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The basal ganglia (BG) play a key role in decision-making, preventing impulsive actions in some contexts while facilitating fast adaptations in others. The specific contributions of different BG structures to this nuanced behavior remain unclear, particularly under varying situations of noisy and conflicting information that necessitate ongoing adjustments in the balance between speed and accuracy. Theoretical accounts suggest that dynamic regulation of the amount of evidence required to commit to a decision (a dynamic "decision boundary") may be necessary to meet these competing demands. Through the application of novel computational modeling tools in tandem with direct neural recordings from human BG areas, we find that neural dynamics in the theta band manifest as variations in a collapsing decision boundary as a function of conflict and uncertainty. We collected intracranial recordings from patients diagnosed with either Parkinson's disease (PD) (n = 14) or dystonia (n = 3) in the subthalamic nucleus (STN), globus pallidus internus (GPi), and globus pallidus externus (GPe) during their performance of a novel perceptual discrimination task in which we independently manipulated uncertainty and conflict. To formally characterize whether these task and neural components influenced decision dynamics, we leveraged modified diffusion decision models (DDMs). Behavioral choices and response time distributions were best characterized by a modified DDM in which the decision boundary collapsed over time, but where the onset and shape of this collapse varied with conflict. Moreover, theta dynamics in BG structures modulated the onset and shape of this collapse but differentially across task conditions. In STN, theta activity was related to a prolonged decision boundary (indexed by slower collapse and therefore more deliberate choices) during high conflict situations. Conversely, rapid declines in GPe theta during low conflict conditions were related to rapidly collapsing boundaries and expedited choices, with additional complementary decision bound adjustments during high uncertainty situations. Finally, GPi theta effects were uniform across conditions, with increases in theta associated with a prolongation of decision bound collapses. Together, these findings provide a nuanced understanding of how our brain thwarts impulsive actions while nonetheless enabling behavioral adaptation amidst noisy and conflicting information. The basal ganglia are critical for decision-making, but how are its subregions coordinated to balance rapid adaptations and deliberate decisions? This study shows how the different subregions regulate decision dynamics under varying degrees of conflict and uncertainty in a perceptual decision task. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Securitization of refugees and migrants is a growing global phenomenon that is well illustrated by how refugee camps have emerged as governmental technologies of control in major host countries across the world. Policymakers and the media prominently feature the migration-security connection and depict refugees as threats to internal security, linking their presence to acts of terrorism and crime. This article examines how the securitization of Somali refugees in Kenya and Ethiopia, the two main host countries for this refugee group, has hindered their formal integration and exacerbated policies of encampment in these countries. Drawing on securitization theory, we highlight the discrimination of Somali refugees in Kenya and Ethiopia by demonstrating how this refugee group is seen as a specific security threat and treated differently from other refugee groups in these countries. A history of border conflicts that shaped the relationship between refugee hosting areas and the national governments long before the advent of camps, coupled with shared Somaliness between locals and refugees in hosting areas, and the back-and-forth refugee movements across international borders have created a confluence of factors that reinforce suspicion and distrust towards Somali refugees. The article adds a normative empirical dimension to securitization theory by providing a nuanced understanding of the concept as it applies to different refugee groups in similar contexts. It also contributes to refugee and migration literature by arguing that although shared Somaliness with locals has strengthened the informal integration of Somali refugees in the two study contexts, the same ties have also provided justification for securitizing this refugee group and denied it from benefitting from progressive laws on formal integration that are being implemented for other refugee groups. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article explores the land-legal aspects of applying mediation, a form of alternative dispute resolution, in Ukraine. It is established that mediation has deep historical roots and has evolved over the centuries into a modern tool for conflict resolution. Attention is given to the role of mediators in resolving disputes across various cultures and societies for thousands of years. It is noted that contemporary mediation, as an institutionalized process, emerged in the 20th century, particularly after World War II, becoming a tool not only for resolving interpersonal or community conflicts but also for business, labor, international, and even legal disputes. In Ukraine, it has been found that mediation began to actively develop in the early 2000s, when the need for alternative dispute resolution methods grew. These methods were aimed at reducing the burden on the judicial system and providing faster, more cost-effective conflict resolution. The adoption of the Law of Ukraine «On Mediation» in November 2021 marked an important step toward recognizing this process at the state level. The article provides an analysis of its provisions, emphasizing that this law still requires adaptation to the specificities of land relations. It is highlighted that mediation in land disputes can be applied in various situations related to the ownership, use, or management of land plots. The author identifies several prospective areas for the application of mediation in land legal relations, specifically: 1) boundary disputes over land plots; 2) land use procedures; and 3) violations of environmental regulations. The article stresses that mediation in land disputes in Ukraine has significant potential, particularly given the need to expedite conflict resolution and alleviate the pressure on the judicial system. It is established that many landowners and participants in land relations currently lack sufficient information about mediation as a dispute resolution tool or do not trust its effectiveness. The article asserts that mediation requires adequate support and cooperation with state institutions, which will also contribute to more effective dispute resolution. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article contains insights into the creation of transboundary protected areas, their features, the relationship between nature protection and achieving and maintaining peace in a global and regional context. Using various cases, the goals, benefits, and advantages of transboundary cooperation are elaborated, with a particular emphasis on the areas of nature protection and peace. Regardless of the causes that lead to disputes and conflicts between states, many of them occur in transboundary areas. Conflicts over disputed border lines are becoming more frequent, and some of them pose a serious threat to important biodiversity and geodiversity sites around the world. Therefore, the concept of peace parks offers an alternative to tensions in crisis and conflict hotspots via joint management of natural heritage and the environment, involving multiple stakeholders, with local communities playing an important role as the first and immediate beneficiaries of such cooperation. Despite the numerous benefits offered by transboundary nature protection, there are only a few examples in the Balkans, mostly in the initial stages. Despite its relatively small territory, Kosovo has very heterogeneous natural conditions, with various morphological units. Some of them extend beyond its borders, thus offering numerous opportunities for transboundary cooperation for the protection of natural heritage and the environment, which would transcend its narrower goal and serve as a means of establishing and preserving peace. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Biosecurity is a crucial issue in a globalised world as today. Biosecurity has become a serious concern for some countries to prevent the transfer of any infectious diseases across borders. Involving human bio-surveillance, biosecurity regulation is actually an attempt to build new spatial demarcations in the border areas of countries. In the context of Indonesia, the biosecurity policy so far has been initiated and applied for protecting Indonesian borders from infectious disease transferred from the mobility of people, including Indonesian migrant workers when they returned back to this country. However, some important issues and controversies remain in debate, especially around the political economy discourses of the Indonesian government. This research, thus, focuses on the risk of disease transmission among the Indonesian migrant workers, which could affected not only Indonesia, but also others particular countries and global people's health. This study examines the case of biosecurity issue in the border Island of Indonesia, which is Tanjung Pinang situated in Riau Islands. Tanjung Pinang is an offshore bordered area bordering to Singapore, Malaysia, Vietnam, and the Philippines. This place is part of a major maritime traffics lane between its neighbouring countries. Tanjung Pinang is also one of departure harbours for the Indonesian migrant workers to Malaysia and Singapore. Upon interviewing with migrant workers, the government representatives, and the NGOs/agents who have involved with migrant workers' travels, this research found that biosecurity policy of the Indonesian government has not been implemented consistently and firm to the standard of health protocols; whilst, the prevention of infectious desease carried from migrant workers overseas who returned home could be spread out and brought health risks for domestic communities. The health authority in border area, i.e. Tanjung Pinang, has provided screening rooms; yet, the screenings were implemented for some random workers and on the workers' physical body. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This reveals the first photographic evidence establishing the presence of the Eurasian Otter in the Kishanganga River in the Gurez Valley of Jammu and Kashmir. This groundbreaking finding resolves uncertainties about the current status and occurrence of the species in the region. The Gurez Valley, tracing the course of the Kishanganga River and forming the upper reaches of the Neelum River in Pakistan, stands as an ecologically significant region inhabited by a diversity of rare, endangered, and unique flora and fauna. Unfortunately, this region has remained scientifically unexplored due to constraints imposed by military operations linked to border disputes and geopolitical tensions. During our camera trapping efforts aimed at studying Kashmir Musk Deer, two Eurasian otters were captured in camera traps. This revelation highlights the precarious state of small populations of mammals in the region, emphasizing the imperative for focused attention from the scientific community and relevant authorities to safeguard the delicate ecosystems of the Gurez Valley. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In our increasingly globalized world, Transnational Maritime Environmental Crimes (TMEC) have become a major concern for international law and policymakers due to their significant and often uncertain impacts. The vast and complex nature of maritime spaces poses unique challenges to global conservation efforts, complicating the harmonization of international laws and policies. These challenges are compounded by the diverse and evolving nature of maritime crimes, which include illegal fishing, marine pollution, flora and fauna trafficking, ecocide, vandalism of underwater infrastructure, underwater cultural heritage trafficking, and unsustainable marine tourism (Bueger and Edmunds, 2020). Addressing TMEC effectively requires a comprehensive and multidisciplinary approach, recognizing these crimes at international, regional, and domestic levels through robust regulatory and adaptive policy frameworks. TMECs are not only diverse in their manifestations but also transnational with criminal activities crossing national borders and exploiting the vastness of international waters. The movement between state borders and international waters complicates law enforcement efforts, as actors involved in TMEC frequently exploit these jurisdictional complexities to carry out their illegal activities with relative impunity. Respecting the United Nations Convention on the Law of the Sea’s (UNCLOS) intent for freedom of navigation on the high seas, effective responses to TMEC require international alignment, strong political will, and coordinated efforts across borders (United Nations, 1982). This need for coordinated global action is further underscored by global challenges such as the Coronavirus pandemic of 2019 (COVID-19), maritime boundary disputes, and climate change, all of which exacerbate the potential harm of TMEC, particularly for low- and middle income countries and small island developing states in the Global South. Despite growing awareness of the severity of these crimes, law enforcement efforts are often outmatched by the sophistication and stealth of organized criminal syndicates involved in TMEC. These criminal networks are highly adaptable, using advanced technologies and complex logistical networks to evade detection, arrest and prosecution. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

India's state of deterrence vis-a-vis China has significantly weakened over the last two decades. This has occurred in the backdrop of asymmetries that are both natural (geographic) as well as institutional – economic growth rates, defense production and preparedness. India's attempts to restore deterrence starting since 2009 has failed to serve its objectives owing to imperfect strategic assessments, over-reliance on non-deterrence measures to ensure stability, and under-investment in military power. Such conditions had led to a deterrence posture that was high on assertiveness but low on credibility. India continues to under-invest in military capabilities and neglect deterrence, even while undertaking significant steps toward creating a military-industrial complex primed for the future. Hence, India needs to restore deterrence – of a kind that is generalized, credible, and based on the buildup of war fighting capabilities. In order to escape the decadal land dilemma, India needs to emphasize its strengths in terms of air power (instead of sea power); and in terms of external options, India could adopt a more flexible version of strategic autonomy. The paper further argues that such a deterrence posture needs to be complemented by a high-level political approach toward a final resolution of the border dispute. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

India–China standoff has lasted for more than three years since China intruded at multiple points along the Line of Actual Control (LAC) in Ladakh in May 2020. Although both states continue to assert that they do not want war/conflict, the risk of vertical and horizontal escalation has grown significantly, both along the LAC and in the maritime domain. Several rounds of talks at the diplomatic and military levels have failed to amicably resolve the standoff, further compounded by Modi's and Xi's unwillingness to seriously address the issue in leader-level talks. Moreover, the Modi government's refusal to publicly admit that China now forcibly occupies territory previously held by India before 2020 only suggests to Beijing that further Chinese incursions will be similarly publicly denied by India. Beijing and New Delhi's LAC actions are indicative of an intensifying security dilemma, as evidenced by their competitive military buildups and prioritization of gaining and holding territory over meaningful political talks. Their deployment of new technologies, such as precision-guided missiles and combat UAVs, is not being complemented by dialogue to understand how their use may generate a significant escalatory response leading to a broader war or conflict. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

After decades of relative stability, recent years have seen a spike in the number of militarized crises between the troops of China and India along the Line of Actual Control (LAC) on their disputed border. What explains this sudden upsurge in violence on the Sino–Indian border, and how specifically can we make sense of China's increasingly assertive posture leading to intrusions at multiple points along the LAC in May 2020? This paper argues that China's growing assertiveness can be best understood to be a function of the country's growing power. Its growing material capabilities – economic and military – in recent decades, and particularly relative to India, by both increasing China's military options on its borders, as well as reducing the kind of external and internal vulnerabilities that may have encouraged more conciliatory stances in the past, have created the conditions for Beijing to adopt more aggressive postures in its territorial disputes, including with India. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article examines the complex dynamics between India and China, particularly their positional and spatial rivalries in the Indo-Pacific region. Since the late 1940s, the two nations have engaged in territorial conflicts along the disputed border, culminating in the 1962 war. China's quest for preeminence in the Indo-Pacific prompted India to strengthen ties with the US, join the Quad, and enhance regional partnerships. This paper argues that China's intrusions along the Line of Actual Control in May 2020 aimed to teach India a lesson reminiscent of the 1962 war, diminish its influence, and force acceptance of China as the preeminent power. Analyzing China's ambitions, and India's strategic responses, the article assesses India's inclination to recognize China's dominance in the Indo-Pacific. As the two nations grapple with historical baggage and contemporary geopolitical shifts, the article explores the implications of their strategic choices on regional stability and global power dynamics. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Several Indian commentators claim that Mao Zedong enunciated a "Five Fingers of Tibet" Strategy to pursue a "revanchist" agenda of "reattaching" Nepal, Sikkim (a kingdom before merging with India in 1975) and Bhutan, and the North-East Frontier Agency (NEFA, presently Arunachal Pradesh) and Ladakh of India with Tibet (thus, with China) based on Tibet's "historical claims" over them. They maintain that Xi Jinping is pursuing the same strategy toward the Himalayan region. They impute that this so-called strategy informed the People's Liberation Army's (PLA) attempts in May 2020 to change the status quo in border areas. Therefore, this article reviews the relevant literature published since the 1950s and seeks corroboration from contemporary experts on India-China relations, Tibet, PLA affairs and Chinese foreign policy to ascertain whether Mao propounded such a strategy and whether China ever pursued it. It concludes that there is little evidence to substantiate these contentions. Hence, the Five Fingers of Tibet is a faulty prism to analyze the India-China border dispute and understand China's approach toward Nepal and Bhutan. Thus, this prism is liable to produce alarmist analyses, shaping public opinion, that may negatively impact India's policy choices regarding China and its Himalayan neighbors, Nepal and Bhutan. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

As one of the most unstable border areas, the China–Myanmar border has become a prevalent issue in international affairs in recent years, affecting a variety of policy debates from illegal immigration, illicit trade, geopolitical strategy, and continental bilateral cooperation. Baidu, currently the leading online search engine in China, has created the Baidu Index to gather and analyze internet search data. This study analyzed keyword searches on the Baidu Index related to the China–Myanmar border for the period 2011–2021. The study investigated search volume using trend research, demand mapping, and geographic and demographic distribution. The results showed steady growth throughout the 10-year research period for online searches on the China–Myanmar border, with a dramatic increase in 2015. Searches were mainly by men aged 20–39 years in southwest China. Baidu users were most interested in the trafficking of women and girls, followed by the 2015 Kokang conflict and ongoing COVID-19 cases in Ruili, Yunnan Province. Search trend data suggested that the fastest-growing topics of interest were maps of the China–Myanmar border, followed by militarized conflicts along the border. Policymakers can use the results of this study to understand the public concern about the China–Myanmar border in formulating more effective public governance measures. Plain language summary: Based on a network perspective, this study uses the big data from the Baidu Index to analyze the keyword searches of Chinese netizens on the China–Myanmar border between 2011 and 2021. This approach provides a new angle in border security research. Motivated by the development of internet search trend gathering and analysis tools to provide a new batch of data for assessing public opinion about international relations and features of various border security issues, we draw on data to explore what Chinese netizens think about the China–Myanmar border. Simultaneously, we aim to establish whether the search trend data reflect real China–Myanmar border issues and to investigate the characteristics and priorities of people searching for information on the China–Myanmar border, which will facilitate more targeted border management and policies by government authorities. However, we do not acknowledge the factors shaping public attitudes about the China–Myanmar border. Although the Baidu Index is a reliable and novel data source for analyzing the border security issue from the public perspective in China, it does not reflect the uneven internet access concerns based on geographic regions. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Relaciones Internacionales (1699-3950) is the property of Autonomous University of Madrid, Spain, International Relations Studies Group (GERI) Law Faculty and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Social media is increasingly viewed as a venue for organized peacebuilding efforts. However, current research has paid little attention to the vast array of everyday, self-organized social media interactions that could help overcome societal divisions. This article analyses the role of online memes in everyday online reconciliation, using Sri Lanka's 2022 political crisis as a case study. We argue that memes contribute to a DIY-approach to dealing with the past, helping to renegotiate inter-group boundaries in the aftermath of conflict. Memes articulate grievances, but they also engage with inter-group relations in a playful manner, thus enabling both a "sincere" and a "subjunctive" approach to group relations by describing them both as they "are" as well as how they "could be." In combination, they can be used as a "weapon of the weak," through which vulnerable social media users may communicate in ways that transcend dominant perspectives on group relations. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This study investigates the spatial effects of armed conflict on Sub-Saharan Africa's (SSA) economic growth, focusing on Central Africa, East Africa, and West Africa. Utilizing Spatial Durblin Model (SDM), the analysis reveals significant spatial effects of armed conflict intensity, indicating that conflict in neighboring countries influences conflict levels within a focal country. The study finds a weak or inconclusive relationship between GDP per capita (GDPpc) and conflict intensity, with East Africa showing a significant negative association, suggesting that higher economic prosperity in neighboring countries may mitigate conflict. Conversely, higher corruption levels in Central and West Africa are positively associated with increased conflict intensity, highlighting corruption's destabilizing influence. Spatial lag SDM results suggest potential benefits of regional economic cooperation in reducing conflict intensity. Moreover, significant positive spatial autocorrelation underscores the interconnected nature of conflict within SSA, with West Africa exhibiting more pronounced spatial spillover effect. Findings from Spatial Autoregressive (SAR) models confirm the weak association between GDPpc and conflict intensity but emphasize the consistent positive association between corruption and conflict intensity. Additionally, the Spatial Error Model (SEM) reaffirms corruption's detrimental impact on governance and stability. Additionally, the hypothesis of a significant difference in the effect of armed conflict across different SSA subregions is supported, with Central Africa experiencing the strongest negative impact on economic growth, followed by East and West Africa. The study highlights substantial regional heterogeneity in the economic consequences of armed conflict, emphasizing the need for regionally tailored policy interventions to address conflict-related economic disruptions in SSA. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article examines Vietnam's maritime governance capacity and its challenges in dealing with gray zone conflicts, particularly its overlapping EEZ claims with Indonesia. It emphasizes the need for a decisive strategy to address these conflicts and highlights Indonesia's efforts to establish effective occupancy in contested waters. The text also discusses the development of civilian ships and maritime governance strategies in Southeast Asian countries in response to China's actions in the South China Sea. It suggests that Vietnam should prioritize the establishment of a gray zone conflict strategy and learn from Indonesia's response to similar challenges. [Extracted from the article]

This article proposes rethinking communication, development, and social change from a decolonial perspective through the case study of the Ticoya resguardo. It examines how the oral traditions of Indigenous elders construct a history of the territory, positioning orality as a practice of communicative and cognitive justice that transcends the dominant structures of the nation-state. Border tensions are explored both as a physical reality between Colombia and Peru and as a metaphor for identity conflicts. The theoretical framework incorporates debates on post-development, pluriverse, and southern epistemologies, challenging social inequalities. A qualitative methodology based on the praxeological method was implemented in four stages in collaboration with the resguardo's communications committee. Producing a radio series narrated by participants was crucial for gathering the elders' narratives through conversations, social mapping, and storytelling. The findings emphasize the break with linear temporality in narratives, the sense of territory beyond state borders, and the identity tensions of river dwellers. The conclusion underscores the necessity of a decolonial perspective, recognizing the impact of monocultures in obscuring diverse forms of life. The Ticoya resguardo case illustrates how communicative justice can highlight the local and everyday, considering the territory essential in the pluriverse, aligning with Escobar's and Santos' proposals on transitions toward a pluriversal world. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

A great challenge for African conservationists is human–wildlife conflict outside the boundaries of protected areas (PAs). This is particularly true when considering large mobile species, such as elephants, that often disperse from PAs into community land. In Zimbabwe's Hwange National Park, studies on elephant dispersal have focused on breeding herds. Here, we analyse the movements of five older, large males fitted with GPS collars. We found some dispersal outside Hwange, but large males were largely restricted to the Park, especially during the late dry season when water was scarce. Our findings may be useful to regional conservation decision makers. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article focuses on the Polish-Ukrainian border conflict, which has become a focal point of geopolitical tension. The consequences of this conflict extend beyond the political realm and impact the export-import activities of enterprises. The blockades are being implemented in six of the nine directions along the border between Poland and Ukraine, which is a key factor in deepening the crisis. This study aims to comprehensively analyse the multifaceted impact of the conflict on trade dynamics, regulatory changes, operational challenges faced by businesses, and potential strategies adopted to overcome these difficulties. This study uses a mix of methods, such as in-depth interviews with key stakeholders and statistical analysis of trade data from the State Statistics Service of Ukraine, to find out how geopolitical factors, trade policy, and business operations are all connected in complex ways. By shedding light on the complex relationship between border conflict and export-import activity, this study provides valuable insights for policymakers, businesses, and researchers grappling with the effects of geopolitical tensions on international trade. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

After the Second Vienna Award of 1940, which divided Transylvania into a Hungarian and a Romanian part, a contest started between the two countries for gaining control of the whole region. In order to reach this goal, both countries joined the alliance system of Nazi Germany and in June 1941 entered the war against the Soviet Union. After the battle of Stalingrad, the strategies of the competitors started to change. The two rivals realized that Germany would lose the war, and therefore the peace, including the settlement of territorial disputes and border changes, would be shaped by the Allies. Although they continued to fight on the side of Germany, they prepared for the victory of the Allies. In this new phase of the race, Romania proved to be more successful. In August 1944, she turned the tables on the Wehrmacht while Hungary continued to fight on Germany’s side. Despite the successful Romanian volteface, the future of Northern Transylvania which had belonged to Hungary since 1940, was still undecided. The armistice agreement with Romania signed on September 12, 1944 stipulated that “Transylvania or greater part thereof should be returned to Romania, subject to confirmation at the peace settlement”. The dispute was settled in 1945-1946 by the victorious Allied Powers. The United States and – less firmly – Great Britain and France favored “an adjustment of the Hungarian-Roumanian frontier in Transylvania along ethnic lines which would transfer a small strip from Arad to Szatmár/Satu Mare to Hungary”. The Soviet Union, however, stubbornly opposed any modification of the post1920 borders, including even symbolic changes. This meant that the final decision taken by the Paris Peace Conference in the Fall of 1946 accomplished the restoration of the pre-war frontiers. The race was won by Romania. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Executive Summary: For the past 25 years, the Border Patrol has tracked migrant deaths along the US-Mexico border. For nearly the same amount of time, it has also faced criticisms that it failed to capture the true number of migrant deaths in its tally. This article focuses on these undercounting criticisms and asks two questions: (1) How many documented migrant death cases are left out of Border Patrol's official data? And (2) what factors lead to the Border Patrol's migrant death undercounting? In particular, the article focuses on three South Texas counties: Brooks County, Kenedy County, and Maverick County. To answer the research questions, this article relies on comparative data analysis. In particular, it compares two person-level datasets: the Border Patrol's dataset on migrant deaths from 2009 to 2017 and county-level records from the Brooks County Sheriff's Office, the Kenedy County Sheriff's Office, and Maverick County Justices of the Peace over the same period. It then attempts to match each county-level record to a recorded death in the Border Patrol's dataset. Using this process, the article quantifies migrant death undercounting in South Texas, highlights geographic and temporal trends, and tracks the uncounted cases' specific characteristics. From 2009 to 2017, this comparative data analysis confirmed that the Border Patrol was undercounting migrant deaths across the three South Texas counties. Specifically, the article finds that the Border Patrol failed to include 139 cases, which totaled 19 percent of the counties' 749 recorded migrant deaths during the study period. This undercounting ranged from 16 percent in Brooks County to 24 percent in Maverick County and 29 percent in Kenedy County, with fluctuating rates over time. The uncounted cases also had specific characteristics. In particular, they were more likely to be skeletal remains, lack an identification, and be discovered by an external entity. These characteristics highlight the various factors behind the Border Patrol's undercounting, such as issues with the Border Patrol's migrant death definition, inconsistent data collection from external entities, and the agency's low prioritization of migrant death tracking. To address and remedy the Border Patrol's migrant death undercounting requires tackling each underlying factor. First and foremost, this article recommends that the Border Patrol fully train its agents on the agency's migrant death definition and ensure consistent and standardized outreach to external entities. Further, it recommends that the Border Patrol improve its migrant death count's accuracy through additional operational changes. These proposed changes include making "accurate migrant death counts" an official objective for the Border Patrol's Missing Migrant Program, prioritizing a two-way information-sharing process with county-level officials, retroactively including missed migrant deaths in the official count, and publishing more detailed person-level data on migrant deaths. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of People & Nature is the property of Wiley-Blackwell and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Inter-state conflicts at the sub-national level, compared to other conflicts between groups, have been a recurring feature in post-independent India. These conflicts have devastating effects on human lives, property and the environment. The conflicts taking place in the Assam-Nagaland border are of serious concern to social scientists. The main purpose of this case study is to contribute to an understanding of some of the historical reasons for the Assam-Nagaland border conflicts and their root causes. Further, this paper tries to understand "How and why do postcolonial policies of border demarcation lead to persisting border conflicts between groups living on both sides of the border?" The study has been conducted based on focus group discussions and interviews with the communities living along the border of Assam and Nagaland. The data has also been collected from Secondary sources. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Humans must identify others as enemies or allies to develop, protect, maintain, and refine their sense of self. This is a part of their normal psychological development. These phenomena operate on individual and large group levels and are pronounced under threat. In peril, they help create psychological boundaries between conflicting parties and bonds between allies. These boundaries and bonds are invested with strong emotions. The narcissism of minor differences concept is involved in identifying and delineating enemies at times of perceived danger. This article introduces the concept of the narcissism of minor resemblances. This concept is discussed from the psychodynamic perspective and illustrated with examples of socio-political developments from modern history. The narcissism of minor resemblances concept may help us understand the underlying dynamics of bonding with allies and identifying with others when undergoing threat and hardship. This concept connects the public arena of political action with individual psychological development. Awareness of this phenomenon can help mitigate the negative aspects of rigid enemy-ally distinctions and promote cooperation and peace. It may also help individuals impacted by psychological trauma to make meaning of psychological and societal processes experienced and contribute to their healing. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Following the Hamas-led attack on Israel from the Gaza Strip on 7 October 2023, Hezbollah and Israel engaged in a worrying and dangerous military escalation along Lebanon’s southern border. For months, exchanging cross-border attacks has resulted in hundreds of casualties, including civilians, large-scale destruction of property, and displacement in South Lebanon. It also raised the prospect of conflict spilling over into Lebanese territory and escalating into full-scale war. Although conflict on Lebanon's southern border is seen as an armed struggle between Hezbollah and Israel, it is actually a result of historical process backing the 1920s. The border line was first drawn by the British and French in 1923 as the Lebanese-Palestinian border but transformed a de facto Lebanese-Israeli border after the 1949 Armistice Agreement. The demarcation line has provided a basis for conflict, including armed clashes, occupations, and territorial disputes, from the 1967 Arab-Israeli War to the present. This study examines political and military struggles, occupations, territorial disputes, changes in the legal status of the border, and claims over the border in the century-long period. In this context, this study aims to identify the main factors leading to conflict on Lebanon's southern border. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article presents the topic of borders in the international system of the 21st century, highlighting their importance in the creation and development of nation-states and in international relations. It also mentions exceptions to state sovereignty, such as Antarctica and international waters. The article is divided into three sections that analyze borders from different perspectives, such as regionalism and border control in relation to international migration. Additionally, other topics are mentioned, such as the impact of climate change on maritime delimitations in the Arctic, China's territorial disputes in the South China Sea, border disputes between India and China, hybrid governance in the border area between Colombia, Brazil, and Peru, and the secessionist movement of contemporary maroons in Jamaica and its relationship with the Jamaican state. [Extracted from the article]

The notion of cross-border living areas ("Bassins de vie"/"Bacini di vita") is part of the reflection on how the European integration process affects border regions. A transdisciplinary conference, held in Rome in April 2024, discussed this concept for the border region between Italy and France. Based on a number of impressions collected during the conference, the paper debates if and to what extent this concept can offer a contribution to addressing cross-border integration in the European framework. We claim that, despite the continuity of arguments on cross-border delimitations and cross-border governance, the concept of cross-border living area has the potential to popularise the debate on border related issues, in particular by bridging gaps between the policy world and the academic sphere. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Climate change is real and it is a global crisis that needs to be addressed with inspiring artwork. In view of this, the study examines the nature of creative fecundity at the level of creative ideology for select "Nsukka School" artists who through the manipulation of common-place materials sourced from the environment, created artwork that draws attention to climate change, as well as issues bordering our natural environment, particularly in the Niger Delta region of Nigeria where oil wells, tankers, as well as pipelines that spill oil from time to time on farmlands and natural waters. For the study, data was collected from extant literatures and personal communications with the artists. As a qualitative research, the study employed historical, technical, descriptive, and interpretative methods of data illumination and analysis. To back up the points being made, visuals of the artwork have been embedded. The study reveals that these artists as social commentators have conveyed ideas centering on climate change and environmental crisis with unconventional media. At the tapestry level of artistic fecundity, they have exquisitely created enchanting statement pieces, as part of their positive contributions to tackling the exploitation of the natural environment. Undoubtedly, this would inspire other artists, who are interested in these creative initiative and advocacy, since they would widen the scope of their creative imaginations of proffering solutions to tackling mundane issues. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The North East Region of India, comprising Meghalaya, Assam, Tripura, Sikkim, Manipur, Arunachal Pradesh, Nagaland, and Mizoram, is characterized by a distinctive blend of ethnic, cultural, religious, and linguistic diversity. Connected to the rest of the country via the Siliguri Corridor, also known as Chicken’s Neck, this paper delves into the historical context of conflicts in the region. It assesses various contributing factors such as ethnic diversity, migration patterns, resource allocation, and political interests. Given China's proximity through its Belt and Road Initiative (BRI) to the Siliguri Corridor, India's attention to this area becomes crucial. Furthermore, the paper evaluates the socio-economic impact of these conflicts and proposes potential strategies for conflict resolution and peace-building efforts. Specifically, it focuses on analyzing border disputes between Assam and neighboring Northeastern states, identifies primary causes of conflict, and offers actionable recommendations for resolution. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

While the People's Republic of China (PRC) and the Socialist Republic of Vietnam are aligned in ideology and historically have had close ties, their relationship has been fraught with tension. [...]

Focusing on the Russia–Ukraine war, this paper investigates natural gas futures volatilities. Applying several hybrid GARCH and EGARCH models, which innovatively incorporate both fat-tailed distribution errors and structural breaks, we derive the following new evidence. First, our hybrid modeling approach is effective in timely capturing the natural gas futures volatility spike when tensions simmered on the Russia–Ukraine border. Second, the hybrid modeling approach is effective for not only GARCH modeling but also EGARCH modeling. Third, the volatility estimates from our hybrid models have predictive power for the volatilities of nonhybrid models. Fourth, the volatility estimates from the nonhybrid models lag behind the volatilities of our hybrid models. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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This book examines the dynamics of national and regional security in the age of Zeitenwende amid polarization and conflict management. Through a comparative analysis, the authors reveal the intricate problems of border dynamics and practice in cases of border disputes and conflicts in the member states of the OSCE. The authors offer their approaches on how to peacefully settle the disputed borders, which can be supported by the EU, the NATO and the OSCE. It can be of significant help in preventing security crises and conflicts. In this regard, a number of solutions that can affect the Russian-Ukraine war and the settlement of RussiaUkraine relations are highlighted. From the author’s approach, it becomes clear that various European countries and international organizations should play an active role in the settlement of the Ukrainian crisis and the strengthening of European security. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

While using polynomial functions to define window functions is an initial approach in studying the memristor element, it is susceptible to generating imaginary results. However, using window functions, including the trigonometric function, is a current field of research on the memristor element. This paper uses the trigonometric Blackman window function to present a new memristor element model and investigates its nonlinear ion drift model properties. The motivation of this study is the usage of the trigonometric Blackman window function, which presents a more detailed definition and leads to more accurate results in windowing operations. The Blackman window function can address the issues of border locking and terminal state. Numerical simulations have verified this proposed structure. Additionally, the analog realizations of the memristor element constructed with the Blackman window function have been achieved on a Field Programmable Analog Array, which offers fast prototyping, serving as an alternative approach for emulating memristors. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article discusses the court case, Nicaragua v. Colombia, in which the International Court of Justice (ICJ) ruled that an state cannot exploit the extended continental shelf in an area within 200 nautical miles of the coastal baselines of another state.