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The article discusses the effects of tourism on foreign policy of countries by analyzing the diplomatic actions taken by the government of Germany on U.S. tourists from the 1890s to early 1930s. Other topics include the origins and conduct of German public diplomacy, the autocratic tourism policies during the Interwar period and Cold War, Germany's strategy to use tourism as a way to secure political and economic support from the U.S., and the role of competition, mutual observation, and emulation in Europe's transition to new diplomacy.

The article focuses on realities of German-American relations, particularly, the sexual economy created by martial rule and Germany's economic distress. It mentions exploring American-German sexual interactions within the power imbalances of martial rule, patriarchal structures, and the economic and social upheaval sweeping Germany. It also mentions Occupation of the Rhineland was an Allied condition of the cease-fire and a precondition for beginning the formal peace negotiations.

The article talks about the views of General John J. Pershing, commander in chief of the American Expeditionary Forces during the Great War, opposing an armistice with Germany and states that it appears to contradict views he expressed just a short time earlier. Topics discussed include Pershing's earlier insistence that the armistice provide a guarantee against resumption of hostilities.

Did Franklin Delano Roosevelt escalate conflict with Japan and Germany before Pearl Harbor, or did he attempt to avoid war? To what extent did U.S. public opinion influence these decisions? And, crucially, how do we know? Scholars offer diametrically opposed analyses of this historical case, bearing directly on international relations theories regarding the effects of democracy on war and foreign policy. In this debate and the broader security studies field, scholars increasingly employ published and archival primary sources. Because researchers lack a clear template for descriptive and causal inference with documentary evidence, though, such work is indeterminate and ultimately unpersuasive. How can political scientists approach archives and primary documents more effectively and efficiently? Above all, case studies need stronger research designs and clearer source selection strategies, not just more authoritative documents. A critical review of the sources cited in recent scholarship in the debate leading to the United States' entry into World War II, and a replication analysis of a key portion of the documentary record, underscores this need for improved research design and buttresses eight guidelines for the selection and analysis of textual evidence in case study research. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article presents a report from a June 10-11, 2016 conference on the role of German chancellor Willy Brandt in the Socialist International organization and his relationship with North and Latin America. Topics of presentations delivered include the history of German-U.S. relations, a comparison of Brandt with chancellor Helmut Schmidt, and Brandt's role in Cold War missile negotiations in the 1980s.

The article presents a report from a March 27-28, 2015 confernece in New York City on the history of "missed opportunities" for transatlantic information transfer hosted by the Deutsches Literaturarchiv Marbach literary archives and the periodical New German Critique. Topics of presentations delivered included the exchange of economic philosophy between Germany and the U.S., the publication of trade paperback books on philosophy, literature, and the humanities by the Suhrkamp Verlag publishing company, and the influence of German journalist Siegfried Kracauer on film theory.

The article focuses on the relations between the U.S. and Germany following the September 11, 2001 terrorist attack in New York City. Topics discussed include the American diplomacy and democracy, the alliance between the U.S. and China, the German foreign policy, and the possible changes in the American-German relations in the future.

The article discusses the U.S. government's refusal to reach a comprehensive intelligence agreement with Germany in the wake of the revelations that a German federal government employee, who was arrested on suspicion of spying for Russia, claimed to have been supplying German intelligence documents to the Americans. Germany's Defense Ministry and the espionage-related tensions between Germany and the U.S. are examined, along with America's National Security Agency.

An essay is presented that discusses Germany's plans for involvement in international military operations. Topics include Germany cooperation with France within the European Union (EU), Germany's relations with the U.S. in light of the Transatlantic Trade and Investment Program (TTIP) economic treaty, and Germany's role in the United Nations (UN).

The article offers a report from a November 27-28, 2013 conference in Potsdam, Germany on the relationship between security policy and armed forces. Topics of presentations delivered included the influence of research on government consulting, the history of German-American relations, and the public perception of the freedom of research conducted at the Zentrum für Militärgeschichte und Sozialwissenschaften der Bundeswehr Potsdam military history society of Germany.

George H. W. Bush backed German reunification with a puzzling degree of enthusiasm. His strategic reasoning was clear and not in dispute, as he desired to keep a unified Germany enmeshed within NATO. Less obvious, however, is his general forgiveness of Germany's past, for which he was pilloried. Yet history was much on Bush's mind in reaching these decisions. Germans had learned from the past, he argued. Europeans had not. They could not keep the peace no matter their ongoing political consolidation, his administration concluded by reading European history, without Americans in their midst. Bush backed unification, therefore, to ensure NATO's survival and thus an ongoing American presence on the continent. By studying Bush's sense of history, and a policymaker's historical sensibility more broadly, historians can thus gain greater insight into this decision and how strategic decisions are more generally formed. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

Through an examination of American policy toward Germany during late 1918 to 1919, this article challenges widely held ideas about the attitudes of American President Woodrow Wilson toward democracy promotion. Scholars typically have seen in Wilson’s foreign policy the antecedents of several subsequent U.S. presidents’ policies of democracy promotion and democratic interventionism. This study contends that at least during the second half of Wilson’s presidency, however, Wilson did not regard it as appropriate for the United States to intervene in the internal political affairs of other nations to promote democracy. While he hoped that postwar Germany would come to embrace democracy, he believed that the Germans would have to find democracy on their own. Despite the fact that those American diplomatic officials who were most familiar with the situation in Germany continually urged a more active U.S. policy to promote democracy there, Wilson remained deeply skeptical of the new German government and adhered firmly to the view that the United States should refrain from attempting to influence Germany’s internal political affairs. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

The article reports on a conference on attitudes in the German labor movement and the Sozialdemokratische Partei Deutschlands (Social Democratic Party of Germany, SPD) to the United States in historical perspective, held in Otzenhausen, Germany, from November 23-25, 2012. Topics of discussion included perceptions of the antebellum U.S. among German mid-19th century revolutionaries, the report on an 1887 journey to the United States by SPD leader Wilhelm Liebknecht, and the foreign policy of West German Chancellor Willy Brandt toward Eastern Europe in the context of German-American relations.

The article reports on a panel on trust as an element of soft power in politics and economics in West Germany from the 1970s onwards, at the Deutscher Historikertag (Conference of German Historians), held from September 25-28, 2012, in Mainz, Germany. Topics of discussion included West German foreign policy in the 1970s and 1980s, the attitudes of French President François Mitterrand toward Germany, and exchange-of-persons programs as a factor in German-American relations in the 1980s.

The article reports on a conference on the history of relations with and attitudes toward Americans and the United States in the city of Augsburg, Germany, held in Augsburg from March 15-17, 2012. Topics of discussion included the participation of Augsburg merchants in the 19th-century cotton trade, Americanism and Americanization in 20th-century Germany, and German migration to colonial North America and the United States in the 18th and 19th centuries.

The article presents an overview of the Combined Bomber Offensive's (CBO) air attacks that have destructed the refined fuel industry in Germany. It highlights the perceptions of the revisionist historians that the collapse of the industry were due to the allied ground forces that capture the natural resources needed for the refined-fuel products. It mentions the need to assess the facts associated to the event to properly ensure the CBO's effectiveness by the U.S. Airmen.

Hitherto neither historians nor Americanists have paid much attention to Franklin's 1766 journey to Germany. Yet his trip to the Holy Roman Empire was of the utmost importance for him as he sought to learn as much as possible about the constitutional structure of this old European body politic. He planned his tour months ahead, making sure to meet Johann Stephan Pütter, the leading authority on German constitutional law. It was Pütter's understanding of the Empire as a federation that attracted Franklin's interest at a time when he was looking for a model for a union of the American colonies. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The notion that a nation's 'people' are the sovereign arbiters of its affairs, exercising power through a representative leadership who govern in the name of public 'virtue', point to a concept of political legitimacy which has proven to be a guiding principle in American diplomacy. The Wilson administration's response to peace overtures by the German government between 1917 and 1918 is a good illustration of this tendency. In line with American domestic political mores and values, the Wilson administration, along with the U.S. Congress and American publicists sought to encourage a political reshaping of Germany through aggressive public diplomacy. This was achieved by apportioning war responsibility between sections of German society (guilty autocrats and subservient citizens). The legitimacy of the German state as an equal partner in international relations, was thereby questioned. This distinction, in time, collapsed showing the inconsistencies within the Wilson administration in challenging the internal workings of a foreign government. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

US President John Kennedy spent a single day in Berlin, where he gave one of his most famous speeches. The visit was intended to signalize America’s strong and undivided support of the divided city. Well before the formal announcement of the visit, East Germany agencies knew of the planned trip. East German records show the extent of the concern and the measures to counter the President’s visit. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

The article presents an examination of the history of the Volkswagen (VW) Beetle in the United States and discusses how the U.S. came to be seen as an attractive leader in Europe by projecting American culture internationally as well as by establishing an openness to European imports. It explores how the U.S.'s cultural openness to Western Europe was viewed in Europe and discusses what the U.S.'s acceptance of the VW Beetle meant for cultural relations between the U.S. and the Federal Republic of Germany after 1945.

The article discusses the developments which took place in international criminal law in the year 2008. It is reported that, in the year 2008 the Extraordinary Chambers in the Courts in Cambodia (ECCC) became the second international criminal tribunal to allow the victims to participate in sentencing proceedings. It is reported that, in the year 2008 the U.S. and Germany agreed to share fingerprint databases and information regarding known and suspected terrorists.

This article contextualizes the recent debates about German and European anti-Americanism by highlighting the paradoxical nature of such sentiments. Using examples from the Weimar Republic, Nazi Germany, and the postwar period, this article shows that anti-Americanism arose less from divergent cultural trends and perceived "value gaps," as many recent authors have argued. Rather, anti-Americanism should be seen as a measure of America's continued influence and success. After all, anti-Americanism more often than not went hand in glove with "Americanization." Frequently, anti-Americans, namely those who are voicing anti-Americanism, were products of cultural transfer-processes emanating in the U.S. They also saw themselves allied with American anti-establishment forces. Thus, to a degree, anti-Americanism can be seen as by-product of westernization. Although the focus of this article is on Germany, the argument about the complex web of repudiation and embrace can be observed in other European (or even African, Arab, Asian, or South American) contexts as well. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article investigates Germany's role in CIA "extraordinary renditions" of terrorist suspects, focusing on two cases involving German citizens of Middle Eastern descent (Khaled el-Masri and Mohammed Zammar), and one case of an Egyptian cleric who had resided in Italy and was likely transferred to Egypt via a U.S. military airport in Germany (Abu Omar). Amid recent revelations about the extent of the CIA program for transferring and interrogating terrorism suspects, the question of Germany's potential responsibility under international law has gained public attention. Against the background of international legal rules governing responsibility of assisting states, this article examines what was known in Germany about human rights abuses in the above cases and evaluates official steps taken by the government to prevent or uncover violations. In the conclusion, the article addresses the need for increased institutional safeguards to hinder German involvement in questionable U.S. counterterrorism practices. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article focuses on the relationship of the U.S. with Germany after the war in Iraq. The relationship between the two countries is not in a good state despite meetings between German Chancellor Gerhard Schröder and U.S. President George W. Bush. According to U.S. National Security adviser Condoleezza Rice, there is a poisoned relationship between the U.S. and Germany. The main reason for the conflict is the argument whether Saddam Hussein is capable of building weapons of mass destruction.