between PPT and capacity choice. That is, in contestable markets, the incumbent can keep its dominant position in an easier way than standard models predict. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

It is expected that the number of elected female mayors in local government will increase globally, yet no major progress has been registered lately despite the increased focus on the topic. At the European level, no country exceeds 40% female mayors or other leaders of the municipal council (or equivalent), with the highest descriptive representation of 39.1% in Iceland. Following the 2020 elections in Romania, only around 5% of mayors were female with a strong over-representation of male mayors. The current study aims to analyze the male–female distribution of mayors, the degree of re-election, the relationship between the number of candidates and re-election of incumbents, and how these factors impact female political representation at the local level in Romania. Thus, we argue that a high degree of re-election of incumbents may be a barrier to women's access to the position of mayor. In addition, it is important to determine whether female incumbents are as successful as their male counterparts in being re-elected. While there is an extensive body of literature on incumbency that covers a range of topics, there is a gap in the literature regarding the proposed subject. The present research aims to fill the gap and contribute to a better understanding of the political representation of women in Eastern Europe. We utilized a dataset of Romanian elections from 2008 to 2020 to test our hypotheses. Our findings indicate that during the studied period, more than 95% of mayors were male, the re-election was a frequent occurrence in Romania with a percentage ranging from 70.82% (2008–2012) to 72% (2012–2016 and 2016–2020), and female incumbents were just as likely to be re-elected as their male counterparts. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article analyses the organisational and individual drivers and barriers to the implementation of circular business models (CBM) by incumbents and start-ups in the workwear industry. It is based on a qualitative study of 15 organisations in the Swedish workwear industry. Most incumbents are found to have either long-life models with hybrid elements, such as repair, or access models, while circular start-ups have a larger variety of CBMs, although the most common is gap exploiter. Internal organisational barriers mostly differ between the two groups; however, external organisational barriers are more significant and common, such as the low price of new workwear, a lack of demand and a lack of supporting policies, for example, public procurement. Several organisational drivers are identified, such as opportunities to deliver customer value, textile and digital innovations and environmental concerns. Drivers and barriers are influenced by both type of CBM and type of company. Individual drivers and barriers, which are often overlooked in literature, are found to be important to CBM implementation. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Circular economy (CE) has emerged as a sustainable alternative to the current "take, make, waste" linear approach. Although prior studies have highlighted the salience of collaborative efforts between start‐ups and incumbents, little is known about the mechanisms behind collaboration in a CE context. This study enhances our understanding of the topic by drawing on six cases of circular start‐ups (CSUs) operating in the United Kingdom's business‐to‐business market and investigating the mechanisms by which start‐ups collaborate with incumbents. Using the Context, Intervention, Mechanism, Outcome framework, the paper's findings demonstrate that CE does not necessitate high‐risk and expensive changes and show that CSUs can collaborate with incumbents in low‐risk ways by outsourcing and developing service contracts. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Digitalization can help suppliers cut ties with their intermediaries and offer products directly to consumers. Such a digital disintermediation strategy likely affects both digital and non-digital incumbents in ways difficult to predict by current marketing theory. In our empirical investigation of digital disintermediation in the multibillion-dollar filmed home entertainment industry, we draw on consumers' viewing behaviors before and after the launch of the streaming service Disney+. The findings show that access to Disney+ substantially increased the streaming category in the short run, accelerating the demise of non-digital linear television. However, only the new digital service benefited, while streaming incumbents suffered negative outcomes, despite public claims to the contrary. In addition to foreshadowing Netflix's subsequent difficulties in defending its leadership position, these findings offer suppliers successful ways to liberate themselves from powerful intermediaries and help incumbents brace for the competitive upheavals that a digital disintermediation strategy is likely to trigger. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This study investigates data-driven business model innovation (DDBMI) for incumbent manufacturers, underscoring its importance in various strategic and managerial contexts. Employing topic modeling, the study identifies nine key topics of DDBMI. Through qualitative thematic synthesis, these topics are further refined, interpreted, and categorized into three levels: Enablers, value creators, and outcomes. This categorization aims to assess incumbent manufacturers' preparedness for DDBMI. Additionally, a knowledge framework is developed based on the identified nine key topics of DDBMI to aid incumbent manufacturers in enhancing their understanding of DDBMI, thereby facilitating the practical application and interpretation of data-driven approaches to business model innovation. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Papers: Revista de Sociologia is the property of Universitat Autonoma de Barcelona and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

How do voters react to an ongoing natural threat? Do voters sanction or reward incumbents even when incumbents cannot be held accountable because an unforeseeable natural disaster is unfolding? We address this question by investigating voters' reactions to the early spread of COVID-19 in the 2020 French municipal elections. Using a novel, fine-grained measure of the circulation of the virus based on excess-mortality data, we find that support for incumbents increased in areas that were particularly hard hit by the virus. Incumbents from both left and right gained votes in areas more strongly affected by COVID-19. We provide suggestive evidence for two mechanisms that can explain our findings: an emotional channel related to feelings of fear and anxiety, and a prospective-voting channel, related to the ability of incumbents to act more swiftly against the diffusion of the virus than challengers. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Under what conditions do incumbents support, tolerate, or try to rein in armed groups within their borders? The paper argues that incumbents strategize toward armed groups in ways that help them manage the ruling coalition and remain in power. I find that incumbents support armed groups in provinces where provincial politicians have defected from the ruling coalition to opposition parties, recruiting armed groups to deliver the province in national elections with fraud and violence and punish elite defectors. Where incumbents are not fighting to keep provinces in the ruling coalition, I show that they tolerate non-dissident groups that enjoy social contracts with local communities, and try to contain their dissident counterparts. Incumbents are likely to repress predatory armed groups, dissident and non-dissident alike. Doing so helps boost elite and mass support for incumbents and project central government power into the province. The argument was inductively built with comparative case studies from Nigeria and then evaluated in Kenya. The findings contribute to an important research agenda on government-armed group relationships and carry implications for security sector aid and reform. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This study explores the impact of social learning on sales strategies for incumbent firms facing new entrants in the digital software market. Consumers rely on peer reviews to assess product quality, making it difficult to evaluate new products. The study considers two pricing strategies: perpetual and subscription. Results suggest that monopolizing the market is not always beneficial for the incumbent. The best strategy depends on the strength of social learning effects, with a subscription strategy being more effective when social learning effects are strong, and a perpetual strategy being more effective when they are weak. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Coordination on mass protest plays an important disciplining role in ensuring compliance with electoral rules, with elections serving as a public signal of the incumbent's popularity. But the link between the informativeness of the election and the enforceability of electoral rules hinges crucially on the veracity of the electoral process. We model how doubt about electoral integrity influences compliance with electoral rules. Our analysis explains why electoral rules in advanced democracies are less resilient, and incumbents less willing to step aside, than suggested by the standard model of electoral turnover. We clarify how incumbent behaviour responds to changes in the cost of protest, and external overtures that make stepping down more attractive. Our findings contribute to the debate on the role of equilibrium multiplicity in models of mass uprisings. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Should an incumbent for-profit retailer deter a "socially responsible" store from entering the market? As a differentiation strategy to avoid direct price competition with well-established retailers, some socially responsible stores (or brands) enter the market with a "pre-commitment" to donate a certain proportion of their (A) profits or (B) revenues to charities. Because these charitable donations generate a "warm-glow" effect for consumers, these socially responsible stores can use pre-committed donations to gain market access. In this paper, we present a game-theoretic model in which a socially responsible retailer enters the market to compete with an incumbent for-profit retailer. We determine and compare the incumbent retailer's deterrence strategies (i.e., deter or tolerate) across different types of socially responsible stores. Our equilibrium analysis generates the following insights. First, the incumbent retailer's deterrence strategy depends on its cost advantage over the socially responsible store, and hinges upon the socially responsible store's entry cost, pre-commitment level, and its warm-glow effect. Second, even if the incumbent retailer can profitably deter the socially responsible retailer's entry, the incumbent retailer can actually be better off by tolerating instead of deterring its entry when the socially responsible store's entry cost is low and the incumbent store's cost advantage is not significant. Third, relatively speaking, a type (B) store that donates a portion of its revenue is more vulnerable unless it can generate a much higher warm-glow effect. We extend our analysis numerically to examine the case when the pre-committed proportion is endogenously determined and obtain similar structural results. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

As cooperatives become a crucial part of our society's repository of solutions for addressing the sustainability challenges, the very emergence of cooperatives continues to puzzle scholars. In this study we address a central concern for both organizational scholars and sustainability advocates, i.e. where and under which conditions cooperatives emerge as an alternative form to corporations. Building on organizational ecology theories, we argue that the varying organizational characteristics within local incumbent forms constitute an additional layer to explain cooperatives' emergence, above and beyond the known effects of community characteristics and incumbents' aggregated density (or capacity). Our analysis of a unique data set of German energy cooperatives between 2003 and 2010 support our hypotheses. Our results show that energy cooperatives are more likely to be founded where incumbent utilities have higher average age and greater size diversity, because age-related inertia and lack of competition among incumbents of diverse size limit their adaptability towards serving the new market demand for renewable energy. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Elections under authoritarian regimes rarely deliver democratic outcomes. Still, most observers and pollsters expected Turkey's May 2023 presidential and parliamentary elections to be different. A deepening economic crisis, a botched rescue effort after a devastating earthquake, and discontent with a ruling party in power for more than two decades seemed to fuel the rise of a united opposition. But the return to democracy did not happen, and this cannot be credited solely to an unlevel electoral playing field. Turkey offers a case study in electoral autocracy, with incumbent tactics of repression and co-optation that disarm opposition parties by drawing them into the logic of autocratic politics. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The literature on the electoral legacies of civil war violence offers a puzzle. While one strand of research argues that indiscriminate rebel violence will have no effect on the electoral success of rebel-aligned parties, another argues that such violence will harden anti-rebel political attitudes in the long term. This article reconciles these conflicting predictions by examining post-conflict political attitudes over the short and medium term. We hypothesize that the organizational weaknesses that both underpin and result from indiscriminate rebel violence during civil war will constrain the vote mobilization strategies of rebel-aligned parties in post-civil war elections, eventually leading to a reversal of fortune in the medium term. We assess our hypothesis in the empirical context of the state of West Bengal in India, whose southwestern districts, collectively known as Junglemahal, experienced a spell of Maoist insurgency from 2005–2014. Taking a mixed methods approach, combining surveys across West Bengal and within Junglemahal with ethnographic research, we show that voter assessments of pre-election violence had changed sharply between the 2016 legislative assembly and 2019 parliamentary elections with violence triggering a backlash against the rebel-aligned incumbent party in 2019, but not in 2016. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

What motivates elite factions to seek to replace an authoritarian incumbent? In this article, I provide a political economy theory of authoritarian replacement. I argue that high wealth inequality fosters authoritarian replacement, but that the effect is conditional on overall wealth being low. At low wealth, elite factions have an incentive to control the state to appropriate income. As wealth grows, elites shift their focus toward securing their wealth and thus prioritize finding credible commitments and stability within authoritarianism. I test these hypotheses using data from 1960 to 2008 and employ multistate survival analysis. A case study of Trujillo's rise in the Dominican Republic illustrates the mechanisms of the theory. The evidence supports the main theoretical expectation that replacement is more likely when the level of wealth is low but wealth inequality is high. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

State weakness is often emphasized as a key determinant of democratic breakdowns. However, previous studies have failed to appreciate how different aspects of state weakness pose different challenges. Against this backdrop, we examine the relationships between two fundamental dimensions of state capacity (coercive capacity and administrative capacity) and different modes of democratic breakdown, i.e., incumbent-driven and nonincumbent driven takeovers. We propose that coercive capacity mainly enables containment of rebels and coup-plotters, which reduces the risk of nonincumbent takeovers. Conversely, we expect that administrative capacity mainly serves to prevent executive aggrandizement, which reduces the risk of incumbent takeovers. Global analyses of democratic breakdowns between 1789 and 2020 support only the second expectation. Coercive capacity, reflected by territorial control and military personnel per capita, usually drops below accepted significance levels for both modes of democratic breakdown. In contrast, indicators of meritocracy, impartial public administration, and predictable enforcement that proxy administrative capacity show a significant, negative relationship with the risk of democratic breakdown, but only for incumbent-driven takeovers. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

An IPO is a significant event for an individual firm, and the literature examining initial public offering (IPO) firms is extensive. However, there is little evidence on the subsequent effect of a significant IPO on incumbent firms. We extend this literature by using firms' tax policies as a powerful setting to identify whether incumbent firms respond to a significant IPO in their industry. Specifically, we use a first difference analysis to examine whether incumbent firms herd their effective tax rates (ETRs) toward a significant IPO's ETR. We provide robust evidence that incumbent firms adjust their ETR either up or down by one to two percentage points, on average, for up to three years following a significant IPO entrance to the industry. Cross-sectional analyses support attention-based and tax-specific motives for herding, and additional analysis documents market attention-based consequences. Finally, we find that incumbents weigh the benefits of herding against the cost of adjusting their ETR and that incumbent firms use discretionary tax accruals as a less costly mechanism to imitate IPO firms' generally accepted accounting principles (GAAP) ETRs. We contribute to an IPO literature that focuses almost exclusively on the IPO firm. We extend the literature by providing evidence that a significant IPO in an industry can result in a herding response in incumbent firms' policy choices. This paper was accepted by Brian Bushee, accounting. Funding: T. Omer acknowledges funding from the Delmar Lienemann Sr. Chair of Accounting at the University of Nebraska–Lincoln. Supplemental Material: The data files and online appendix are available at https://doi.org/10.1287/mnsc.2022.4573. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In the licensed shared access (LSA) spectrum-sharing scheme, the protection of the incumbent leads to degradation in the licensee's spectrum and energy efficiency. In this paper, the optimization of these two performance metrics for an LSA vertical sharing between an airport incumbent and a mobile network licensee during the period when the LSA spectrum is not available, (i.e, the incumbent is active) is examined. Considering a restriction zone of a predefined radius, a power allocation scheme for joint optimization of the energy and spectrum efficiency during the period of the incumbent's occupation of the LSA band is formulated. Specifically, for the joint optimization of the spectrum and energy efficiency, the weighted sum approach to solve the ensuing multi-objective optimization problem is adopted. Furthermore, various critical operational parameters in conjunction with the two performance metrics were investigated. The results obtained show that, with the proper selection of cell radius, eNodeB transmit power and user number per cell, the proposed system can simultaneously achieve the trade-off objective of improved spectrum and energy efficiency. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In this paper, we explore how the power wielded by regional incumbents has impacted subnational innovation agendas. Our findings suggest that the design of mission-oriented innovation policies should be more attentive to regional innovation policies and their relationship to how innovation may serve to bolster incumbents and not undermine them. We use a case-study of innovation in fossil fuels. Recently, innovation policy literature has explored innovation policy and global climate as a major topic. On the one hand, carbon lock-in has been used to explain why there has been such difficulty in reducing carbon emissions, in many cases, despite an increasing emphasis of mission-innovation policies. On the other hand, mission-innovation policies are believed to be a key to the development of disruptive innovations that could break this carbon intensive path dependency. Although the two literatures explore the same problem, there could be more integration. While carbon lock-in is being considered in the mission-innovation literature, it nevertheless has been largely overlooked at the mission-setting stage. On the other hand, the lock-in literature has tended to overlook the findings of mission-oriented innovation literature in offering solutions, which suggests that there is a more productive role for mission-oriented innovations in breaking free of previous constraints to serve in the low-carbon energy transition. To make our case, we argue it is important to distinguish among the various impacts disruptive innovations have on the market shares of incumbents'. We propose the following three schema: new market, market rewarding and market destroying. By variegating the potential impact of innovations, we suggest that mission-oriented innovation polices may be designed to only support certain types of innovations that do not directly undermine the market share of incumbents. Using a detailed case study of the Province of Alberta, Canada, we then explore the role of the province's mission-oriented policy in the development of technology to produce the Canadian oil sands. The case study illustrates how incumbents influenced the establishment and direction of the mission's goal. Shifts in incumbency opposition toward the province's mission-oriented innovation policy coincided with the changing impact of the innovation from being market destroying to market rewarding. We suggest that future research should be more attentive to the role of incumbents in influencing mission-oriented innovation policy and the importance of their influence at the mission-setting stage. Furthermore, we suggest that to meet the grand challenge of addressing climate change through mission-oriented innovation policies, these policies must be designed to break free of these institutional constraints. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

As the sharing economy continues to disrupt incumbent services, whether and how incumbents respond to the competition remains largely unknown. We investigate how incumbents can utilize management responses—a managerial intervention to guest reviews—to exploit performance improvement opportunities in guest reviews and sustain competitive advantage facing increased competition from home sharing. Our method integrates quasi‐experiments, topic modeling, and deep learning techniques to not only estimate the impact of home sharing but also unveil the performance improvement mechanism. The findings reveal distinctive management response strategies across hotel price segments after home sharing's entry, which lead to divergent performance outcomes in guest satisfaction and sales. Regardless of their price segments, any hotel that responds more actively to guest reviews demonstrates improved guest satisfaction in service areas where home‐sharing leads (e.g., check‐in/out, cleanliness, sightseeing opportunity, and room conditions) and achieves higher sales. In contrast, hotels that respond less to guest reviews appear to lose guest satisfaction and sales to not only home sharing but also peer hotel cohorts that respond more. Our study contributes to the literature on the intersection of service operations and technology and provides timely implications that can inform incumbents' response strategies to disruptions in the ever‐changing business world. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Sales on the e-commerce platform in the United States have experienced explosive growth and are projected to surpass $740 billion in 2023. The expansion of the platform's traditional role as a reseller into an online marketplace and the introduction of its own brand products have stoked a huge fear among the incumbent sellers. The platform's unfair anti-competitive practice further aggravates the situation. Consequently, politicians and regulators have proposed prohibiting platforms from introducing own brand products to protect the incumbent sellers. This study addresses two questions of critical interest to the policymakers and the incumbent sellers. First, how does the platform's introducing its own brand product affect the incumbent sellers? Second, how effective is the proposed policy in terms of protecting the incumbent sellers? We examine the impact of the platform's own brand introduction on the incumbent sellers under two prevailing sell-on and sell-to pricing contracts. We find that the proposed legislation "that prohibits platforms from both offering a marketplace for commerce and participating in that marketplace" does not have the desired outcome of helping the incumbent sellers. Instead, it forces the platform to adopt only the sell-to contract with its own brand introduction which hurts the sellers under most market conditions. Sales on the e-commerce platform in the United States have experienced explosive growth and are projected to surpass $740 billion in 2023. The expansion of the platform's traditional role as a reseller into an online marketplace and the introduction of its own brand products have stoked a huge fear among the incumbent sellers. The platform's unfair anticompetitive practice further aggravates the situation. Consequently, politicians and regulators have proposed prohibiting platforms from introducing own brand products to protect the incumbent sellers. This study addresses two questions of critical interest to both the policymakers and the incumbent sellers. First, how does the platform's introducing its own brand product affect the incumbent sellers? Second, how effective is the proposed policy in terms of protecting the incumbent sellers? We examine the impact of the platform's own brand introduction on the incumbent sellers under two prevailing sell-on and sell-to pricing contracts. We find that the proposed legislation "that prohibits platforms from both offering a marketplace for commerce and participating in that marketplace" does not have the desired outcome of helping the incumbent sellers. Instead, it forces the platform to adopt only the sell-to contract with the own brand introduction that hurts the sellers under most market conditions. Interestingly, when the own brand introduction is banned under the sell-to contract, the incumbent sellers can be better off because the platform's strategic reaction to the enforcement can lead to the best scenario for the incumbent sellers. If the ban is imposed on both the sell-on and sell-to contracts, the platform's best response is to add another new brand competing with the incumbent sellers, which can also help the incumbent sellers, however, not as much as in the case of the enforcement only under the sell-to contract. History: Ram Gopal, Senior Editor; Hong Xu, Associate Editor. Supplemental Material: The online appendices are available at https://doi.org/10.1287/isre.2022.1175. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

A majority of consumers resist switching brands when exposed to competitor sales promotions. Yet, in an effort to entice consumers to switch brands, firms spend more on sales promotions, in the form of price promotions such as discounts and coupons, than any other advertising and marketing expense. Interestingly, marketing research devotes much attention to understanding how the small subset of consumers who switch are impacted by a firm's promotional efforts, yet little attention is focused on how forgoing a competitive promotion alters a consumer's loyalty to an incumbent brand. The present research focuses on the potential unintended consequences of price promotions and demonstrates when a competitor brand's offer fails to motivate consumers to switch brands, a consumer's resistance to the promotion subsequently increases loyalty to- and spending with- their incumbent brand. Across seven studies, this research demonstrates how a competing firm's attempt to lure consumers away from a competitor's brand can strengthen loyalty for the incumbent brand. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Pay‐for‐delay patent settlements, in which the incumbent patentee pays a potential entrant to withdraw a patent challenge and stay out of the market, cost patients and taxpayers billions of dollars in higher pharmaceutical prices. We show that in markets with one incumbent and several entrants, the possibility of conditioning such settlements on litigation outcomes against other entrants results in the exclusion of all entrants from the market. When conditional contracts are infeasible, the incumbent licenses the patent or fights entry in court: the resulting competition benefiting consumers. Prohibiting all pay‐for‐delay settlements increases litigation and may harm consumers by reducing licensing. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

We examine how Italian municipalities manage COVID-19 communication on their official Facebook pages. For this purpose, we apply an automatic topic modeling procedure on a sample of 76,139 posts published on the official Facebook pages of 103 Italian provincial capital municipalities from 1 March 2020 to 26 March 2021 of the COVID-19 pandemic period. We identify two topics related to COVID-19 consisting of restrictive measures and support measures. Using regression models with municipality and year-week fixed effects, we find that the prevalence of the topic on COVID-19 restrictive measures negatively affects the tone of the communication, computed through a sentiment analysis procedure, and it is negatively associated with the number of COVID-19 positive cases in the municipal area. In contrast, the prevalence of the topic on COVID-19 support measures positively affects the tone of the communication and it is positively associated with the number of positive cases. These associations are moderated by ideology, age, and political incentives of incumbent mayors. These results may reveal a strategic communication of municipalities to induce positive perceptions about the performance of municipal incumbents in responding to the pandemic and, therefore, enhance political consensus among voters. Finally, these findings may have practical implications for public regulators, public managers, and other followers of local governments on social media. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article discusses the life and political career of Isaiah D. Clawson, a physician and politician from Salem County during the antebellum era. Topics include his shifts in political affiliation, including his association with the Whig, American (Know-Nothing), and Republican Parties, as well as his strategies to gain and retain political support amidst changing political dynamics.

Leveraging an asset‐sharing operating model, sharing economy platforms have disrupted incumbent firms in many industries. This research draws on the asset orchestration perspective to examine incumbents' asset orchestration (i.e., operational and governance actions) as they respond to threats from the sharing economy and the effectiveness of these actions in curbing a sharing economy firm's performance. We also analyze how the sharing economy firm's competitive moves counteract incumbents' asset orchestration responses. Our longitudinal empirical analysis in the accommodation industry demonstrates that the growth of sharing economy increases incumbent hotels' asset‐based operational actions, which reduce the sharing economy's performance. Although incumbents' asset governance actions increase as the local sharing economy grows, they do not seem to hinder sharing economy's performance. This research highlights the role of asset orchestration in the competition between incumbents and the sharing economy and contributes to the operations and sharing economy literature. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article is devoted to the peculiarities of exemption from serving a sentence with probation on the basis of Art. 75 of the Criminal Code of Ukraine. In the article, the authors drew attention to the peculiarities of exemption from serving a sentence (Article 75 of the Criminal Code of Ukraine), the peculiarities and terms of such an appointment; duties imposed by the court on a person released from serving a probationary sentence (Article 76 of the Criminal Code of Ukraine). The state of the current criminal legislation is considered on the example of court practice. Exemption of a person from serving a sentence with probation is used quite often by the courts, taking into account the conditions contained in Art. 75 of the Criminal Code of Ukraine. The first thing the court pays attention to is the term of the imposed punishment, namely, no more than five years, and the absence of specific criminal offenses specified in the article, taking into account the changes made on December 13, 2022. Equally important is the consideration of the identity of the culprit, namely: social status, demographic data, post-criminal behavior, criminal-legal characteristics, etc. And also the presence of mitigating and aggravating circumstances. An important point is the clarification of the Criminal Court of Cassation as part of the Supreme Court of Ukraine regarding exemption from punishment with probation for a criminal offense committed with complicity. A review of previous numerous studies on the subject under consideration and an analysis of the gaps that were pointed out in the conclusions of the studies were carried out. Special attention was paid to the draft of the Criminal Code of Ukraine and the norms contained in it regarding exemption from punishment in connection with probation. A comparison with the current criminal legislation was made, and positive points were identified, such as an increase in the term of the prescribed punishment from five to eight years, except for the one convicted of a crime of the 6th degree of gravity, related to the use of violence. There are also no restrictions in the project regarding a certain category of criminal offenses, for example, corruption or related to corruption, certain military criminal offenses (Articles 403, 405, 407, 408, 429 of the Criminal Code), torture (Part 3 of Article 127 of the Criminal Code). On the basis of the conducted research, meaningful conclusions were made with the indication of problematic points and measures to eliminate them. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Contemporary Accounting Research is the property of Canadian Academic Accounting Association and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

This study investigates incumbent firm responses to disruptive innovation in the rapidly evolving South Korean retail industry. The study explores the factors behind an incumbent firm's decision-making processes when responding to disruptive innovation and examines the reasons behind varied incumbent responses. It investigates the agents that influence a firm's decision by conducting the qualitative case study of a South Korean retail giant, Lotte. By collecting archival data from various sources, this paper was able to analyze different interviews and statements of the chief executive officer (CEO). From the analysis, it was determined that the firm's overall actions were aligned with the CEO's assertions. Thus, this paper asserts that Lotte's response to disruptive innovation was directly influenced by the CEO's attention. The results of this study further add to the discourse of disruptive innovation by highlighting the importance of CEO discretion in deciding a firm's direction and by further emphasizing the relationship between managerial leadership and innovation. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This study is prompted by the election of female legislative candidates in East Java's 2019 General Elections. The notable presence of women in the East Java Regional Legislative Assembly serves as a cause for celebration, as it has observed a commendable quantitative surge from a previous count of seven individuals in the 2014 election to a noteworthy tally of 21 individuals in the 2019 election. The research aims to investigate how these four female legislative candidates utilized their social capital to secure their positions as elected members in the 2019 General Elections. The primary informants selected for the study met certain criteria, including being the incumbent legislative member of their electoral area, being the representative of their respective regions, and having a top or early sequence number in the election. This study is founded upon Robert Putnam's social capital theory and is bolstered by Claudia Derich's, Andrea Fleschenberg's, and Momoyo Hustebeck's moral capital theory. The methodology employed in this study is qualitative, employing a case study approach centered around in-depth interviews with four female legislative candidates who were successfully elected as legislative members. The primary findings of this study highlight several key factors that contributed to the election of these four female legislative candidates. These factors include significant support from their family members (spouses and parents) as well as endorsements from various colleagues representing religious organizations, social organizations, and alumni networks. Additionally, their success in the elections can be attributed to the moral capital they possess, which derived from their professional backgrounds as advocates, businesswomen, retired civil servants, and academicians. This moral capital directly resonated with the public and influenced their voting decisions. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

We study a compensation problem for salespeople with learning potential. In our model, both the firm and sales agent are risk neutral and forward-looking; the agent can privately observe his skill, exert effort, and learn from experience; the firm can learn from the agent's choice and revise sales targets over time. The problem entails a dynamic tradeoff between exploiting learning, screening information, and maximizing efficiency. We find the optimal compensation plan differs substantially from the existing ones: it sets aggressive targets for expediting skill development, and pays the information rent for neutralizing the agent's misbehaving temptation over the entire relationship. We find learning drives the long-run outcomes; ignoring it can mislead compensation design and inflict substantial losses. Our results shed light on when and why firms distort sales, favor incumbents, and prefer long-term plans. By highlighting the critical role of learning in long-run performance, this study advances our understanding of salesforce theory and practice. This paper was accepted by Juanjuan Zhang, marketing. Supplemental Material: The e-companion is available at https://doi.org/10.1287/mnsc.2022.4509. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This, mainly conceptual, paper concerns the democratic backsliding process, focusing on specific and understudied actors whose actions (or non-actions) unintentionally contribute to the undertakings of autocrats or "would-be autocrats," instead of concentrating on often analysed incumbents. The authors propose in this regard a concept of "unintentional backsliders," including its definition, typology, and model of mapping actors who, due to recklessness or negligence, unintentionally support democratic backsliding. The spectrum of such backsliders has been additionally outlined in the case of Poland, the fastest de-democratising country recently — in order to demonstrate that the proposed conceptual framework can be translated into a political reality and has a potential to be applied in empirical studies. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

We provide the first estimate of a door-to-door political campaign by an incumbent politician targeting women on electoral outcomes in a developing country. Women voters are informed of the public service delivery work undertaken by the incumbent in his tenure. The campaign was randomized at the precinct level, allowing us to use official electoral data on vote shares and gender-disaggregated turnout. Our results suggest that in a highly competitive campaign, the vote share of the campaigning incumbent increased by 5%age points. This increase was primarily driven by women who were campaigned independently of their male relatives. In precincts where both men and women were mobilized, the effect is not statistically significant. However, women's turnout in the election was unaffected. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Using firm‐level customs data from 51 countries at different levels of development, we explore differential impacts of access to finance on incumbent and new exporters. Consistent with the literature, firms in sectors more dependent on external finance have higher exports based in financially more developed countries. This effect, however, occurs entirely through entrants, with no effect found for incumbents. The trade response of entrants works primarily through the extensive margin (number of exporters) rather than the intensive margin (average size). We further find access to external finance affects exporter entry rates while it does not affect exporter exit rates. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Background: Despite initial delay, Japan's COVID-19 vaccination accelerated remarkably from May to September 2021 under the leadership of Prime Minister Yoshihide Suga. His "campaign" for vaccination, however, did not yield uniform results nationwide. Methods: To highlight political determinants for the regional variation, we employ ordinary least squares regression analyses to investigate how the share/presence of incumbent politicians belonging to the governing parties, the Liberal Democratic Party and Komei Party, influenced the varying progress of rollouts across prefectures as well as across cities/towns/villages. The data on the vaccination rate for all 47 prefectures was obtained from Government Chief Information Officer (CIO)'s Portal, Japan (GCPJ) approximately one month prior to the anticipated general election, the national election for the more important House of Representatives of Japan's bicameral parliament (Diet). The data for lower administrative units, though its availability was limited to only three prefectures, was obtained from the respective governments of Kagawa and Ehime and from a local newspaper in Gifu. Results: The findings reveal that at both prefectural and sub-prefectural administrative levels, the share/presence of the governing parties' representation in the national parliament had a positive and statistically significant effect on the region's vaccination progress, after controlling for the local proliferation of COVID-19 and demographic characteristics. Conclusion: Our findings contribute insights into the understudied area of the contemporary COVID-19 health environment, namely how the political dynamics of democracy affect the pattern of vaccine dissemination in Japan. Trial registration: : Not applicable. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Introduction: The cognition and motivation of family business incumbents and the successors will directly influence succession behavior, yet they face identity challenges during succession due to the intersection of family and firm context, and their ability to overcome identity challenges will determine the success of the succession. However, as studies on their identity are fragmented and lack systematicity, there is a need to assess the relevant literature. Methods: Drawing from social identity theory (SIT) and role identity theory (RIT), this article adopts a systematic literature review approach to analyze 99 SSCI-indexed articles to explore family business succession from an identity perspective. Results: The article finds that the focus on the self-concept of the incumbent and the successor shifts from group identification to role identity perception and multi-roles, and succession behaviors are based on identity perception. Discussion: This article summarizes a knowledge framework of the antecedents, connotations, and behavioral consequences of identity perception, revealing that family business succession froman identity perspective exhibits psychological and multidisciplinary characteristics, highlighting iterative and mutual features. Based on identity theories and succession research, this article proposes future directions from the research topics, research methods, and theoretical perspectives within the existing knowledge framework, such as cross-cultural and diachronic analysis, as well as from the theoretical perspectives of family, personality development, and pedagogy. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In this paper, I seek to evaluate the impact of the COVID-19 pandemic on voter behaviour in the 2020 general elections in Ghana using survey data compiled in Greater Accra between July and August 2020. The COVID-19 pandemic became a major campaign issue in last year's election prompting varied responses and support from both the government and the main opposition parties. Though a majority of the electorate were satisfied (83.5%) and grateful (82%) for the relief items they received, only 3 out of every 10 of the respondents think the intervention had an effect on the way they voted. Using the rally-effect theory, the paper finds that the political leadership and incumbent government were able to rally support for their campaign as a result of the social intervention policies implemented in the wake of the Covid-19 pandemic, yet were unable to sustain and translate that support into electoral victory in the Greater Accra Region, a major swing region with the highest number of Covid-19 cases and one of the only two regions that witnessed a lockdown during the height of the pandemic. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]