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This work provides initial investigation into whether equivalence between the mean-variance and scheduling approaches to transport reliability can be applied in the context high frequency public transport services. Each of these approaches is briefly outlined and the current work is framed by previous research attempting to demonstrate equivalence: both theoretically and empirically. The basic assumptions underpinning the theoretical approach to equivalence are explored and then re-formulated based upon which variables are likely to be known. The concept of headway is introduced to the theoretical approach using notation from previous research in order to represent public transport services. An empirical illustration of the method is undertaken using smart card data obtained from the London Underground metro system. The data are combined with timetable data and a previously developed method for estimating passenger preferred arrival times, which in turn allows the theoretical equivalence between mean-variance and scheduling approaches to be tested empirically. This is initially performed for a single origin-destination (OD) pair and then for 23 other ODs of varying headways. The example using a single OD demonstrates that even for a high frequency metro service, application of the theoretical equivalence is problematic, with variable parameters substantially affected. In the case of many ODs, a linear relationship is observed between the ratio of public transport to standard scheduling parameters and headway, suggesting the theoretical equivalence becomes less viable as headway increases. At the lowest values of headway, it is concluded that the equivalence remains problematic and further work is required before equivalence between the mean variance and scheduling approaches can be implemented in the public transport context.

The paper reports on a questionnaire survey of a sample of projects funded by the Urban Programme. Six of the most frequently funded project types were surveyed, and questionnaires sent to local authorities and voluntary agencies running the projects. Four main areas of investigation are reported—the aims and achievements of projects and the relationship of project aims to programme aims; the origins and development of projects; the testing of some claims made of the Urban Programme; and a testing of local authority and voluntary agency reactions to the Urban Programme in general. Most projects were aimed as much at improving access to and information about other services, as they were with providing a direct service. Whilst most projects were rated as successful, the notion of what constituted success varied considerably. More than a half of all projects were modified from the original aims and structure during the course of development and more than two-thirds would be altered in more than detail were application for urban aid to be made anew. Of the four ‘claims’ about the Urban Programme tested in the survey, two were found to be largely substantiated-that the programme has a ‘multiplier’ effect, and that one of the major areas of benefit of the programme lies in the spin-offs it produces by way of experience gained and lessons learned. The two others were not substantiated—that programme funding enables rapid implementation of projects, and that the programme provides the only possible source of funding for such projects, which would otherwise not be established

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