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This paper scrutinizes the characterization of ancient Egyptian society as multicultural and the related use of the concept and terminology of multiculturalism in research and public communications on ancient Egyptian society. An initial outline of the concept of multiculturalism sets the stage for a review of its application in specialist literature. It may seem sensible to ascribe multiculturalism or a multicultural reality to Egypt, given its history of migrations. It becomes apparent that a comprehensive theorization of multiculturalism is yet to occur with respect to ancient Egypt. This affects scholarly assessments and perceptions of historical transborder mobility and social integration.

This article analyzes regional events in the twenty-first century and identifies Turkey's relations with Arab countries, pointing out the serious deterioration that has occurred in those relations with its bordering Arab neighbors as well as Egypt and Lebanon. The article argues that Turkey's "imperatives of state," as in the case of any other state actor, determine the foreign policy trajectory and consequently its regional and international relations. Turkey has chosen to ally itself with pro-Western regional states, namely Israel and Qatar, but not others, such as Egypt. Creating rivalry and animosity with bordering states is neither conducive to Turkey's long-term relations with those states nor to its ultimate political stability. Its NATO membership exacerbates animosity that would ultimately work against Turkey's regional influence. Consequently, Turkey's imperatives of state ironically stand in the way of achieving its regional ambitions. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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Copyright of History Studies (13094688) is the property of History Studies and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The article discusses the causes of the June 1967 war between Israel and Arab countries, particularly Egypt. Topics include the views of Egyptian President Gamal Abdel Nasser on pan-Arabism and Zionism, Nasser's opinions on other Arab nations and the militant group Palestine Liberation Organization (PLO), and an Egyptian military buildup in the Sinai in light of possible U.S. intervention.

Egypt under President Abdel Fatteh el-Sisi appears committed to avoid falling into the contentious Sunni-Shia divide by reconfiguring its security considerations based on the recognition of new circumstances that prioritize stability above sectarian and ethnic identity concerns. While Egypt is unlikely to fundamentally alter its foreign policy anytime soon, largely due to its economic dependency on rich Arab countries of the Persian Gulf, its recalibration of relations with Iran has assumed a new level of importance. The growing threat of violent extremism to destabilize the regional order and state-system is undermining old political alliances. This paper provides a systematic attempt to examine the prospects of Egypt's foreign policy changes and their regional implications, particularly for its economic dependency on Saudi Arabia. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article focuses relations between Saudi Arabia and Egypt and mentions demonstrations against government in Cairo, Egypt. Topics discussed include president of Egypt Abdel Fattah el-Sisi and King Salman bin Abdul-Aziz AlSaud, Egypt's involvement in regional conflicts and anti-Iran sentiment in the country.

Reports on Egyptian Foreign Minister Amr Musa's expression of his country's concern about Israel's failure to talk forthrightly about its nuclear weapons capacity. Cairo's renewed campaign to limit Israeli nuclear arms as part of regional arms control measures; Israel's policy regarding nuclear weapons; Effect of Egypt's campaign on its status in the Middle East peace process.

The article focuses on the various conflicts between different countries. It claims that the broken military alliance between the Soviet Union and the U.S. provided for the division of Germany and Korea into a communist-ruled and an anticommunist section. It likewise indicated serious trouble between Egypt and Israel, wherein Egyptian leader Gamal Abdel Nasser vowed to wipe off Israel in the map right after they become capable to do so. Moreover, it adds that the existent danger between major nations is alarming, thus, constructive actions have to be carried out.

Copyright of Foro Internacional is the property of El Colegio de Mexico AC and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

How should one make theoretical sense of what has been called 'the miracle of Tahrir Square' - the fact that the Egyptian people successfully ousted a dictator in a peaceful manner, where militant groups had failed to do so by force? In this article it is argued that Deleuze/Guattari's notion of the subject in terms of desiring-machines, flows, schizophrenic production and the 'body-without-organs', enables one to theorise human subjectivity as being in process, and not 'self-identical', as mainstream thinking would have it. Deleuze's thought on societies of control further suggests the concept of rhizomatic lines of subversion of hegemonic networks from within the latter. Further, Alain Badiou's consonant conception of the subject - as one of multiple 'emplacements' - represents a spatial perspective on individual subjects which similarly eschews the pitfalls of an abstract notion of human subjectivity in favour of one that conceives of the subject as inescapably 'placed' in multiple spatial coordinates, as it were. In addition, Jacques Rancière's radicalisation of 'politics' in terms of 'equality' and 'dissensus' enables one to grasp the fleeting events of Tahrir Square as paradigmatic of 'true' democracy. In this way these theoretical positions provide a model that is commensurate with evidence that the 2011 Egyptian uprising avoided the trap of hierarchical thinking and practice, pursuing the goal of political liberation and (radical) democratisation along non-hierarchical, 'leaderless', complex, rhizomatic communicational networks instead. This avoided the paralysing tendency to think and behave on the basis of oppositionally conceived, mutually exclusive adversarial agencies - the 'us' and 'them' syndrome. The article explores the implications of this complex notion of subjectivity, on the one hand, in relation to the radical democratic practice displayed in Tahrir Square, on the other. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Review of African Political Economy is the property of Review of Political Economy (ROAPE) and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)