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This paper constructs a model for the study of optimal immigration from the perspective of natives. They have preferences over redistributive transfers, a public good subject to congestion, and over the level of family‐based migration. Border enforcement is costly. The model derives conditions for an optimal immigration policy, which balances skill‐based against family‐based migration, equalizes the fiscal opportunity cost of unauthorized immigration with the marginal cost of enforcement, and balances the effects on transfers against the implied congestion effects. A parameterized version of the model studies the 1994–2008 period and finds legislation projects on immigration consistent with the model's predictions. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

There is limited understanding of what constitutes public benefit from the perspective of the public, and none that we are aware of related to food consumer science. The purpose of this study is to contribute towards a better understanding of public benefit as a whole and its connection to food choice, essential to driving progress towards responsible consumption and healthier diets. Public benefit, associated trade-offs and responsible actors were investigated via written questions, and food choice was explored during group discussions using the PlayDecide methodology. Adults (n = 105) were recruited in six European countries (Denmark, Germany, Italy, Slovakia, Spain and the UK) and stratified by attained education. Our findings indicate that assumptions should not be made that there is general consensus about what constitutes public benefit, especially with regard to consumer food choice. Group discussions around food-related freedom of choice, education, agency and responsibility suggested that private and public benefit are neither mutually exclusive nor automatically complementary. The serious game approach employed affected a change in participants' public benefit perceptions, demonstrating its potential to better evaluate the connections between private interests and the common good through meaningful public deliberation. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This Comment critiques current urban sanitation financing discourse and proposes sustainable cost recovery principles as a framework for more constructive conversations. The way we talk about financing matters, and a better conversation can lead to better outcomes. We contend that framing discussions around sustainable cost recovery principles can foster fairer, more sustainable financing arrangements that acknowledge sanitation as a critical public good while ensuring service provider viability and user affordability. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The long tradition of research on cooperation includes a well-established finding that individuals respond to the degree of conflict between self-and collective interests (that is, the relative benefits from cooperation) in providing public goods. Existing empirical evidence builds upon settings where participants make multiple decisions or strategically consider alternative scenarios. Here, we consider a decision setting where participants face a one-time (single-decision) setting. One-time cooperative encounters often occur in volunteering or donating to immediate needs for crisis relief. For these distinct and highly relevant settings, we report a lack of responsiveness to increases in cooperation benefits, thereby highlighting limits to our understanding of the determinants of one-time cooperation encounters. Across two studies, n = 2,232 individuals participate in treatments where we vary across participants the relative benefit from contributing to a public good (that is, the marginal per capita return, the MPCR). We examine decisions from alternative participant pools (UK general population vs. students), implementations varying the physical distance between participants (online vs. in the laboratory), and more complex decision settings considering group-to-group interactions including not only providers but also donors to public goods. Throughout, neither average contribution levels, nor the distribution of contributions are significantly affected by the increases in cooperation benefits. The mechanism behind these results can be explained by the close correlation between expectations of other's cooperation and own cooperation, and the fact that these expectations do not increase with higher benefits from cooperation. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Family businesses can be considered unique organizations due to the manifestation of two distinct logics in their environment: on the one hand, the family logic, which values the common good of the members, and on the other, the business logic, which aims at rationalization and obtaining profits. Research on this topic indicates that individuals in these organizations are subject to having their subjectivity hijacked, caused by the experience between the field of work and family, which leads, in a way, to the inability to separate attitudes from the two fields, with no clear division by the individual. The theory of action allowed us to understand organizations as a social field, taking into account the concepts of capital, habitus and illusio. This theoretical article aimed to comparatively discuss the foundations of the Bourdieusian theory of action and the analytical principles of the kidnapping of subjectivity by Faria and Meneghetti (2007), highlighting the possibility of applying them in research on family organizations. This article contributes to the understanding of family organizations as a social field that enables the constitution of a subject who is aware of their choices and knows how to deal with power games in the organizational space. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

We study the impact of framing on leading‐by‐example. Our 2 × 2 design consists of group level frames (Wall Street vs. Community) and individual level frames (First/Second Movers vs. Leader/Followers). We report on two studies where we elicit participants' beliefs allowing us to evaluate whether framing effects are driven by beliefs or preferences. Across both studies, average contributions are significantly lower in the Community—First Mover frame. This is primarily because leaders contribute less, pulling down followers' contributions. We find that contributions are strongly related to first order and second order beliefs but framing effects remain once we control for beliefs. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Catholic institutions of higher education are in the world with a purpose that stems from an identity rooted in the life and the faith of the Church. Their reality is partially constituted and guided by a set of principles and rules of law. This 'normative framework' defines the path of each university toward the common good. Norms are also essential for stabilizing the life of these organizations and for protecting their identity and mission throughout time. This article presents a summary of that normative framework, to furnish a specific perspective—the legal point of view—for observing, understanding, and assessing the reality of these institutions. The article starts with a reflection on general issues that foster such an understanding and then proceeds to present the principles and norms that constitute such normative framework: natural and divine positive law, public international law and state law, and, finally, the basic norms of Church law: the Code of Canon Law (1983), the Code of the Canons of Eastern Churches (1990), and the Apostolic Constitutions Ex Corde Ecclesiae (1990) and Veritatis Gaudium (2017), with some reference to its predecessor Sapientia Christiana (1979). [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

A fundamental purpose of a university, its faculty, students, and administrative teams is to contribute to the common social good. In the provision of education and advancement of scientific knowledge, a university plays the crucial role of serving society by uplifting the less privileged in its community. This case study examines the Macheo Programme that has been operationalised by Strathmore University in Nairobi, Kenya. Providing an introductory overview of fundraising, the case presents comprehensive details about the educational context in Kenya and how Strathmore University manages its Macheo Programme. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In Morgantown, West Virginia, curbside recycling is available to residents who reside within the city limits. However, residents in Monongalia County who reside outside the Morgantown city limits are expected to bring their recyclables to a drop‐off site which discourages people from recycling in general. Moreover, there exists a disparity between residents within and outside the Morgantown city limits in terms of rights to have access to curbside recycling. This study presents the economic value of curbside recycling at the County level. Furthermore, the paper presents a framework and empirical analysis that separate the value of the improved program as a club good and the value of the program as a public good, using a survey data from Morgantown and Monongalia County in collaboration with a local waste and recycling service provider. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

An editorial is presented on the potential positive impact of management theory on public policy and policy practice. The authors discuss the hidden assumptions in management theory, and offer guidance on influencing policy through research. They encourage authors to become actively involved in the public sector, and stress the importance of making their assumptions explicit in order to create targeted and productive interventions.

The article highlights the issue of classification of the concepts of state sovereignty, which is of key importance in ensuring peaceful and equal coexistence of states. It has been established that the most expedient is the classification of ideas about state sovereignty precisely at the stage of its formation and formation in the political life of European states in the late Middle Ages and Modern Age according to the criterion of its absoluteness and relativity. It is found that even given the widespread prevalence of these competing ideas, unity on the main provisions of each of them has not been achieved. Based on the idea of the possibility of limiting the state’s sovereignty, which has long been very popular, it was found that representatives of the scientific community within the period under study were divided according to this criterion into: supporters of the concept of absolute sovereignty, who denied any possibility of limiting sovereignty, considering it unacceptable; supporters of the concept of absolute sovereignty, who allowed certain restrictions; supporters of the concept of relative sovereignty, who declared certain restrictions on sovereignty; supporters of the concept of relative sovereignty, who stated the existence of the possibility of transferring part of sovereignty to interstate entities. In general, the essence of the idea of absolute sovereignty is seen in the unlimited or almost unlimited power of the sovereign, who is not responsible for his or her actions. It is stated that such ideas are the basis for the interpretation of the content of sovereignty by authoritarian and totalitarian states. At the same time, the evidence that the category of sovereignty is viewed through the prism of democracy is the promotion of the ideas of the European space unity, consolidation of the concepts of external and internal limitations of the state, which emphasizes the readiness of states to sacrifice for the common good – peaceful coexistence on the basis of equality, justice and humanism. Thus, this classification helps to establish the historical foundations of different interpretations of the content of sovereignty by the states of competing legal systems and allows to form a conceptual framework for the idea of state sovereignty at the stage of its approval in the international legal system. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Social benefits are one of the important topics of distributive justice discussed in the field of social justice. For instance، criteria of distribution and entitled groups as three issues of distributive justice are always discussed and investigated socially and legally. The importance of the answers to the mentioned issues will be decisive in the way people benefit from wealth، positions and the presentation of justice indicators. Considering the importance of public goods issues in public law، the main problem of the current research is to identify، explain and answer the mentioned issues from the perspective of the constitution. In this paper، using content analysis method، the titles of social gifts and related issues were analyzed and researched. The results show that according to the constitution، many titles are included under the title of social benefits. These benefits should be distributed in target communities based on criteria such as equality of opportunity، equality of opportunity، legal equality and general equality. Considering these gifts and revisiting its examples will create a suitable platform for a better understanding of the constitution and a more correct establishment of other policies and instruments in related fields.

After a cursory review of Wojtyła’s anthropology and his philosophy of freedom as self-transcendence aiming at the true good, this paper turned to his treatment of intersubjective relationships. We explained the core concept of participation, a property of the person whereby he maintains the personalistic value of his actions while also working together with others for the realization of a common end. Participation becomes reality in a community only when it has a proper subjective common good in addition to its objective common good. The former fosters the normative conditions that make participation possible. Anterior to the common good in its totality is the “common good” for all human beings constituted by the bona honesta. Building and sustaining strong communities requires the engagement and solidarity of its members, which sometimes expresses itself through opposition.

In the current era of knowledge-based economies and societies, access to knowledge and scientific advances is a key requirement for the scientific, technological and economic development of a country. Scientific research outcomes are often considered by many as a public good and hence it is often advocated that they should be openly and freely accessible to the scientific community and the wider society. To fulfil such aspirations, there have been several initiatives towards open access (OA), both globally and at national levels, including many important declarations and policies. India has also taken several initiatives over the last two decades to promote OA to scientific research outcomes, including putting in place mandates that require that all public funded research should be openly accessible. This article presents a quantitative analysis to understand how much of Indian research output from 2001 to 2020 is openly accessible, which in turn presents a reflection on the effectiveness of the various OA initiatives. The major OA routes adopted by Indian researchers and the subject-specific OA availability patterns are identified. Finally, the OA availability levels for funded and non-funded Indian research publications are determined. The results indicate growth in OA availability of Indian research papers, with green and gold OA routes being the preferred ones. A higher OA availability is observed in case of funded research publications. The article concludes with a brief discussion on the major patterns observed and their policy implications. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article aims to critically evaluate the relocation of the capital city of Indonesia based on the principles of al-maqāṣid (the objectives of Islamic law), as outlined in the existing legislation. The relocation of a capital city has historical precedence in Islamic tradition, with its primary justification being the fulfillment of the public good (maslahah). Through a normative legal study, this research reveals that the objective of relocating national capital is fundamentally a secondary need (ḥājiyyāt) rather than a primary necessity (ḍarūriyyāt) for the Indonesian populace. This classification indicates that the process of developing new national capital may face significant challenges in the future, as it does not address an essential or urgent need, but rather a secondary one. Consequently, the potential for encountering serious issues during the development and implementation phases of new capital is high, warranting a careful and well-considered approach to avoid future complications. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper critically examines the contemporary relationship between design and decolonization, with a focus on reevaluating our expectations of design as a profession and exploring potential pathways forward. The discussion centers on the stagnant state of design discourse, and the intricate power dynamics within design practices. It underscores the significance of recognizing that designers do not uniformly occupy identical positions, highlighting the asymmetrical power dynamics inherent in design nearshoring and the prioritization of Northern interests. Furthermore, it questions the reliance on exclusive designerly methods for systemic change, the pursuit of the common good, and the realization of the pluriverse. We claim that design, in its current form, often reinforces capitalist and colonial structures rather than dismantling them. The paper criticizes design’s complicity in perpetuating colonial differences while claiming to address them, recognizing the fundamental role of design for the realization of the modern project and as a key enabler of capitalist modes of production and consumption. Through an interdisciplinary lens, this paper scrutinizes the dissonance between design’s self-professed ethical values and the pursuit of capitalistic gains. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Society uses the following mechanism to decide on the supply of an experience good. Each agent can choose whether or not to contribute to the good. Contributions are collected, and the good is supplied whenever total contributions exceed a threshold. We study the case where the good is excludable, agents have a common value, and each agent receives a private signal about the common value. We study how such collective decisions perform in terms of information aggregation, social efficiency, and market traction. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

That the activities of organisms influence their surrounding ecological communities, and the environment, has long been appreciated by palaeontologists, as has the role of these activities on both ecological and evolutionary processes. Spillover effects extend the range of ecosystem‐engineering through ecological networks, generating network effects that because of their non‐trophic nature can be challenging to track. Moreover, the cumulative effect of organismal activities can persist far beyond the lifespan of individual organisms, producing ecological inheritances that influence macroecological and macroevolutionary dynamics. This contribution surveys macroevolutionary patterns arising from ecosystem engineering, their potential contribution to evolutionary radiations, and the significance of ecosystem engineering as a public good in the success of evolutionary innovations. Anecdotally, such activities appear to have made important contributions, but considerable work is required for more rigorous understanding. I describe two challenges: the need for palaeontologists to collect abundance data in a way that facilitates comparative study, and the importance of more robust models of ecological (not just trophic) networks involving multigraphs and hypergraphs. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In the context of the restoration of Athenian democracy in the 4th century BCE, Isocrates and Plato established two of the most prominent philosophical schools of antiquity and certainly the two most important ones of the Classical Period. To some extent influenced by Socratic morality focused on the debate of virtues, both were radical opponents of the sophists of their time and the previous century, who, according to them, promoted an eristic education that is sometimes immoral and sometimes flattering. With the aim of offering new pedagogical alternatives for the political formation of the youth, both Isocrates and Plato propose, under the label of philosophia, models of paideia oriented towards the common good, justice, and integrity. However, there is a fundamental ideological dispute surrounding each of these philosophies. In order to oppose sophistic rhetoric, the idealism of Platonic philosophy, as we know, employs the dialectical method so that true knowledge (episteme) of moral virtues can be attained, thus promoting justice and the common good of the polis. Isocratic pragmatism, on the other hand, outlines philosophy as a paideia of civic discourse (logoi politikoi), in which only good opinions (doxai) would be capable of better guiding the city with reasonableness for the actions to be taken, to the detriment of Platonic episteme which would serve no purpose for politics. Therefore, we will discuss these and other aspects of this ideological dispute between Isocrates and Plato, seeking to verify how this quarrel occurs throughout the texts attributed to them, as well as to point out to what extent the relationship between their philosophical doctrines was determinant for the contours of Philosophy and Rhetoric in posterity. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The purpose of this research was to critically analyze the Chilean prison system in order to propose a reflexive response through a social justice approach. By virtue of the above, it was found that the penitentiary system in Chile is insufficient to qualify as fair, since the shortcomings derived from the prevailing notion of retributive justice fail to address the problem in its full context. However, a social justice approach would allow for mitigating the negative retributive effects of the system, contributing to the correct distribution of resources, and ensuring recognition and participation for the common good of the prison community. This research is divided into three sections: the first deals with the deficiencies of the penitentiary system in the light of a justice approach; the second deals with the conception of social justice, developing its foundations and applicable dimensions; and the third deals with the incorporation of social justice in the chilean penitentiary system. Finally, as for the methodology used, the documentary type was applied with a legal dogmatic method. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

We report laboratory evidence on the voluntary provision of threshold public goods when the exact location of the threshold is not known. Our experimental treatments explicitly compare two prominent technologies, summation, and weakest link. Uncertainty in threshold location is particularly detrimental to threshold attainment under weakest link, where low contributions by one subject cannot be compensated by others. In contrast, threshold uncertainty does not affect contributions under summation. We demonstrate that non-binding pledges improve the chances of threshold attainment under both technologies, particularly under weakest link. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Verwaltung und Management: Zeitschrift für Moderne Verwaltung (VM) is the property of Nomos Verlagsgesellschaft mbH & Co. KG and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Made in languaging aims to help ecolinguists with recrafting ideation and human practices. Inspired by Alexander and Stibbe, I turn to how ecolinguistic expertise can favour life-sustaining relations. In approaching normative goals, I start with how knowledge is made, self-sustains and is disseminated. Ecolinguistic analysis of languages, discourse and narratives can thus be enriched by tracing how practices inform languaging. In turning to epistemic agency, I emphasise the following: (1) building corpora popularia, organised bodies, in order to enhance life-sustaining relations; (2) illuminating life from the inside; and (3) developing bioecological awareness. I contend that, while all living beings use coordinative activities to bring forth what appears to us, humans also use wording types and practices. As we use the already known, languaging enables subjecthood, a person's little worlds, and a group's common realities. Hence, what appears as (and to) experience is made in languaging. When linked to normative concerns, the resulting middle worlds also offer means of putting knowledge to work. As in social epistemology, one might regard 'wealth and well-being' as a marker of public good. Yet, critical work shows, appeal to these values is anthropomorphic. In order to encompass nonhumans and the biogenic, one can reject market orientatation by tracing languaging, and knowing, back to living. In showing benefits of so doing, I contrast two evolving wording types. The case of growthism, I suggest, attests to praxis and contrasts starkly with the ideational value of life-sustaining relations. Yet, in both cases, languaging meshes practices, happenings and the effects of action. The move shows how one can challenge the hypostatisation of ideology by pursuing how epistemic agency can contribute to the future of evolution. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Using rural household survey data from West Bengal, we find that voters respond positively to excludable government welfare benefits but not to local public good programs, while reporting having benefited from both. Consistent with these voting patterns, shocks to electoral competition induced by exogenous redistricting of villages resulted in upper‐tier governments manipulating allocations across local governments only for excludable benefit programs. Using a hierarchical budgeting model, we argue these results provide credible evidence of the presence of clientelism rather than programmatic politics. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

We study the process by which an organisation creates a historical narrative about itself as a strategy to legitimise the role it plays in a particular society. By using the concept of 'public good' as our analytical lens, we show that when the organisation creates a narrative that coincides with that of the nation-state, this poses enormous challenges to the organisation's efforts to control how and by whom this narrative is used. This is because anyone belonging to the nation-state can legitimately make use of that narrative. Therefore, the boundary conditions that permit other actors to use these historical narratives are delimited by those able to define who belongs to the nation-state and who does not. We illustrate our argument with the rhetorical strategies developed by Colombia's Coffee Growers Federation (FNCC) between 1927 and 2013. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Many thinkers lament the decline of liberal democracy. Some argue that, to rejuvenate it, we must think big. Thinking big involves generating new ideas about how to achieve an unprecedented level of social transformation aimed at cultivating solidarity, empowering citizen efficacy, and promoting the common good. We propose that fundamental to such a transformation must be a radical change in how people speak to one another. To this end, the primary objective of this paper is to offer a framework for understanding how speech currently erodes democratic engagement. The central idea is that much of speech today both reflects and perpetuates a culture of wilful incommensurability. The core features of this culture are totalizing safetyism, expressive safetyism, dismissive intransigence, and polarized alienation, all of which have been worsened by the current trajectory of social media. The result is that people are increasingly prone to engage in degraded free speech, which is characterized by a pervasive aversion to reach out, identify points of unity, benefit from diverse perspectives, and discover truth in all its potential complexity. In view of this diagnosis and the response of those who advocate for freedom of speech, a second objective of this paper is to introduce the concept of attentive free speech. Attentive free speech has similarities with civil discourse but is specifically characterized by discernment and thoughtfulness and is imbued with key dispositions such as courage, reverence, and love. We end by inviting future research into how such speech can promote the social and spiritual health of the public sphere and freedom itself at a practical level. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Introduction: The Male Warrior Hypothesis (MWH) proposes that sex-specific selective pressures have promoted male cooperation with the ingroup members to outcompete rival groups. However, intergroup conflicts do not occur in isolation and the outcomes of previous competitions may influence group cooperativeness. Since this phenomenon is not well understood, we aimed to shed light on the effect of previous competition outcome on later cooperative behavior under intergroup conflicts. Based on the MWH, we hypothesized that repeated contests between groups could enhance ingroup cooperation, regardless of the outcome of the previous contest because status is at risk, but when competition is not present, participants would move to the symmetric equilibria. Methods: To test this hypothesis, we recruited 246 individuals organized in groups of 6 and measured cooperation using a threshold public good game over two rounds, manipulating the outcome in the first round to create groups of winners and losers. Results: Our results show that intergroup conflict scenarios promoted cooperation in both victory and defeat conditions, whereas, in the control scenario only losers increased their cooperation. Discussion: We argue that winners under the presence of an external threat may enhance in-group cooperation in order to assure their status; whereas, losers may be attempting to regain it. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In The New Religious Intolerance, Martha Nussbaum addresses rising intolerance and fear of difference in contemporary societies. She suggests overcoming these issues through ethical consistency, equality, and the cultivation of sympathetic imagination. Nussbaum views this imaginative engagement as a form of civic friendship essential for societal transformation. However, we argue that her concept of civic friendship is problematic. First, Nussbaum's criteria do not suffice to define friendship. Second, this thin concept of civic friendship is unlikely to achieve the societal transformation Nussbaum envisions. We propose developing a more substantive account of civic friendship. This paper aims to create an Aristotelian account of civic friendship within a capabilitarian framework compatible with contemporary, plural societies. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

European agricultural policies increasingly incorporate mechanisms for delivery of public goods. Sustainable public good delivery requires alignment between societal demand and landscape supply. However, the variation of demands or desires regarding future public good delivery among society is hardly known. We inventoried the desires for public goods across Dutch society, and projections of agricultural supply. A multi-method approach was used to find agreement levels between desired and expected change in good delivery. Most stakeholders expressed a desire for biodiversity and climate regulation from agriculture, whilst desire for natural heritage and recreation was less common. The utility of a public good to a stakeholder appears to influence its desire. Scenarios for agriculture focus on extensification, sustainable intensification, regionalization, or meadow bird conservation. Regionalized scenarios showed the highest agreement between public good supply and desire. Maximizing alignment between desire and supply thus requires a challenging transition towards region-specific agricultural sustainability strategies. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article develops an account of distributive epistemic justice in the production of scientific knowledge. We identify four requirements: (a) science should produce the knowledge citizens need in order to reason about the common good, their individual good, and the pursuit thereof; (b) science should produce the knowledge those serving the public need to pursue justice effectively; (c) science should be organized in such a way that it does not aid the wilful manufacturing of ignorance; and (d) when making decisions about epistemic risks, scientists should make sure that there aren't social groups or weighty interests that are neglected. After discussing these requirements, we examine the relationship between discriminatory and distributive epistemic injustice in science and argue that they often compound each other. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The ecological crisis is a sign of the times, demanding adequate understanding, appropriate interpretation, and pastoral action in light of the Christian faith. Scholarly discourse on the ecological crisis continues to inspire partnership and collaborative actions in Africa. Sometimes, these efforts have yielded significant results, though amid uncharted territories. Scholars appeal for humans to embrace a mutually enhancing relationship with creation to build a common home for all creatures. A suitable and sustainable ecological vision that supports a communitarian approach to resolving the ecological crisis is Thomas Berry's cosmology. Berry's cosmological vision reclaims a creation theology that fosters a mutual relationship between humans and other creatures. Humans are beings in communion and beings in relationships created by God and thus from a common origin and moving toward a common destiny. This cosmological presupposition of Berry aligns with the ecological vision of Pope Francis in his encyclical Laudato Si'. The Pope calls humanity to a new cosmic relationship that would foster interdependency of the ecosystem and respect the intrinsic value of every creature. Given the unprecedented ecological challenges, humans have a unique role as intelligent beings toward other creatures, for future generations and the common good of the earth. This human responsibility toward the earth can be realized through an ecological ethics that fosters interdependence, interconnection, and mutuality in the human–earth relationship. Berry's insights and Catholic ecological teachings merit consideration for African Catholicism. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Majority voting and majority rule in a word, majoritarianism have been a cause of division in both parliamentary votes and binary referendums, and sometimes, subsequently, in societies as well. Indeed, at worst, such binary decisions have led to violence and war. Other, more inclusive voting procedures have been developed over the years, as often as not first used in Asia, and their adoption worldwide could lead to decisions, which more accurately reflect the common good. Furthermore, if decisions were based on a methodology which identified, not the more popular of just two options, but the most popular of a few the option with the highest average preference governance by a single party or a majority coalition could give way to that which is advocated for conflict zones: all-party power-sharing. Indeed, if such were the norm, consensus in international gatherings could more effectively be achieved, and maybe many violent conflicts could be at best prevented and at least resolved peacefully. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Revista Internacional de Educación para la Justicia Social is the property of Universidad Autonoma de Madrid and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

This paper delves into the diverse conceptualizations of the "common good" within the economic discourse and scrutinizes their implications for European integration during the pressing COVID-19 pandemic. Employing a comprehensive literature review, policy analysis, and case study examination, it explores the manifestations of the common good in the context of European Union policies. Two key interpretations emerge from our investigation: the first presents the common good as an ultimate objective, seeking a balance between individual and collective interests achieved via adept economic governance; the second considers it a continuous process underpinned by the principles that direct the journey toward such a balance. Our findings reveal that the EU's response to the COVID-19 crisis led to shifts in fiscal policies and innovation strategies. The research outcomes demonstrate a marked transition in the EU's approach, with a stronger focus on social welfare, environmental sustainability, and collective well-being. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Direito e Práxis is the property of Editora da Universidade do Estado do Rio de Janeiro (EdUERJ) and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

As the social and ecological costs of capital-driven housing markets become increasingly apparent, local governments are (re)establishing collaborations with housing organizations that prioritize affordability and sustainability over profits. This hesitant re-orientation, however, takes place under conditions of strained local budgets and the inscription of market principles into existing public policies and planning law. In this article, we develop an interdisciplinary perspective on the interplay between municipal housing policies, planning and legal frameworks, and collaborative housing organizations in the district development project “Kleineschholz” in Freiburg, Germany. Promoted by the local government as being 100% oriented towards the common good, multiple elements of the project are geared towards community involvement and a close dialogue between public bodies and housing organizations. At the same time, the local government and administration navigate divergent interests within and outside municipal institutions, multi-level legal frameworks, financial constraints, as well as institutional routines. We trace how the project’s common-good orientation is integrated into the co-productive process between housing policy, planning law, and collaborative housing groups. Our analysis centers on the process of concept-based tendering which is a key municipal lever for the project’s orientation towards the common good. Moving beyond the situated district of Kleineschholz, we outline the potentials and challenges of translating an orientation towards the common good into collaborative district development, against the background of present political and legal frameworks.

This paper aims to clarify the concept of the symbolic constitution and to explain one of its most significant functions: the representation of political unity in complex societies. Section B briefly outlines the concept of the symbolic constitution which informs the arguments of the paper. The next two sections proceed “hermeneutically” through critical engagements with (i) Martin Loughlin’s recent analysis of the symbolic constitution within an ideology-critique of neo-liberal constitutionalism (ii) Niklas Luhmann’s account of the role of symbolic constitutionalism in concealing the function of the modern constitution as a structural coupling between the political and legal sub-systems. Section E then considers the relationship between the symbolic constitution and an alternative “traditional” concept for the representation of political unity: the common good. I argue that the symbolic constitution is both (i) a placeholder which speaks to the abiding relevance of the common good (ii) a symptom of the decline of its preconditions.

Most of the current literature on the subject of corporations and compelled speech focuses almost entirely on the extent to which corporations are or should be regulated by laws that compel them to conduct themselves in a certain way. In this paper, I explore the mostly uncharted territory of situations in which corporations compel the speech of their own employees through policies which require employees to speak or act in a way that may be contrary to the form of life prescribed by their faith. I argue that philosophical defences against corporate compelled speech for religious employees on the basis that religious belief sits within a generally inviolate private sphere of autonomy are misguided because they do not take sufficient account of the nature of corporations as moral agents which can legitimately pursue moral and political ends in the public sphere. I argue that corporations necessarily rely on a conception of the common good when they do this. The permissibility of corporate compelled speech therefore comes down to whether or not it is conducive to the common good.

Objectives This article analyzes the multifaceted concept of justice and its foundational principles while scrutinizing its influence on the formulation and operation of the Constitution of the Republic of Poland. Drawing from philosophical and legal perspectives, it examines the intricate interplay between justice, the common good, and constitutional values, particularly within the dynamic relationship between the individual and the state. Central to this exploration is an inquiry into how Poland's constitutional framework accommodates interpretations of justice and the common good, shaping the dynamics between constitutional values and the rights of citizens. Moreover, it investigates the complexities of judicial execution in Poland, aiming to reconcile procedural justice and legal norms while safeguarding the rights of debtors. Material and methods The article uses an analytical approach to identify and address challenges in judicial enforcement, particularly in achieving a delicate balance between the efficacy of judgment execution and the imperative of justice, all while upholding the rights of debtors and acknowledging the legitimate interests of creditors. Results This study shows that Poland's constitution incorporates a variety of interpretations of justice and the common good, which affects the dynamic between constitutional values and citizens' rights, and that these issues have a significant impact on the balance between the effectiveness of execution and the imperative of justice. Conclusions Through an examination of justice, the common good, and their implications for constitutional governance and judicial enforcement, this article contributes to a deeper understanding of the intricate dynamics shaping legal and moral discourse in contemporary Poland.

In this paper, we introduce a notion of mergeable weighted majority games with the aim of providing the first characterization of the Colomer–Martínez power index (Colomer and Martínez in J Theor Polit 7(1):41–63, 1995). Furthermore, we define and characterize a new power index for the family of weighted majority games that combines ideas of the Public Good (Holler in Polit Stud 30(2):262–271, 1982) and Colomer–Martínez power indices. Finally, we analyze the National Assembly of Ecuador using these and some other well-known power indices. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Sacral historical monuments are primarily places of prayer, but also objects performing numerous other functions. These are public goods, including cultural goods that build national identity. Their preservation in the right condition is important not only for the owner, but also for the public authorities, whose duty is to preserve them for future generations. The study concerns the financing of sacral monuments in Poland. Its aim is to indicate the legitimacy of financing the revalorization of sacral monuments from public funds, the solutions applied in this area in Poland, and the sources and amount of support provided to the owners of these objects in the years 2017–2022. In it, the authors: (1) refer to such concepts as: public good, cultural good and cultural heritage, (2) define—based on Polish regulations—the concept of a sacral monument and indicate the multiplicity of functions that these objects perform, (3) present the number and types of sacral monuments in Poland, taking into account their location, (4) identify available sources of public funds for the revalorization of sacral monuments in Poland. The analyses carried out show that in Poland, every year, public funds play an important role in the revalorization of sacral historical monuments. In real terms, its volume remained at a similar level over the period considered. The methods used in the development are as follows: critical analysis of the literature and legal acts and selected methods of descriptive statistics. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In the introduction, the author deals with the current state of the academic profession and the existing forms of academic ethics, based on which he defines a broad and narrow sense of academic ethics. Subsequently, he focuses on the narrow sense, i.e., the professional ethics of academics. He formulates a philosophy of academic ethics embodied in the ethics of academic work and the ethics of academic work relationships, which he considers interconnected spheres and the key for the successful functioning of the academic profession. The ethics of academic work should be based on good academic work in research, publishing, and teaching. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

For decades, there has been a well-coordinated effort to unmake public education in Canada and around the globe. Neoliberal reformers have undermined public education through increased privatization, marketization, and managerialism. Government austerity measures have shaped policy that falsely necessitates, validates, and legitimizes the privatization of public education. All of these forces that fuel the neoliberal reform movement diminish the collective aims, benefits, and responsibility of/for public education. Instead, the movement encourages systems that ration education. The moves to emulate business models in education systems exacerbate inequities and run counter to the purpose of public education. Indeed, attempts to marketize, commodify, privatize, and dismantle public education are well-organized and coordinated. Yet, in Canada, provincial and territorial fragmentation has veiled the well-organized rhetoric and tactics of neoliberal education reforms. As a result, community and political responses have often been confined within borders. The reformers have been centrally organized, but the resistance has not. Recognizing that provincial and territorial borders can act as barriers to collective advocacy, this special issue is intended to share activities, research, and writing from across Canada about the tactics and impacts of privatization, to recognize the efforts being made to organize a collective response to privatization efforts, and to encourage national conversations beyond borders. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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This paper aims to clarify the concept of the symbolic constitution and to explain one of its most significant functions: the representation of political unity in complex societies. Section B briefly outlines the concept of the symbolic constitution which informs the arguments of the paper. The next two sections proceed "hermeneutically" through critical engagements with (i) Martin Loughlin's recent analysis of the symbolic constitution within an ideology-critique of neo-liberal constitutionalism (ii) Niklas Luhmann's account of the role of symbolic constitutionalism in concealing the function of the modern constitution as a structural coupling between the political and legal sub-systems. Section E then considers the relationship between the symbolic constitution and an alternative "traditional" concept for the representation of political unity: the common good. I argue that the symbolic constitution is both (i) a placeholder which speaks to the abiding relevance of the common good (ii) a symptom of the decline of its preconditions. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]