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The European Public Prosecutor’s Office (EPPO) is a judicial body of the European Union (EU), created in 2017 to investigate and prosecute crimes against the EU financial interests. The aim of this thesis is to explain how and why national and supranational institutional actors, through the establishment of the EPPO, come to construct supranational criminal justice. By establishing the EPPO, the 22 participating member states of the EU transferred key sovereign powers – pertaining to criminal justice – to a supranational body. Criminal justice is closely linked to the monopoly on the legitimate use of force and the definition and protection of essential societal values. This is why states generally want to maintain their authority over this policy field. Accordingly, common EU action in this field has mostly relied on cooperation, coordination, and mutual recognition, essentially keeping national judicial systems intact and limiting their submission to supranational authority. The EPPO, with its binding and far-reaching enforcement powers, presents a clear departure from this pattern.To understand the drivers of this transfer of sovereign powers and how the various institutional actors in the EU arena are shaping supranational criminal justice in that respect, we must find out how key actors themselves understand (their) sovereignty in relation to European integration. I, therefore, adopt an ideational approach to this question to examine how ideas and discourse – rather than functionalist pressures, national interests, or international norms – have resulted in the creation of the EPPO and shaped its modalities. Concretely, I adopt a discursive institutionalist approach to show how discourse influences institution-building.Through this theoretical lens, I uncover the various ideas held on the protection of the EU financial interests and how they are articulated with ideas on national sovereignty and European integration in that context. I operationalise the coordina, Doctorat en Sciences politiques et sociales, info:eu-repo/semantics/nonPublished

Over the past decade, governing parties in Central and Eastern Europe have dismantled liberal democracy, violating the rule of law and limiting the power of judges. This article examines the opposition to these transformations, focusing on the role of judges in Poland, Hungary, and Romania. Drawing on an original survey, as well as a set of interviews with judges, the article shows that while in Poland judges have developed a unified opposition to the government in defending their independence, in Romania, in contrast, governmental measures have polarized judges into a divided opposition, while their mobilization has been rather non-existent in Hungary. Why do judges oppose governmental action limiting judicial independence in some contexts but not in others? The article shows that the nature and the sequencing of domestic transformations, coupled with ideational factors and interests-based calculations, explain judges’ opposition at the collective and individual levels., SCOPUS: ar.j, info:eu-repo/semantics/published

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Prenant pour cas d’étude le processus décisionnel ayant abouti en 2019 à l’adoption de la directive européenne « Droit d’auteur dans le marché unique numérique », la thèse cherche à comprendre et expliquer la déviation d’une politique publique européenne d’une trajectoire libérale vers celle de la régulation. Analysé au prisme de la sociologie de l’action publique, le droit d’auteur y est défini comme un instrument d’action publique au sens de Lascoume et Le Galès (2005). Le cadre analytique repose ensuite sur l’articulation de trois concepts clés :le champ eurocratique, le travail politique et les espace-temps de l’action publique. La thèse répond alors à la question de recherche suivante :comment et pourquoi le travail politique des agent·es, déployé dans les différents espace-temps du champ eurocratique, a-t-il aboutit à l’adoption du droit d’auteur comme instrument de régulation du marché unique numérique ?Le dispositif méthodologique combine une enquête par entretiens auprès des agent·es ayant pris part au processus décisionnel étudié (n=79) et une fouille de documents divers relatifs au dossier du droit d’auteur européen, et datant majoritairement d’une période courant de 2004 à 2019, c’est-à-dire des premières réflexions sur une nouvelle réglementation du droit d’auteur à l’adoption de la directive finale (n=161).L’analyse des données ainsi collectées montre que la directive droit d’auteur dans le marché unique numérique a dévié de la trajectoire libérale qu’elle avait pourtant entamée dans les années 2000 parce qu’un ensemble d’agent·es défendant une position pro-régulation a d’abord émergé dans l’espace-temps de la Commission, puis s’est maintenu au fil des différents espace-temps de la prise de décision (Conseil de l’UE, Parlement, Trilogues). Deux grandes options existaient ainsi pour réglementer le droit d’auteur numérique :la libéralisation et la régulation. L’option de la libéralisation se traduit concrètement par l’expansion du champ des exceptions au, Doctorat en Sciences politiques et sociales, info:eu-repo/semantics/nonPublished

Cette thèse propose une analyse compréhensive afin de montrer comment l’approfondissement de la coopération institutionnelle, notamment par le projet d’intégration économique régionale, est configuré pour maintenir et renforcer l’ordre hiérarchique régional en Eurasie post soviétique. Dans le cadre d’un ordre hiérarchique régional en Eurasie postsoviétique dont au sommet se trouve la Russie, l'institutionnalisation de la coopération eurasienne représente un processus dynamique dans lequel l'hégémonie régionale russe se reconfigure conformément aux exigences du système international contemporain. La thèse traite le régionalisme eurasien postsoviétique guidé principalement par la Russie, en se concentrant sur les phases successives marquées par des enjeux et des événements décisifs. A l’aide d’une approche méthodologique diachronique, l'évolution de la perspective de coopération régionale de la Russie est étudiée en fonction des spécificités de chaque phase depuis la dislocation de l’Union soviétique. Sans privilégier une phase particulière du processus de coopération pour ne pas traiter le régionalisme eurasien postsoviétique comme un produit fini, cette thèse se concentre sur toute l'histoire du régionalisme postsoviétique comme un processus continu. L'évolution d’interaction entre les modalités de coopération régionale et la formation d'un ordre hiérarchique institutionnalisé en Eurasie postsoviétique est examinée dans la perspective d'un "mouvement double pendulaire" qui implique deux grands pendules interconnectés. Le premier pendule montre comment les stratégies politiques de la Russie oscillent entre hégémonie dure et soft/normative en termes d'interactions politiques et économiques avec le système international tandis que le deuxième pendule décrit comment ces stratégies déterminent les changements dans l'organisation de la gouvernance régionale.Le cadre théorique de l’étude se veut éclectique. Les hypothèses de la théorie néoréaliste sont utilisées pour compr, Doctorat en Sciences politiques et sociales, info:eu-repo/semantics/nonPublished

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Un manuel qui met l'accent sur les méthodes et méthodologies propres à la science politique, avec des conseils pratiques pour mener à bien un travail de recherche.Une initiation à la recherche en science politique à travers :une présentation pédagogique des méthodes de collecte et d’analyse des donnéesdes conseils pratiques pour mener à bien un travail de recherchedes exemples concrets extraits de la littérature récentedes tableaux de synthèse, des mises en situation et des définitions des termes clésPour apprendre à :réaliser un travail scientifiqueélaborer une stratégie de recherchechoisir et collecter les données pertinentesanalyser et interpréter les résultatsidentifier les forces et les faiblesses de chaque méthodeAvec exercices interactifs en fin de chapitres pour intégrer et réviser la matière, info:eu-repo/semantics/published, 2

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From Bucharest to Skopje, anti-government protests have been sweeping Southeast Europe(SEE) since 2011. Considering that the region had been regarded to have a weak civil societybefore the protests, the mobilisations came as a surprise to academics and practitioners alike.Yet, these protests were not only noteworthy for happening in a region, seemingly endowedwith a weak civil society, but also for the fact that they remained largely peaceful. Even untilthe mid-1990s, in contrast, the Romanian government had violently dispersed protests usingmilitant miners, and protests in Albania, Bulgaria, and Yugoslavia had a similar outcome.Tracking the frequency with which governments have used lethal or non-lethal violence duringprotests, it can be shown that governments in SEE appear to have become more tolerant of thistype of extra-parliamentary political participation. Data collected from protest events showsthat at least since the early 2000s there has been a period of government restraint. This came atthe same time as the EU opened accession pathways for most countries in the region. Thus, thethesis discusses the reasons for the decline in repression. It explores whether the temporalcorrelation between increased EU engagement and the decline of physical repression in theregion was coincidental or can be linked. In this context, the thesis focuses on the role of EUaccession conditionality, since it has been assumed that EU conditionality could have ademocratizing and, therefore, potentially constraining effect on governments. Even though thethesis concludes that EU-accession conditionality impacted repression, the nature of thatimpact is complex. It shows that to understand how EU-accession conditionality impactedrepression, we cannot treat repression as a monolithic concept. Although EU conditionalityreduced visible forms of repression, such as lethal and non-lethal violence, it had little effecton opaque, institutional forms of repression. Studying how media outlets thr, Doctorat en Sciences politiques et sociales, info:eu-repo/semantics/nonPublished

Since the 2015 parliamentary elections in Poland, the government led by the Law and Justice party (PiS) has sought to win two interwoven battles: the restoration of ‘a strong state’ internally and ‘regaining sovereignty’ in the country’s relationship with the EU. By examining the 2015 constitutional crisis in Poland, this article seeks to understand how and why a domestic dispute over the nomination of constitutional judges has transformed into a conflict of sovereignty in the EU polity. The paper shows that the claims to sovereignty of political, social, and legal actors reflect opposing conceptions of this principle as well as of democracy and the rule of law. PiS’ understanding of State sovereignty is rooted in the past, echoes its Hobbesian conception, and is reminiscent of Carl Schmitt’s notion of the political and of democracy. In 2015, this conception was pitted against the supremacy of the Constitution (legal sovereignty) and the ideal of shared sovereignty. Drawing on 20 parliamentary debates, this paper shows that the 2015 Polish constitutional crisis encapsulates a conflict of sovereignty over who holds the most legitimate representation of the people and who should have the last word in key political conflicts and constitutional settlements., SCOPUS: ar.j, info:eu-repo/semantics/published

Contemporary conflicts of sovereignty in Europe have gone beyond the clash between national and supranational sovereignty. Sovereignty conflicts are increasingly occurring within member states. This paper develops a conceptual framework that distinguishes between foundational, institutional and territorial conflicts of sovereignty, elaborating on this taxonomy with reference to the historical evolution of the concept of sovereignty in Europe. It provides an account of why we have seen a proliferation in conflicts of sovereignty within European states. This is due in part to the notion of “shared” sovereignty. Central to European integration, this notion has introduced considerable institutional indeterminacy into the political systems of member states, leading to many of the institutional conflicts of sovereignty we see in Europe today. The struggle of national party systems to institutionalize societal conflict via partisan competition is another contributory factor. This has displaced conflict onto the terrain of how popular rule is institutionalized within the national state. In developing this framework, the paper provides a method for distinguishing between political conflicts tout court and those touching specifically upon sovereignty. Moreover, the framework helps us distinguish between those conflicts of sovereignty most destabilizing for a polity and those which are less so., SCOPUS: ar.j, info:eu-repo/semantics/published

Offers a summary of the EU’s rule of law debate over the last decade.Analyses a variety of challenges that the EU faces, including the migration crisis and Eurozone management.Examines the motivations and preferences of actors within various EU polities, as well as their division lines.ABOUT THIS BOOKIts rule of law crisis, the European Union could solve it on its own. In her thought-provoking book, Ramona Coman shows why the EU is largely failing in this enterprise. Analysing the politics of the rule of law of the political EU institutions and of civil society, but leaving out the Court, Coman traces the roots of the current age of dissensus. Whether the reliance on conditionality rather helps or harms for the future, one wonders. Highly recommended reading!, info:eu-repo/semantics/published

What are the main trends in contemporary political science research? This book examines recent developments in political science research. What are the new influences to which the discipline opens itself up? Is political science research converging towards a single model or splitting into different streams? What are the new challenges at the beginning of the 21st century? This collection of essays discusses three interrelated topics: the relationship between political science and the problems of politics, the relationship between political science and other fields of research, and the transformation of the profession. EXTRACT The past, the present and the future of political science have always been a topic of inquiry for political scientists. This collection of essays is not the first to explore the evolution of the discipline. Since its inception, scholars of politics of all persuasions have (re)produced the story of the field as a discipline and as a profession (Farr et al. 1990: 598; Blondiaux 1997: 10; Gunnell 2002: 339; Dryzek 2002; 2006). They have explored the discipline’s relation with its social and political environment, they have questioned its epistemological and ontological specificities, and more recently they have documented its professional standards, codes, and practices. As the discipline expands in different parts of the world, the attention devoted to its evolution and development has increased. Political science is a recognized object of study and “state of the discipline” studies are flourishing. This book seeks to contribute to these recent debates about the evolution of the discipline by exploring three interrelated themes, namely (1) the discipline’s co-evolution with politics, (2) its changing relations with sister disciplines, (3) and the transformation of its practices for knowledge production and dissemination. We argue in this volume that these topics are fundamental, as they directly address the core identity of political science. ABO

Studia Politica. Romanian Political Science Review celebrates twenty years of existence since its creation in 2001. If this anniversary is a celebration, it also raises questions about the evolution of political science as a discipline since the collapse of communism. There are many ways to trace the genesis and the development of a discipline and one of them is to look at peer-reviewed academic journals. They reflect a given field of study or discipline as much as they construct it. Drawing on a sociology of knowledge approach and using bibliometric methods, this article examines the institutionalization, professionalization, and internationalization of Romanian political science, as well as its contribution to the discipline as a whole from an inward and outward looking perspective. To do so, the article draws on a database which brings together political science articles focusing on Romania published over the last twenty years in Studia Politica, in thirteen area studies and six European Union (EU) studies journals. Inductively, tracing the evolution of Political Science as a discipline through the lens of Studia Politica, the place of Romania in international area studies journals and academic articles on Romania in EU studies journals, the article shows the role of “locals,” i.e. Romania-based researchers in the legitimation, domestic professionalization and internationalization of the discipline and illustrates the roles of the “foreigners” and “emigrants” in the development of the transnational Romanian studies political science community. If Romanian political science as a discipline is mainly institutionalized by “Locals,” research on Romania emerges as a co-constructed field involving “Foreigners,” “Emigrants,” and “Locals.”., SCOPUS: ar.j, info:eu-repo/semantics/published

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Departing from the idea that political controversies are embedded in the very framework of European integration, this volume focuses on the relationship between politicisation and European democracy. The contributors to this edited volume trace the various ways of understanding ‘politicisation’ before and beyond the 2019 European elections. The aim is to offer constructive reinterpretations of the concept for further research in the field. Encompassing different approaches, the book shows a plurality of perspectives and provides innovative analytical tools to make sense of the phenomenon of politicisation in the EU context.Assuming that EU politicisation can be seen both as vice and virtue depending on the way in which it takes place, the authors analyse under what conditions it has a positive or negative influence over European democracy. Emphasising that scholars ought to be aware of the normative assumptions underlying the conceptualisation of politicisation, the book illustrates how many of the features in European politics that were intensified during the Covid-19 pandemic were already present earlier.Tracing the Politicisation of the EU will be of interest to students and scholars in EU Studies, Comparative Politics, Media and Communication, Political Theory and Political Sociology., info:eu-repo/semantics/published

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This special issue sheds light on the shift from consensus over democracy and liberal values to increased dissensus. With a focus on Central and Eastern Europe, it explores the nature and the origins of anti-liberal ideas and their diffusion beyond the EU. While anti-liberal ideas are not new per se, this special issue shows how in recent years they have re-emerged, being invoked by a wide range of political and social actors who seek to translate them into policy solutions and by the same token to change the foundations of national polities, policies and politics., SCOPUS: ed.j, info:eu-repo/semantics/published

Three decades since the collapse of communism in Central and Eastern Europe, the ideal of liberal democracy is under considerable strain. Recent developments in the region show that democratic institutions do not only evolve and consolidate, but they can also decay. The article intends to provide a comprehensive theoretical account to shed light on the ongoing multifaceted and multi-layered processes of change in the region. Drawing on the literature on the role of ideas and on the body of research explaining ongoing transformations in Central and Eastern Europe, it conceptualises the normative core of anti-liberal ideas. It shows that this core is embedded in a set of narratives pitted against liberal democracy, which take the form of causal stories, put forward values and solutions, being ultimately used to legitimise institutional change in politics (i.e. agency and the social power structures) policies (i.e. how economic nationalism alters the neoliberal model) and the polity (i.e. the rules of the political game). This conceptual map, which is derived inductively from the literature, is meant to guide future empirical studies and theory building exercises seeking to understand institutional change in the region and beyond., SCOPUS: ar.j, info:eu-repo/semantics/published

This book investigates the multifaceted conflicts of sovereignty in the recent crises in the European Union.Although the notion of sovereignty has been central in the contentious debates triggered by the recent crises in the European Union, it remains strikingly under-researched in political science. This book bridges this gap by providing both theoretical reflections and empirical analyses of today’s conflicts of sovereignty in the EU. More particularly, it investigates conflicts between four types of sovereignty. First, national sovereignty referring to the autonomy of the Westphalian Nation-State to rule on a territory delimited by borders; second, the supranational sovereignty acquired by the EU in a fragmentary fashion in a number of scattered internal and external policy fields; third, parliamentary sovereignty understood as the autonomy of parliaments (at the regional, national and European levels) to take part in the decision making process and control the executive in the name of the principles of election and representation; fourth, popular sovereignty whereby the body politic confers legitimacy to decision makers in a democratic system.Through an analysis of the various crises (rule of law, Brexit, migration, Eurozone crisis), the chapters look at how sovereignty is framed and contested by different types of actors, and how the strengthening or the weakening of certain types of sovereignty contribute to shape preferences regarding policies and governance structures in the multi-level EU.The chapters in this book were originally published as a special issue of the Journal of European Integration., info:eu-repo/semantics/published

The aim of this article is to understand why the EU opted to conclude the ‘EU–Turkey refugee deal’ in March 2016 in the context of the Syrian refugee crisis, despite the fact that the agreement deeply contradicts fundamental EU values and norms. The article seeks to explain the outcome—the conclusion of the EU–Turkey refugee deal—by analysing not only the ability of EU institutions to shape decisions, but also their motivations, ideas and preferences in justifying the EU’s actions in responding to the refugee challenge. It is argued that the deal results from ideational and power struggles between supranational (the European Parliament and the European Commission) and intergovernmental institutions (the European Council and the Council of the European Union). It is demonstrated that while the former put forward normative arguments, the latter invoked security as a main concern to avoid internal divisions between Member States. This article also reveals that such ideational and power struggles have consequences for the EU’s identity. Theoretically, the article builds on the new intergovernmentalist claims and on the normative/civilian power literature. Empirically, it explores the usage of normative justifications by EU institutions and points to inter-institutional tensions in framing the EU’s response to the refugee challenge., info:eu-repo/semantics/published

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Depuis 2007, le Bélarus tente de mener une politique étrangère plus équilibrée entre ses divers partenaires au lieu de se focaliser uniquement sur la Russie comme précédemment. L’élaboration de la politique étrangère envers l’UE, son voisin direct du côté occidental, devient particulièrement d’actualité. Depuis lors, l’UE et le Bélarus ont vécu une période de rapprochement de 2008 à 2010, une période de refroidissement des relations de 2011 à 2015 et se trouvent actuellement dans une nouvelle phase de rapprochement. Cette thèse interroge ainsi les facteurs explicatifs de l’évolution de la politique étrangère bélarusse envers l’UE sous la présidence d’Alexandre Loukachenko de 1994 au printemps 2020. Pour cela, nous nous focalisons particulièrement sur les trois périodes sous la présidence d’Alexandre Loukachenko durant lesquelles la politique étrangère bélarusse était particulièrement proactive :1999 - 2001, 2007 - 2010 et à partir de 2013. Afin de distinguer les facteurs pertinents, nous optons pour une combinaison des trois approches néo-institutionnalistes (le néo-institutionnalisme du choix rationnel, le néo-institutionnalisme historique et le néo- institutionnalisme sociologique) pour deux raisons principales. D’une part, nous partageons avec les chercheurs de ces courants une vision de la politique comme produit d’acteurs libres d’agir mais dans les limites des contraintes institutionnelles. D’autre part, la diversité des variables indépendantes proposées par ces courants (intérêts rationnels, règles du jeux, pratiques, normes, valeurs), nous permet de prendre en compte les facteurs aussi bien internes qu’externes ayant pesé sur les autorités bélarusses dans leur prise de décision d’améliorer les relations avec l’UE. Notre cadre d’analyse est également complété par l’investigation des facteurs économiques et matériels. La particularité de cette thèse consiste en une prise en compte systématique des facteurs pesant sur la politique étrangère bélarusse.Les oscill, Doctorat en Sciences politiques et sociales, info:eu-repo/semantics/nonPublished

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This article examines the Romanian rotating presidency of the Council of the European Union during the first half of 2019 as a two-level game. It shows how, despite heightened political tensions at the domestic and European level, the Romanian rotating presidency managed to fulfil its main functions. It is argued that the preparation and the conduct of the rotating presidency is not only a two-level game, but also one in which diplomats and civil servants play a central role. Their centrality in the process neutralises domestic political factors such as Eurosceptic governmental attitudes, the lack of political vision or credibility., info:eu-repo/semantics/published

This dissertation investigates how legal and policy professionals have legally constructed the economic policy and governance of the EU since the beginning of the Eurozone crisis onwards. It follows the legal and policy professionals who received the mandate to enable and consolidate solutions, as well as defend these solutions in court. By tracing the practices and trajectories of these agents, I show how, during an unfolding crisis, economic policy and governance becomes legally constructed and changes the terms of legitimation for EU economic governance. The stakes involved for the professionals involved also change. In this way, the dissertation speaks to the question of how intrusive political power has been legitimated during the Eurozone crisis and what this means for the legitimacy of European governance. Theoretically, this thesis develops a Bourdieusian field approach that is adapted to the transnational and diachronic context of the Eurozone crisis, as it unfolded from the end of 2009 until the adjudication of key high-profile court cases before the Court of Justice of the European Union. Drawing on boundary work, bricolage, and network interactions to analyse the practices of legal and policy professionals, the process of enabling and consolidating solutions is elaborated. Attention is given to how this process engenders stakes for the professionals in this emerging euro-crisis law field, and what this means for emerging legal terms of legitimation for economic governance.Methodologically, field-based and social network analysis are combined in two distinct ways. First, by employing a temporally-focussed network analysis, which caters for change by measuring the shifting centrality of legal and policy professionals over time, I show which professionals have had a high-level of involvement in dealing with crisis issues. This then permits the construction of a referral network based on how these professionals refer to their peers. The involvement of the pr, Doctorat en Sciences politiques et sociales, info:eu-repo/semantics/nonPublished

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In recent years, government officials in Hungary, Poland and Austria have contested the authority of the EU in areas linked to core state powers, such as democracy and the rule of law and migrations. Analyzing the discursive strategies displayed by conservative and/or right-wing governments in these countries, the article shows how the old conflict line over sovereignty that has traditionally shaped the integration process–supranational vs domestic sovereignty–is being complemented by a new discourse which consists in disparaging EU ‘interference’ in the very name of European values and a common European identity, defined in opposition to multiculturalism and political liberalism. Pioneered by Viktor Orban, this discourse has been circulating among other Central European heads of government and incumbent parties’ officials in the wake of the refugee ‘crisis’, which opened up a discursive opportunity structure for its diffusion., SCOPUS: ar.j, info:eu-repo/semantics/published

In recent years IPE and EU studies scholars have examined how actors in international organisations and EU institutions shape policy ideas. This article explores the professional structure of economists affiliated to two Brussels-based think tanks, Bruegel and CEPS, who, in the context of the Eurozone crisis, sought to contribute to the production of policy solutions to douse the flames of the crisis and put forward long term recommendations for the EMU’s stability. Through the analysis of more than 300 CVs and by drawing on network and sequence analysis, the article shows that in their search for solutions, Brussels-based think tanks bring together economists from different EU member states, whose authority draws on academic qualifications, experience, and seniority. They are ‘multiple insiders’ connected to a wide range of institutions and professional networks, who move back and forth between professional and organisational networks and serve as bridges between revisionist, orthodox, and mixed economic ideas., SCOPUS: ar.j, info:eu-repo/semantics/published

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In the post-Maastricht era, member states of the European Union (EU) have proved increasingly reluctant to transfer further competences to the supranational level and are willing to safeguard their sovereignty. Though the responses to the contemporary multiple crises – related to economic and monetary policy, borders and migrations, or democracy and the rule of law – have brought about conflicts over values and sovereignty losses surrounding the legal, economic and political legitimacy of the EU. Against this backdrop, we argue that beyond the traditional contentious (re)distribution of competences between nation-states (national sovereignty) and the EU (and its embryonic forms of supranational sovereignty), new conflicts of sovereignty involve two other key types of sovereignty belonging to the democratic tradition, namely parliamentary sovereignty and popular sovereignty. This introductory article proposes a common analytical framework in order to investigate conflicts in their multi-dimensionality., info:eu-repo/semantics/published