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Though China looms large in the Mexican consciousness as an economic competitor, the same is not the same from the Chinese perspective. This study of the reporting of Mexico in China reflects on the lack of understanding of Mexico in China other than as a function of China’s international political economy. Though the prospects for greater cooperation may appear significant, the likelihood of this happening should clearly not be exaggerated. Mexico-China relations are asymmetrical and likely to stay that way for some time. Mexico’s value to China lies in its relationship to the USA, and not for anything intrinsic in the Mexican economy or society.

[S]tudies have revealed a high level of intergenerational transfer of class and social status, privileged and otherwise.

Background Acute uncomplicated cystitis (AUC) is a frequent infection that requires antibiotic treatment that is seen in women who seek care at urgent care centers.1 The Infectious Diseases Society of America (IDSA) has published guidelines for the management of AUC. They recommend nitrofurantoin, trimethoprim-sulfamethoxazole, or fosfomycin as the first-line agents for the treatment of AUC in healthy adult women.1 Previous evaluation of prescribing practices at Tower Health Urgent Care Centers demonstrated a 16% compliance rate with treatment guidelines for AUC. Subsequently, provider education and an AUC medication order set in the electronic medical record (EMR) were implemented. The purpose of this study was to evaluate the effectiveness of these interventions on prescribing practices for AUC. Methods A retrospective electronic chart review was performed evaluating the antibiotic treatment of patients diagnosed with AUC between January 1, 2018, to June 30, 2019, excluding July 2018 to September 2018, the washout period during which education was provided. Inclusion criteria included age ≥ 18 years, female, and treated at one of three Tower Health Urgent Care Centers. Results 1,455 patients met inclusion criteria during our study period. Our three-month washout period included 273 of those patients. 421 patients were included in the pre-education analysis with 761 patients in the post-education analysis. When both first and second-line antibiotic prescriptions were evaluated in conjunction with considering patient allergies and concomitant infections, compliance was 59% in our post-education analysis (improved from 16% compliance at baseline). Conclusion Provider education and an AUC medication order set in the EMR were successful in increasing the compliance rate with antibiotic treatment guidelines for the management of AUC in adult females in the urgent care setting. Disclosures All Authors: No reported disclosures

Studies of higher education often assume that there is a close relationship between economic growth, social change, and political transformation. It is argued that economic growth leads not simply to a demand for the expansion of higher education but also an increase in social equity in admissions to universities. Students become more radicalised through this process; and both through economic growth and the expansion of higher education, academic staff who are the core after all of a society’s public intellectuals, also become the voice for political transformation. The evidence from the People’s Republic of China is that while there has been massive economic growth during the last thirty years, and an equally dramatic expansion of higher education since 1997, the consequences for higher education in terms of social change have

Aunque la RPC cumple 60 anos de existencia en 2009, percepciones populares y hasta cierto punto academicas de su sistema politico continuan condicionadas en exceso por la experiencia de sus primeros 30 anos. El impacto socioeconomico de las politicas de las ultimas tres decadas es sobradamente conocido, pero no el contexto en el que estas se han producido. En particular, existe una tendencia a diferenciar entre un espectacular crecimiento economico y sus consecuencias, y la falta de cambio politico. Mientras que claramente el Partido Comunista de China sigue en el poder, es igualmente obvio que la reforma economica ha ido de la mano de un gran cambio politico. Estudios sobre el estado de transicion a niveles locales ciertamente sugieren que el cambio ha sido significativo. Ademas, estos estudios locales tambien indican la necesidad de conceptualizar mas lo que se entiende por Estado en China. La idea de Estado es un concepto demasiado general y un instrumento de analisis demasiado contundente, comparado con la investigacion que considera los valores y la ideologia del Estado, la base social del poder politico, las estructuras y los procesos del sistema politico, los responsables con autoridad para tomar decisiones, la burocracia y la administracion, y las interacciones internacionales del Estado.

La reforma economica de la Republica Popular China (rpc) ha visto desde 1980 el surgimiento de nuevas categorias de riqueza y poder. En forma colectiva y coloquial, estas nuevas categorias se conocen como los “nuevos ricos”. Se les ha denominado tambien, tanto fuera como dentro de la rpc, como la nueva clase media (o clases medias) por diferentes razones. Si bien existen buenos motivos para aceptar esta designacion, la evidencia de encuestas sobre los nuevos empresarios ricos realizadas desde principios de 1990 en diferentes partes de la rpc (Zhejiang, Shanxi, Qinghai, Sichuan y Hainan) sugiere precaucion. En terminos de jerarquia de riqueza, estatus y poder, los nuevos ricos representan no solo un componente significativo de la clase gobernante actual, sino quizas y de manera mas importante resaltan las dimensiones de un futuro a largo plazo.

The campaign to Open Up the West that started in 2000 has been presented as a major state project of nation-building directed at the interior provincial-level jurisdictions in order to encourage endogenous economic growth, to reduce socio-economic inequalities, and to ensure social and political stability in non-Han areas of the PRC. Despite appearances to the contrary it is more of an adjustment to the PRC's regional development policy than a radical change, not least because of debate and imprecision about its goals, processes and finance. Its impact is perhaps best viewed from provincial and local perspectives. These stress not only the importance of the west's varied social and economic ecology, but also the significance of the sub-provincial as a focus for analysis.

Qinghai is one of China's poorest provincial-level jurisdictions, least internally integrated and least integrated with the rest of the People's Republic. Its social complexity and fragile environment repeatedly created significant political and economic problems during the first half-century of the PRC, which were then exacerbated by policies that rapidly proved over-simplistic and counter-productive. Since January 2000 the PRC government's new policy initiative to develop the Western Region – the call to “Open Up the West” – has provided the provincial leadership with the opportunity to resolve some of the province's long-term difficulties through adopting markedly different perspectives on development. A more gradual approach has emerged, concentrating on the development of the province's infrastructure and environmental sustainability. Nevertheless, there remains a danger that in concentrating on economic solutions to the province's problems its inherent political, social and cultural contestations may be ignored to the detriment of the leadership's wider goals.

In retrospect, 1991–1992 may well prove to be a pivotal period in the evolution of the People's Republic of China. The reform era ushered in by the Chinese Communist Party (CCP) at the Third Plenum of its 11th Central Committee in December 1978 had dramatically restructured the economy and the state, but in the aftermath of the events of June 1989, it appeared to falter. Partly through reactions from outside China, and partly because of resistance within (including elements within the leadership of the Party), the programme of ‘reform and openness’ seemed challenged and about to topple.

One of the more interesting aspects of politics in the People's Republic of China during the 1990s was the attempt by many provincial leaders to create a specifically provincial discourse of development that entailed the reformulation of provincial identity. Both inside and outside the People's Republic of China, provincialism has often been held to challenge the unity of the Chinese state. However, an examination of the provincial discourse of development in Shanxi during the 1990s suggests that provincial and indeed more local identity politics are more complex and finely nuanced than might at first seem to be the case. Shanxi's new provincial identity was neither exclusive nor opposed to other identities, but one of a series of multiple and overlapping identities, structured within a hierarchy of place and identity that reached down to and interacted with the more local levels of county and village, as well as up to the national level. At the same time it is clear that the appeal to localism has started to influence the ways in which provincial leaders participate in national politics. Moreover, there is some indication that the emphasis on localism may have resulted in the county and the town or city becoming more significant locales for identity formation than the province, though the consequences of this for provincial and local politics remain unclear.

On a late winter's day in 1989 a grey-haired, round woman of about 80 in a padded jacket and a black beanie moved across 1st May Square in the centre of Taiyuan, the capital of Shanxi province. She was presenting awards to the PLA's most recent young “model soldiers” – recruits who had just finished top of their class in basic training. This wasBalu mama– the “Mother of the Eighth Route Army,” Bao Lianzi. Now the retired head of a clinic, 50 years earlier she had been part of a women's support group for soldiers during the War of Resistance to Japan, in her native Wuxiang. At that time, Wuxiang, together with Liaoxian and Licheng counties in South-east Shanxi, and Shexian in Northern Henan, was the core of the Taihang Base Area, itself the centre of the Shanxi-Hebei-Shandong-Henan Border Region and one of the major base areas behind Japanese lines. It supported the field headquarters of the Eighth Route Army under Peng Dehuai; the offices of the North China Bureau under Yang Shangkun; and Deng Xiaoping, eyes and ears for Mao Zedong on the front line.

This study was conducted to determine the prevalence and correlates of metabolic syndrome (MS) and diabetes among a migrant Mixtec population residing in San Quintin, Baja California, Mexico. A cross-sectional study utilizing data collected during a 2-day clinic in 2008 in a rural farming community with a high prevalence of Mixtec Indians. Interviews and clinical examinations were performed to assess sociodemographic data, medical history and anthropometric measures. Blood samples were obtained to measure glycated hemoglobin, fasting glucose, triglycerides, total cholesterol, HDL and LDL. Of the 107 patients surveyed, 56 % were female and mean age was 38.5 (range: 18–74, SD = 12.6) years. Overall, 41.1 % had MS and 26.2 % had diabetes. Drinking alcohol more than once a week [adjusted OR (AOR) = 16.0, p = 0.008] and being literate (AOR = 0.38, p = 0.035) were independently associated with MS. Only female gender was significantly associated with diabetes (OR = 3.95, p = 0.005). The high prevalence of MS, diabetes and other metabolic abnormalities among migrant farm workers in San Quintin suggest the need for interventions to reduce the risk for these conditions.

Der vorliegende Beitrag befasst sich mit den Beziehungen zwischen Lateinamerika und China. Nach einem kurzen Überblick über die wirtschaftlichen Aktivitäten und die Internationalisierung der chinesischen Wirtschaft erfolgt ein historischer Überblick über die Beziehungen zwischen China und Lateinamerika. Im Anschluss daran wird gezeigt, wie China zu einem wirtschaftlichen Akteur in Lateinamerika werden konnte. Es wird dann der Frage nachgegangen, welche Bedeutung China als Geberland in Entwicklungsländern spielt. Abschließend wird gezeigt, dass sich die beiden Akteure in einigen Bereichen ergänzen und in anderen miteinander konkurrieren. (ICD)

The Shanxi-Hebei-Shandong-Henan or JinJiLuYu Border Region was formally proclaimed on 7 July 1941, the fourth anniversary of the Marco Polo Bridge Incident. Even at that early stage some level of activity by the Chinese Communist Party (CCP) or its allies was claimed for 148 counties in Shanxi (Jin), Hebei (Ji), Shandong (Lu) and Henan (Yu). By 1947 and the outbreak of open civil war, the government of the JinJiLuYu Border Region claimed jurisdiction over some 30 million people. In 1948 it merged with the Shanxi-Chahar-Hebei Border Region, immediately to the north, to form the North China People's Government, part of the process that led directly to the foundation of the People's Republic of China (PRC).

The decision by the Chinese Communist Party in 2012 to move to open direct national elections was taken in order to ensure political stability and continued economic growth, and to enhance its position of leadership. The first national general election in 2015 followed in the wake of the landmark Constituent Assembly. Victory in 2015 by the Chinese Communist Party has been accompanied by political stability and sustained economic growth. Though there is likely to be greater competition in the General Election of 2020 the principle change in politics has been the emergence of significant public policy debate. Issues of corruption, housing, and regional development are likely to be major considerations during the election, alongside debate on the simultaneous referenda that have been called on Tibet and federalism.

There are essentially three difficulties attending any search for cultural explanations of change in China: culture can be a broad and often a somewhat imprecise concept; the scale of China makes for difficulties in the unit of analysis; and the assumption of historical continuity may be somewhat attenuated. The antidote to essentialisation about Chinese culture is to approach explanation at a more local level. A recognition that there are local accounts of social and economic change that both help motivate behaviour and provide legitimation for specific forms of activity provides a more convincing framework for understanding the role of culture in both the evolution of the economic environment and business development. The evidence from an examination of town and village enterprises and their enterpreneurs in Taiyuan, provincial capital of Shanxi; of Islamic Salar entrepreneurs in Xunhua (Qinghai Province); and of women entrepreneurs in Qiongshan, Hainan, suggests that at the local level the state and economic interests have harnessed symbolic and representational forms of culture for particular interests and goals, including attempts to create a local competitive advantage for particular industries and social groups. In this process local cultural practice is used to underpin the manner of business development, including the structures of ownership, management and operation, as well as to some extent the kinds of economic activity that are developed.

The reform of state socialism came relatively late to Qinghai Province in the Northwest of the People’s Republic of China. One of Qinghai’s most dynamic groups in the social leadership of reform has been the Salar. The Salar were one of the officially recognized nationalities identified in the People’s Republic of China during the 1950s. A relatively small group of some 100,000 currently live along the upper reaches of the Yellow River, on the borders of Qinghai and Gansu Provinces. The Salar are characterised by their commitment to both Islam and China, and by their belief that they live in permanent exile, though there is considerable uncertainty about their origins. The evidence of recent research in Qinghai suggests the perspective of being Chinese citizens, yet a people in exile, significantly shapes recent Salar social and economic activism.

The scene at the crossroads seems typical of anywhere in Central Asia. The air is arid; walls and sidewalks are made of pressed mud; the sandy dust eddies and swirls down the road. The streetscape ...

Peasants and Revolution in Rural China: Rural Political Change in the North China Plain and the Yangzi Delta, 1850-1949, by Chang Liu. London; New York: Routledge, 2007. xiv + 258 pp. £80.00/US$145.00 (hardcover). Until the late 1980s the history of Communist success during the War of Resistance to Japan (1937-45) was both much contested and highly controversial. Opinions differed over the importance of socio-economic conditions and the Communist appeal to the peasantry; the Communists' superior organizational skills; and the impact of invasion and war on the local population, particularly in terms of appealing to popular nationalism. Intellectual conflict was at its height when access to archives and other materials was most limited. In recent years, however, the republication of both Communist and other sources, and a general greater access to archives and information, has led research into new and largely more interesting directions. There have been a series of extremely detailed local studies of social, economic and political change, particularly in North China in the century before 1945. Chang Liu's excellent study of peasants and social change in the century before the end of the War of Resistance builds on this intellectual foundation, but by way of a research design goes to the next stage. The sheer socio-economic variety of China is a challenge to generalization. The result is often either essentialization, or no attempt to build wider explanation. In this study Chang Liu adopts an implicit comparative approach, attempting to highlight similarities and differences between processes of social change on the North China plain and in the Yangtze Delta region. There is no question that the major objective is to provide explanation of Communist success in North China and its relative failure further south. At the same time, though, Chang Liu develops a theory about the relationship between state and rural society in the century before 1945 in China that is likely to be a major topic of research for many years to come. The key finding is that state-society relationships on the North China plain had already started to become state-village relations because of changes in the immediate and increasingly globalized economy of the time. In the Yangtze Delta area, village development was considerably less central to the relationship between state and society, not least because of the higher levels of commercialization, workforce skills and transport integration. …