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The Helsinki Accords (1975) left a significant mark on international diplomacy, having a decisive influence on international relations during the Cold War. The Act aimed at strengthening peace in Europe by setting the principles and commitments along four main axes: security, economic cooperation, scientific and humanitarian cooperation and respect for human rights. Romania's foreign policy during this timeframe was distinguished by a relatively independent approach towards the Soviet Union and its foreign policy, a position that was nevertheless manifested during the negotiations for the Helsinki Accords. The Americans used the term "multilateral diplomacy" to define Ceausescu's foreign policy. At Helsinki, Romania used this opportunity to stress the importance of respect for human rights and national autonomy. During the negotiations under the Helsinki Accords, Romanian diplomacy strongly supported the inclusion of clear and specific commitments to human rights and self-determination of people, thus aligning itself differently from other signatory states. Valentin Lipatti, a prominent Romanian diplomat and jurist, recognised for his expertise in international law and involvement in international negotiations, one of the key members of the Romanian team, played an active role in drafting and promoting Romania's position in the negotiations. Lipatti was the promoter of articulating and advocating Romania's views on respect for human rights and national autonomy, strengthening the Romanian team's contribution in shaping the content of the Helsinki Accords. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Cooperative Principle is one of the pragmatics disciplines that should be known by everyone to conduct effective communication, especially diplomats. This research studied the utterances which were uttered by two Russian diplomats who are actively working at the Russian Embassy in Indonesia, Denis Tetyushin and Lyudmila Vorobyova in their interviews with Asumsi.co. The objectives of this research were to identify the maxims of cooperative principle which are produced by the interviewees in the Asumsi.co interviews, to figure out the types of maxims disobedience which are produced by the interviewees, and to recognise the motives behind the interviewees obeying and disobeying the maxims. This study was conducted with a qualitative approach assisted by a statistical descriptive method to see the distribution of the obedience and disobedience utterances. The result of the research revealed 47 data obey and disobey the maxim of cooperative principles. The most obeyed maxim was the maxim of manner, followed by the maxim of quantity, the maxim of quality, and there was no utterance which followed the maxim of relevance rule.

The article is devoted to the life and various aspects of the activities of the outstanding diplomat Prince Alexey B. Lobanov-Rostovsky (1824–1896). The name of Lobanov-Rostovsky was not mentioned in literature until the first decade of the 21st century. Then Lobanov began to be remembered thanks to the efforts of his descendant Prince Nikita D. Lobanov-Rostovsky who initiated a number of studies about the prominent diplomat. A fundamental monograph on Prince Lobanov-Rostovsky has now been prepared. His international activity as Ambassador Extraordinary and Plenipotentiary took place at the most difficult political points at that time — twice in Constantinople (1859–1863; 1878–1879), as well as in London (1879–1882) and Vienna (1882–1895). He always managed to solve the most pressing problems of his time using skillful diplomatic tools. He received the post of Deputy Minister of the Ministry of Internal Affairs during the challenging period of restructuring of social and public institutions in Russia. It was the era of the so called Great Reforms of Emperor Alexander II. By offering him this position, the emperor took into account Prince’s intellectual scale, strategic foresight and tactical flexibility. During 11 years of activity in this field (1867–1878), Prince Lobanov-Rostovsky often performed the duties of a minister. During this time, the legal norms of the state and its relations with society significantly improved. In 1870, Alexey B. Lobanov-Rostovsky received the honorary position of State-Secretary of His Imperial Majesty, that is, the emperor's personal speaker, the position he held until the end of his life. Both Emperor Alexander II and Nicholas II treated Lobanov-Rostovsky with special warmth. Lobanov-Rostovsky managed to conclude the Russian-Turkish final Peace Treaty of 1879, which put an end to the war between Russia and Turkey. This agreement gave Russia significant moral and material results and marked the beginning of the autonomous Principality of Bulgaria, that led to Bulgarian statehood. Lobanov-Rostovsky’s work as Foreign Minister for 18 months (1895–1896) brought Russia fruitful results on the world stage and was highly appreciated both in Russia and in the world. The article talks about the different sides of the prince’s extraordinary personality. A true polymath, proficient in the Russian antiquity, he became a bibliophile, collector, genealogist and historian. He carefully commented on the historical documents he discovered and for 14 years (1871–1885) systematically published in special historical journals. The article examines the memoirs of contemporaries about the diplomat, as well as the latest research about him.

The paper examined the abuse of diplomatic immunities and privileges among nations. It specifically set out to ascertain the cases of abuse of diplomatic immunity and the implications on the Vienna Convention on Diplomatic Immunity Relations, 1961. The paper adopted the theory of Diplomatic Immunity and argued that immunities and privileges accorded diplomats in the receiving state is for the purpose of effective representation. Thus, the paper revealed that many states have had cases of abuse of diplomatic immunity in the area of criminal and civil crimes. Some of such cases include the killing of an American police, Yvonne Fletcher, Kidnapping of Umaru Dikko and other criminal and civil offenses. Even though the Vienna Convention provided remedies against abuse of diplomatic immunity, cases of abuse are at alarming rate and its poses threat to diplomatic relations among states. The paper concluded that, some diplomats have taken advantage of their immunity to commit crimes and the development is a threat to the sanctity of international law particularly the Vienna Convention on Diplomatic Immunity Relations, 1961 regime. It recommends that every diplomat who commits offense should be met to face the wrath of the law after their sojourn in foreign land.

Research objectives: To reconstruct the image of Chura, the son of Naryk (Chura Narykov) – a political figure and historical personality of the period of the Kazan Khanate – based on a comparison of the historical epic with the history of the Tatar kha­nates in the first half of sixteenth century. Research materials: The author analyzes various historical sources and literature with information about the real personality of Chura Narykov, his life, and his work. She focuses on the history of the Kazan Khanate in the sixteenth century and analyzes the texts of dastans collected and published by Russian and foreign scholars from the second half of nineteenth century, along with archival and published epic texts in various versions dedicated to Chura Batyr which were distributed and recorded by Tatar-speaking informants in the Volga region. In turn, information about Chura Narykov as a real person is contained in Russian chronicles, the anonymous “Kazan history” of the sixteenth century, and in publications of Kh. Atlasi (1993), R. Fakhretdin (1995), M. Khudyakov (1990), A.Kh. Khalikov (1992), D.M. Iskhakov (1994, 1997, 2017), S.Kh. Alishev (1995), A.-Z. Validi (1992), and others. Results and novelty of the research: The author draws parallels between historical reality and the epic Chura-batyr, addresses the problems of the historical explanation of the rich material of folk art, and reveals the commonality between reality and epic works about Chura-batyr. The study systematically proves the relevance – in the history of the Turkic peoples – of political events associated with the Tatar khanates that existed until the late Middle Ages, focusing on the fact that during this period Kazan was a major political center of important events of a global scale. Key aspects of the topic raised in the study contribute to a more detailed study of the history of the Golden Horde and the Tatar khanates, determining the role and historical significance of the Tatar version of the dastan about Chura-batyr along with other Turkic versions and variants. The historical personality of Chura Narykov is considered as a prototype of not only the Tatar, but also the Turkic historical and heroic epic.

BackgroundThe tobacco epidemic is global and addressing it requires global collaboration. International and national policies have been adopted to promote collaboration for tobacco control, including an obligation on diplomatic missions to protect public health from the vested interests of the tobacco industry. However, incidents of diplomats engaging with the tobacco industry are still occurring despite these regulations. This paper presents a case study of a British ambassador actions, and it points to some of the challenges researchers face in monitoring such incidents.MethodsThe incident studied in this paper was first identified through regular media monitoring conducted by the Tobacco Control Research Group at the University of Bath. The incident was further investigated by using the tools made available by the United Kingdom (UK) Freedom of Information Act, including submitting a request, asking for internal review, and submitting a complaint to the Information Commissioner's Office.ResultsWe identified clear evidence of the UK ambassador to Yemen opening a cigarette factory, part owned by British American Tobacco (BAT), in Jordan. Our investigation revealed a lack of documentation of this and similar incidents of interaction between diplomats and the tobacco industry. We raise concerns about the actions of diplomats which contravene both national and international policies.DiscussionMonitoring and reporting such activities produces several challenges. Diplomats' interactions with the tobacco industry represent a major concern for public health as such interactions seem to be systematically repeated. This paper calls for action to better implement national and international policies to protect the public health including in low- and middle-income countries (LMICs).

Copyright of Tyragetia is the property of National Museum of History of Moldova and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The contemporary model of a Polish diplomat is the result of a long evolution. The first mentions of the topic date back to antiquity and the Middle Ages. It was not until modern times, however, that more interest was vested in this issue. In Western Europe, Niccolo Machiavelli, Torquato Tasso, Abraham de Wicquefort, François de Callierrès, Harold Nicolson, and others have commented on this topic. In Poland, Jakub Przyłuski, Krzysztof Warszewicki, Wawrzyniec Piaseczyński, Stanisław Miński, Tadeusz Morski, Adam Czartoryski – and currently Jerzy M. Nowak, Roman Czyżycki, and Bogdan Grzeloński – have discussed the virtues and vices of diplomats. Their remarks provide a sufficient basis for developing a model of a diplomat and following its evolution over the span of five centuries. To achieve this goal, I utilized my proprietary method of pattern research, analyzing the four components of genealogical, personality, professional, and social conditions. The first is related to one’s birth, which can lead to a comprehensive education, good physical condition and inherited wealth. The last one was important in the past, but of no importance now. The second concerns the personal predispositions of a diplomat, in which effectiveness initially took precedence over morality, but morality is now on par with effectiveness. The next set of determinants relates to professionalism, which entails a great responsibility for the position of the state in the international arena and for the fate of one’s fellow citizens. Thus, it is more than a profession, as it constitutes a kind of mission and service to one’s country. The last component – social conditions – determines the relationships with members of the diplomatic corps, which is especially important today, now that diplomacy has become a team sport. Such a pattern remains difficult to follow, both for past and present generations. However, it is still a desired object of aspiration meant to transform into actual patterns.

Copyright of Theoretical Studies of Literature & Art / Wenyi Lilun Yanjiu is the property of Editorial Board of Theoretical Studies in Literature & Art and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Mihail Pâclianu was the longest-serving diplomat to have led a diplomatic mission in the Scandinavian countries. He was also the diplomat who represented Romania’s interests in Sweden, Denmark, Norway and Finland between 1922 and 1928. However, the post of head of mission in Northern Europe did not charm Pâclianu. He would have preferred to stay in Switzerland (he led the Bern legation from 1912 to 1919) or be transferred to areas he already knew well (Turkey and Egypt). However, he complied to his government’s decision to appoint him to the head of the Stockholm legation, which was less important than the Bern legation. In the Scandinavian countries, Pâclianu focused his activity on promoting the image of Romania. He attempted to establish links with political, intellectual and economic elites, as well as to reorganize the network of honorary consulates. He also got involved in the economic sphere, where he agreed to sign agreements which, however, did not strengthen trade ties between Romania and the Scandinavian countries. He led the diplomatic mission in the Scandinavian countries at a time when the region was of secondary importance to the Romanian government. As a result, he did not receive the special support of the Bucharest leadership and did not receive the diplomatic personnel necessary to deal with the entire geographical area and with the “files” administered by the legation. Nevertheless, with limited financial and human resources, Pâclianu succeeded in contributing to the promotion of Romania’s interests in Scandinavia, making a good impression, as evidenced by the reaction of the Scandinavian press at the conclusion of his mission and at his death (July 1928).

The diplomat's situation is contradictory: a diplomat is an office employee and must obey the heads; at the same time Russian diplomat is a plenipotentiary of Russia in some other country. A diplomat must be ready to discharge its duties sensibly and responsibly. This duality makes a diplomat to be broad-minded capable to defend interests of Russia on the international arena. As a rule university entrants don't understand these difficulties. They enter MGIMO being guided by pragmatic considerations according to the ideals of consumerism which are imposed on the youth via mass media. The teaching staff must bring up students to respect substantial thinking and to think in concepts. The world-outlook grounding must be in the core of the diplomat's education. But the higher education reform does not solve this problem. The Bologna system undermines the very basis of the higher education as a qualitatively new level of specialists training. The teaching staff is put in a conflict position: as MGIMO employees they must fulfill the requirements of the Ministry of Education although they provide the further formalization of studies; but knowledge of students prompts to lecturers how baneful such practice is. Cardinal changes of the education policy are required. The studies including individual and group working with students must be in the center of all university working. Such working takes much more time and strength. So it must be highly paid for regardless of the formal showings. Working-out of the quantitative and qualitative indexes must be mainly the matter of association of scholars and lecturers instead of functionaries. For the present our state represents the interests rather of the officials than of the ordinary citizens.

Copyright of International Relations / Uluslararasi Iliskiler is the property of International Relations Council and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

With the purpose of renewing the approach offered up to now on Hispanic Americanism in José María Chacón y Calvo, the issue will be addressed, with an emphasis on the cultural topic. His figure is essential to understand the links that took place between Spain and Cuba in the first half of the twentieth century. Chacón was key in the contact spaces that were established between both sides of the Atlantic. His double status as researcher and diplomat allowed him to access the Spanish intellectual elite and be an interlocutor of excellence with the aim of promoting cultural relations between both nations. We will check that his work in Cuba was influenced by his experience as a cultural agent in Spain. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Diplomacy in the XXI century is transformed and expanded from peaceful method of relations among states into a general tool of communication between globalized societies. At the beginning it was practiced only by professional diplomats as an art in leading affairs of state. Today, because of the growing number of participants in international relations (states, international organizations, non-governmental organizations, transnational companies, the media, academia, etc.), focus of traditional diplomacy is augmented, while the monopoly by traditional diplomacy is fading. The policy and diplomacy have not lost their ability to actively modulate the decisions required by the state, but they need to justify their superior ability, and thus their legitimacy to solve community problems through modern means and methods such as negotiations.

Reseña de la obra: Romero Tallafigo, Manuel (2017). De Diplomática y Archivística. Antología, Sevilla: Editorial Universidad de Sevilla, 440 pp. ISBN: 978-84-472-1886-8

This article investigates the interplay between labour law and international law in the context of the diplomatic employment relationship. The overriding effect of the Constitution of the Republic of South Africa, 1996 as supreme law to protect the labour rights of employees is weighed against the effect of various binding international legal instruments aimed at protecting diplomats' right to immunity. In view of the competing rights of employees and diplomatic employers, the question in this regard is to what extent employees in a diplomatic employment relationship can rely on their right to "fair labour practices" in the broad sense and the overall protection afforded to employees whose rights are infringed. In view of the perception that diplomatic employers can hide behind a veil of diplomatic immunity and in the absence of judgments by the Commission for Conciliation, Mediation and Arbitration (CCMA) and the Labour Court, answers and guidelines were sought from various international courts and legal instruments. However, it is pointed out that the application of labour law and international law to protect the interests of individuals against a state is an exceptionally sensitive and controversial issue. It is suggested that the international relationship between two states be used as a holistic framework, but it is cautioned that international law limits the diplomat employer's liability both in terms of the Bill of Rights and South African labour laws. The author shows that protection is afforded to diplomats/consular agents by international law. Moreover, the Diplomatic Immunities and Privileges Act (DIPA) of 2001 is discussed. It is submitted that employees are not prevented from taking legal action against a diplomat/consular employer in South Africa in terms of the Labour Relations Act (LRA) or the DIPA. The author suggests that diplomatic employees and employers should be made aware of their rights and obligations in this regard. In essence what really matters to any labour lawyer is how it can be justified that a group of vulnerable employees (diplomatic employees) is left without a remedy while the employer as the stronger bargaining party is protected in terms of international law. The author submits that employees should have access to compulsory private arbitration in terms of an amendment to the DIPA or in terms of a treaty. This must bind a diplomat/consular employer from South Africa (as the sending state) in a foreign state, and a foreign diplomat/consular employer in South Africa (as the receiving state) to protect employees. It is suggested that such a provision should be included in diplomatic contracts of employment after ratification of a treaty, even before it is enacted into relevant laws in South Africa. In view of the sensitivity and international consequences of labour disputes for states, it is suggested that private arbitration could serve as a useful dispute resolution procedure and an acceptable alternative to the general options available in terms of the CCMA, the labour court and the high court. It is suggested that the full protection of diplomatic employees' labour rights cannot be based on the status of their employers. Finally the author argues that lifting the veil of diplomatic immunity could provide a satisfactory interplay between labour law and international law to support the interests and rights of both parties to the diplomatic employment relationship.

This article analyses parts of the framework that determined the diplomatic mission of Count Philip Kinsky of Wchinitz and Tettau (1700–1749) in London from 1728 to 1736. In 1728, Emperor Charles VI decided to send Count Kinsky to the court of King George II of Great Britain to re-establish diplomatic relations. The aims of Kinsky’s mission to London were challenging, and his inexperience as well as the conflicting political aims of Charles VI and George II complicated matters at first. But over time, the count was able to establish himself and his household in the relevant social and political networks. The study presents the contacts of the imperial diplomat to the opposition, his acceptance into the Royal Society as well as the freemasons, and the use of his position and standing in London society especially during the War of the War of the Polish Succession (1733–1735).

Petar II Petrović Njegoš (1813 - 1851) was a successful ruler, bishop, and writer at the same time. He maintained the independence of Montenegro surrounded by the enemies: Turks (Herzegovinian Ali-pasha Rizvanbegović, and Osman-pasha Skadarski), Venusians, and Austrians. He was a hero in the battle, excellent shooter and rider, and excellent diplomat. He was spreading the literacy, renewing the Printing press in Cetinje, reconciling warring tribes, introducing medal of Obilić for bravery, reinforcing frontiers and statehood of Montenegro... He was the collector of folk proverbs, which were created and printed by himself in the anthology Ogledalo srpsko (Serbian Mirror) (1846). The most important oeuvres of his were the following: poetic collection Pustinjak cetinjski (Hermit of Cetinjski) (1834), religious-philosophic poem Luča mikrokozma (Lucha Microcosm) (1845), dramatic poems Gorski vijenac (Mountain Writhe) (1847), Lažni car Šćepan Mali (A Fake Tsar Šćepan Little) (1851), Svobodijada, Noć skuplja vijeka (The Expensive Night Life). Njegoš is the creator of the immortal oeuvres celebrated freedom, humanity and heroism, preserved the Serbian being and Serbian language in Montenegro until now.

Um estudo das conferências acadêmicas que pronunciou Joaquim Nabuco, embaixador do Brasil em Washington, D.C., na Universidade de Yale e mais cinco universidades americanas durante o período 1908-1909. Nabuco volta a Camões como exemplo do amor a uma língua e uma cultura, das quais o Brasil seria a maior realização, e aproxima o espírito do nacionalismo das duas grandes nações como exemplos para a política do pan-americanismo da época.A study of the academic discourses of Joaquim Nabuco, Brazil’s ambassador in Washington, D.C., at Yale and five more universities from 1908-1909. Nabuco returns to Camões as the example of great love for a language and a culture, nobly represented by Brazil. Nabuco compares the two great nations as examples for the then current politics of pan-americanism.

Diplomacy in the XXI century is transformed and expanded from peaceful method of relations among states into a general tool of communication between globalized societies. At the beginning it was practiced only by professional diplomats as an art in leading affairs of state. Today, because of the growing number of participants in international relations (states, international organizations, non-governmental organizations, transnational companies, the media, academia, etc.), focus of traditional diplomacy is augmented, while the monopoly by traditional diplomacy is fading. The policy and diplomacy have not lost their ability to actively modulate the decisions required by the state, but they need to justify their superior ability, and thus their legitimacy to solve community problems through modern means and methods such as negotiations. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Founded in 1981, the Japanese Society of Toxicology (JSOT) has grown into an organization of nearly 3,000 members working together to advance the nation's scientific knowledge and understanding of toxicology through the implementation of planning that ensures a systematic and efficient expenditure of energies and resources, and is closely aligned with a strategy for accomplishing the Society's long-range plans. To promote public education in toxicology, the Society organizes public lectures during each year's annual meeting. Other activities include hosting scientific conferences, promoting continuing education, and facilitating international collaboration. Internally, the JSOT operates five standing committees: General Affairs, Educational, Editorial, Finance, and Science and Publicity to handle its necessary relationships. To bestow official recognition, the Society established its Toxicologist Certification Program in 1997, and has certified 536 members as Diplomat Toxicologists (DJSOT) as of May 1, 2016. Furthermore, on the same date, 43 JSOT members were certified as Emeritus Diplomats of the JSOT (EDJSOT). The Society has launched two official journals, the "Journal of Toxicological Sciences (JTS)" in 1981 and "Fundamental Toxicological Sciences (Fundam. Toxicol. Sci.)" in 2014. As for participation in the international organizations, the JSOT (then known as the Toxicological Research Group) joined the International Union of Toxicology as a charter member in 1980, and became a founding member of the Asian Society of Toxicology at its inauguration in 1994. Into the future, the JSOT will continue working diligently to advance knowledge and understanding of toxicology and secure its place among the interdisciplinary fields of science, humane studies, and ethics. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Cahiers des Amériques Latines is the property of Institut des Hautes Etudes de l'Amerique Latine and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Romanian Journal for Baltic & Nordic Studies/Revista Romana de Studii Baltice si Nordice is the property of Sciendo and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Analysis of the case of a Portuguese diplomat, João Chagas, who, during the First Republic, and by resorting to the conditions available to him as representative of his country, surpassed the mere negotiating role attributed to diplomacy to conduct national politics, succeeding in changing the international statute of Portugal in the Great War. The article describes the internal and external situation of Portugal in political, geopolitical and geostrategic terms, the conflict between Portuguese and British interests, the activity of Portuguese diplomats in London, Berlin and Paris, and, finally, the work of João Chagas.

V prispevku se posvečamo študiji primera diplomatsko-migracijske izkušnje diplomata v bilateralni diplomaciji, pri čemer je naš namen preveriti, ali obstajajo med diplomati in migranti stične točke, zaradi katerih bi lahko diplomate razumeli tudi kot migrante. Nadalje skušamo pokazati, da je poklicno gibanje diplomatov specifična oblika migracije in ne zgolj poklicne mobilnosti. Analiza izhaja iz rezultatov raziskave na populaciji slovenskih diplomatov ter je nadgrajena z osebno izkušnjo slovenskega diplomata, opazovana v treh različnih okoljih izvajanja bilateralne diplomacije. Metodološka posebnost prispevka je, da je sogovornik – diplomat ne le primer preučevanja, ampak tudi akter analize in interpretacije.

Careers of the French high-ranking civil-servants are, more than in other countries, marked by the importance of the initial training and by some high schools (National School of Administration, polytechnic, etc.). Inside the foreign office, diplomats stemming from the ENA(National Administration School) work with some coming from more specific trainings. Although they all can pretend to the same job, the observation shows that their routes will not be completely identical. All the jobs and the possible affections form a space socially structured on a hierarchical basis and stake in internal fights. In this social space, the reputation acquired within networks of specialization, the personal balance to reconcile professional life and private life, the access to the most prestigious and valued jobs are imbricate in a circular way. During their route, the diplomats develop a specific professional identity and build family arrangements capable of supporting their commitment at work. Because of the alternation between France and foreign countries and of importance of the representation’s work, the career of the diplomats is indeed particularly sensitive to the constraints of the private life and the choices of the spouse or husband.

Dimitrie Cantemir loved his nation and country with devotion, even if he reigned for a very short period of time (at the confluence of the 17th and 18th centuries) and he lived abroad (Russia) most of his life. We believe that the Prince Dimitrie Cantemir tried to make use of both empires (Ottoman and Tsarist) in the interest of Moldova, even if this double game created the image of a "spy" both for the Ottoman and the Tsarist Empire. Moldova's situation in the late seventeenth century and early eighteenth century imposed a ruler who could provide border integrity and orthodox spirituality at the expense of an alternation between the two empires (one in decline, another rising). The work which he left (Description of Moldavia, The Chronicle of the Durability of the Romanians-Moldavians-Wallachians, The Hieroglyphic History, The Wise Man Parley with the world or the Life of Constantine Cantemir, named the Elder, Prince of Moldavia, Events of Cantacuzino and Brâncoveanu's families, On Consciousness etc.) are structurally "balanced, harmonious, modern" and are cornerstones of our cultural affirmation into the world. In terms of content, these works have an enormous historical, scientific, philosophical, literary, religious, geographical, ethnological and educational values, owing to the fact that the information presented belongs to a great humanist and scholar of the eighteenth century, and "his writing style combines folkinspired naturalness with ecclesiastical rhetoric and the trends of expression specific for the late humanism of Greco-Latin tradition (Dictionary of Romanian Literature from its Origins to 1900) [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]