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This publication – an extract from Calendar of Cultural Life in Lodz between 1945 and 1946 (Kalendarium łódzkiego życia kulturalnego w latach 1945–1946) – focuses on the first half of April 1945, when cultural life was reorganised after more than five years of German occupation and terror. In the history of Lodz spring 1945 was a peculiar period – in the face of the virtually complete annihilation of Warsaw, Lodz became the home for some of the Communist offices and was visited by prominent representatives of intellectual and cultural life. They were offered apartments and jobs in the state-controlled press and hastily established cultural institutions and universities. Through a detailed denotation of facts related to history, politics, and intellectual and artistic life, the author of the text makes an attempt to present the mechanisms and the dynamics of the earliest stage of the cultural and ideological revolution implemented in Poland between 1945 and 1948. Publikacja niniejsza, drugi fragment Kalendarium łódzkiego życia kulturalnego w latach 1945–1946, obejmuje swoim zakresem pierwszą połowę kwietnia 1945 roku, czas organizowania się kultury po przeszło pięciu latach niemieckiego terroru okupacyjnego. W dziejach miasta przełom zimy i wiosny roku 1945 był to okres szczególny – wobec niemal całkowitego zburzenia Warszawy przez Niemców, na terenie Łodzi ulokowały się niektóre spośród komunistycznych urzędów, zaczęli tu także zjeżdżać ważni przedstawiciele życia umysłowego i kulturalnego. Oferowano im mieszkania, pracę w dynamicznie rozwijającej się, kontrolowanej przez władzę prasie oraz w tworzonych naprędce instytucjach kultury i uczelniach. Autor tekstu próbuje – poprzez szczegółową denotację faktów z pogranicza historii, polityki, życia umysłowego i artystycznego – przedstawić mechanizmy i dynamikę najwcześniejszego etapu kulturowo-ideologicznej rewolucji przeprowadzonej w Polsce w latach 1945–1948.

Resumo Clóvis Moura (1925-2003) tem sido estudado por suas obras mais conhecidas de História e Sociologia, algumas delas hoje com o estatuto de clássico, como Rebeliões da Senzala. No entanto, uma importante dimensão de sua atividade intelectual, a de jornalista, permanece obscura, apesar de relevante. Neste artigo, pretende-se abordar a revista Flama, por ele criada e dirigida na cidade de Araraquara (SP), no âmbito da política de Frente Cultural desenvolvida pelo Partido Comunista Brasileiro (PCB). De duração efêmera (1951-1952), a publicação merece destaque tanto por seu conteúdo alinhado com o partido como pela relevante rede de sociabilidades intelectuais e políticas construídas pelo seu criador e diretor. Um terceiro aspecto refere-se à repressão policial que motivou, acessada por meio dos prontuários do DEOPS-São Paulo. Abstract Clovis Moura (1925-2003) has been studied do to his most well known books of History and Sociology, some of them considered today as classics, such as Rebeliões da Senzala. However, one important dimension of his intellectual activity as a journalist remains obscure, although relevant. This article intends to approach the review Flama, created and directed by him in the city of Araraquara (SP), regarding the Cultural Policy developed by the Brazilian Communist Party (PCB). Despite its short duration (1951-1952), the publication deserves to be highlighted both do to its contents lined up with the party, and to the relevant intellectuals and politics sociability networks built by its creator and director. A third aspect refers to the police repression that it motivated, accessed in the DEOPS - Sao Paulo files.

Made available in DSpace on 2019-10-06T15:52:05Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 0 Previous issue date: 2019-01-01. Added 1 bitstream(s) on 2021-07-15T14:35:36Z : No. of bitstreams: 1 S0101-90742019000100407.pdf: 3608823 bytes, checksum: 2f8379b072df191b64f4d7ed294ed54c (MD5) Clovis Moura (1925-2003) has been studied by his most known works of History and Sociology, some of them considered today as classics, as Rebellions of Senzala. However, one important dimension of his intellectual activity, as a journalist, remains obscure, even though relevant. On this article the intention is to approach the review Flama, created and directed by him in the city of Araraquara (SP), in the ambit of the Cultural Policy developed by the Brazilian Communist Party (PCB) . With ephemeral duration ( 1951- 1952), the publication de serves be featured by its content lined upwith the party, as well by the relevant intellectuals and politics nets of sociability build by its creator and director. A third aspect refers to the policy repressionthat motivated, accessed in the DEOPS - Sao Paulo files. Programa de Pós-graduação em História Faculdade de Ciências Humanas e Sociais Univiversidade Estadual Paulista - UNESP campus de Franca, Av. Eufrásia Monteiro Petraglia, 900 Programa de Pós-graduação em História Faculdade de Ciências Humanas e Sociais Univiversidade Estadual Paulista - UNESP campus de Franca, Av. Eufrásia Monteiro Petraglia, 900

Submitted by Glauber de Assunção Moreira (glauber.moreira@ufba.br) on 2020-05-08T18:29:43Z No. of bitstreams: 1 DISSERTAÇÃO Flores, Fernanda Ledo.pdf: 11045625 bytes, checksum: 40d4056c33be91736930e90e0461a663 (MD5) Approved for entry into archive by Isaac Viana da Cunha Araújo (isaac.cunha@ufba.br) on 2020-06-01T23:22:06Z (GMT) No. of bitstreams: 1 DISSERTAÇÃO Flores, Fernanda Ledo.pdf: 11045625 bytes, checksum: 40d4056c33be91736930e90e0461a663 (MD5) Made available in DSpace on 2020-06-01T23:22:06Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 DISSERTAÇÃO Flores, Fernanda Ledo.pdf: 11045625 bytes, checksum: 40d4056c33be91736930e90e0461a663 (MD5) Ana Montenegro filiou-se ao Partido Comunista em 2 de julho de 1945. Foi candidata a deputada estadual pelo PCB da Bahia em 1947, ano que começou a escrever nas páginas da imprensa comunista. Entre os anos de 1947 e 1964 foi colaboradora dos jornais O Momento Feminino, Imprensa Popular e Novos Rumos. Tornou-se conhecida militante comunista nacionalmente e internacionalmente durante esses anos. Foi secretária da Liga Feminina do Estado da Guanabara e também cronista da Rádio Mayrink Veiga. Em primeiro de abril de 1964, por suas atividades na imprensa, nas uniões femininas e no Partido, já figurava na “lista de inimigos” da Ditadura civil-militar que se instalou no país. Seguiu para o exílio na Alemanha Oriental onde trabalhou para a Federação Democrática Internacional de Mulheres até o ano de 1979, quando então retornou para o Brasil. Em solo nacional, suas atividades continuaram sendo monitoradas pelo regime até 1983. O presente trabalho irá primeiro apresentar Ana Montenegro, quem foi, o que fez, as obras que publicou, eventos que participou, organismos que fez parte, dentre outros aspectos que configuram o cenário da vida da personagem. Após montado esse cenário, este estudo irá tratar de duas temáticas centrais: a atuação de Ana Montenegro na imprensa comunista e a repressão sofrida entre os anos de 1947 e 1983 através da análise aos acervos do DOPS/GB e do SNI. Ana Montenegro joined the Communist Party on July 2, 1945. She was a state deputy candidate for the PCB of Bahia in 1947, a year that she began to write on the pages of the communist press. Between the years of 1947 and 1964 she collaborated with the newspapers O Momento Feminino, Imprensa Popular e Novos Rumos. Nationally and internationally, she became known communist militant during those years. She was secretary of the Women's League of the State of Guanabara and also a columnist for Mayrink Veiga Radio. On April 1, 1964, for her activities in the press, women's unions and the Party, she was on the "list of enemies" of the civil-military dictatorship that settled in the country. She went to exile in East Germany where she worked for the Women's International Democratic Federation until 1979, when she returned to Brazil. On national soil, her activities continued to be monitored by the dictatorship until 1983. The present work will first present Ana Montenegro, who she was, what she did, the works she published, events she participated in, organisms she was part of, among other aspects that configure the scene of the character's life. After setting up this scenario, this study will deal with two central themes: Ana Montenegro's role in the communist press and the repression suffered between 1947 and 1983 through the analysis of the collections of DOPS/GB and SNI.

Made available in DSpace on 2015-03-19T16:20:25Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 0 Previous issue date: 2010-02-01Bitstream added on 2015-03-19T16:29:25Z : No. of bitstreams: 1 S0104-44782010000100007.pdf: 211013 bytes, checksum: 92279494400d24df66be9537d57855d7 (MD5) Dans les premières années de la dictature militaire, instaurée au Brésil, en 1964, par un coup d'État, plusieurs institutions dispersées par la répression ont commencé un processus de résistance et d'opposition au régime militaire. La résistance culturelle a été l'un des moyens consacrés de résistance chez les intellectuels, artistes, enseignants, producteurs culturels, entre autres, et qui a aussi été un phénomène culturel et politique sans précédent dans l'histoire du Brésil. Politique, parce qu'il a mis en oeuvre la réorganisation des partis de gauche et la révision des postulats idéologiques de leur parti de premier plan, le Parti communiste brésilien. Culturel, parce que cette réorganisation a eu lieu souvent dans le cadre des productions culturelles, dans lequel la gauche a créé un espace de contestation et d'engagement par le biais des arts et des activités intellectuelles. C'est au cours de ce processus que le magazine Civilisation Brésilienne a représenté un espace important pour la construction de cette résistance culturelle de gauche contre la dictature militaire, entre les années 1965 et 1968. La revue s'est imposée avec une légitimité politique tout en participant activement à la formation d'un marché pour les biens culturels soutenu par ce qu'on appelle l'hégémonie culturelle de gauche. Nos primeiros anos da ditadura militar, instaurada no Brasil em 1964 por meio de um golpe de Estado, diversas instituições desarticuladas pela repressão iniciaram um processo de resistência e oposição ao governo militar. A resistência cultural foi uma das formas consagradas de oposição exercida por intelectuais, artistas, professores, produtores culturais, entre outros, e que consistiu num fenômeno político e cultural sem precedentes na história do Brasil. Político, porque auxiliou no processo de reorganização dos partidos de esquerda e na revisão dos postulados ideológicos do seu partido proeminente, o Partido Comunista Brasileiro. Cultural, porque essa reorganização deu-se, muitas vezes, no âmbito das produções culturais, no qual a esquerdas constituíram um espaço de contestação e engajamento através das artes e das atividades intelectuais. Nesse processo é que a Revista Civilização Brasileira representou um espaço importante para a construção dessa resistência cultural de esquerda contra a ditadura militar, entre os anos de 1965 e 1968. A revista impôs-se com legitimidade política, ao mesmo tempo em que participou ativamente na formação de um mercado de bens culturais sustentado pela chamada hegemonia cultural de esquerda. During the first years of the military dictatorship, established in Brazil through a coup d'État, a number of institutions which repression had left unarticulated began a process of resistance and opposition to the military government. Cultural resistance was one of the consecrated forms of resistance that was exercised by intellectuals, artists, professors and cultural producers, among others, and that became an unprecedented political and cultural phenomenon in the country's history. Political, insofar as it aided in the process of re-organizing left-wing political parties and in the revision of the ideological postulates of its preeminent party, the PCB (Partido Comunista Brasileiro - Brazilian Communist Party). Cultural, because this re-organization occurred, frequently, within the ambit of cultural productions, in which the left created a space for contestation and engagement through the arts and intellectual activities. Within this process, between the years 1965 and 1968. The journal Civilização Brasileira became an important space for the building of leftist cultural resistance against the military dictatorship. The journal was able to impose its political legitimacy while at the same time participating actively in a market o cultural goods sustained by the so-called cultural hegemony of the left.

LIMA NETO, Ildefonso Rodrigues. Escrita subversiva: O Democrata (1946-1947). 2006. 283 f. Dissertação (Mestrado em História) - Universidade Federal do Ceará, Departamento de História, Programa de Pós-Graduação em História Social, Fortaleza-CE, 2006. This study approaches an analysis of the communist newspaper "O Democrata" (in English "The Democrat"), during 1946 and 1947, in Fortaleza-CE, Brazil. It is aimed to recover paths of the transgressing press in the State of Ceará, from the beginning of the 19th century. It is shown the relation between traditional and subversive written press. This study also approaches documents from interference perspectives and public places where they were sold in Fortaleza. From the main source of the research, it is intended to amplify the comprehension of the speech by the use of oral sources and documents during the years of 1946 and 1947. It is also evaluated the contribution of the written press during the election period and the importance of the evening newspaper in order to diffuse the communist ideas. Este estudo compreende a análise do jornal comunista O Democrata, no período de 1946 e 1947, na cidade de Fortaleza-Ceará (Brasil). Procuro recuperar o trajeto da imprensa transgressora no Estado, a partir do final do Século XIX, e mostro a relação do impresso com a tradição da escrita subversiva. Neste trabalho, abordo o documento dentro da perspectiva das interferências e a circularidade do mesmo nos espaços públicos da cidade. A partir da fonte principal de pesquisa, tento ampliar a leitura da escrita fazendo uso das fontes orais e documentos relativos ao período da temática. Avalio, ainda, a participação do impresso nas eleições e mostro a importância do vespertino para difusão das práticas e idéias comunistas.

The present study aims at discussing some dimensions of the Agrarian Question in Ceará, between 1954 and 1964. At the beginning, we analyze the debates about the agrarian legislation, land concentration, migration and violence, through Fortal eza newspapers. This research also looks into the social communication ways towards the peasant struggle, trough Terra Livre newspaper, as memory and document that allows an inventory of peasant struggle in Ceará. We demonstrate that its articles allows us to learn many debates levels, in that context, between the 40’s middles and the 60’s beginning as well as some dimensions of peasant culture and militants memories. Este trabalho estuda as dimensões da Questão Agrária no Ceará, entre 1954 e 1964. Na primeira parte, à vista dos periódicos de Fortaleza, foram analisados os debates acerca da legislação agrária, a concentração fundiária, a migração e a violência como faces da Questão Agrária no Ceará. Na segunda parte, incorpora -se a análise das formas de comunicação social voltadas à luta camponesa, pelo jornal Terra Livre, como documento e memória, oferecendo o inventário das lutas camponesas no Ceará e demonstrando que seu conteúdo possibilita apreender variados níveis do debate, nas conjunturas, entre meados de 1940 e início da década de 1960, bem como dimensões da cultura camponesa e das memórias militantes.