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This article aims at analyzing the various ideological interventions, prompted by the pandemic in Turkey, in the fields of power, politics, and religion. In a country and a context where politics and religion are closely connected, and a particular Turkish experience with few parallels in the Muslim world, our investigation will be two-fold: how to calculate the ongoing impact of Covid-19 on the Turkish political field, and secondly, how has the religious world reacted in backing up politics in its response to this crisis. We are seeking to understand the effects of the crisis on the established power, and on the orientations of national and international policy in the context of a health crisis. Lastly, we need to examine the role of religion in the management of the crisis.

Grand helléniste, arpenteur de terres et de textes, Pierre Chuvin double son érudition académique de professeur des Universités d'un intérêt vivant pour les mondes de l'Asie centrale et de la Turquie sous leurs aspects les plus divers. Ainsi a-t-il fondé et dirigé l'Institut français d'études sur l'Asie centrale (1993-1998), avant de prendre la tête de l'Institut d'études anatoliennes (2003-2008). Succédant à un premier recueil d'hommages consacré au monde grec du mythos au logos, le présent volume rassemble des contributions consacrées à l'Orient centrasiatique et turc. Leur diversité est à l'image de la curiosité inlassable de celui auquel elles sont dédiées. Des mausolées de Samarcande à la Sublime Porte, de l'Antiquité à l'époque contemporaine, de l'écrit à l'image, de l'Histoire à l'aventure, de la mythologie à la médecine, sans oublier la poésie, ce sont les facettes très multiples d'une culture d'une extrême richesse qui sont illustrées ici. Écrits par des chercheurs de plusieurs pays, les textes réunis et présentés dans cet ouvrage de référence renouvellent notre approche d'un monde fascinant et trop souvent méconnu.

Islamisée dès les premiers temps de la conquête arabe, l’Asie centrale a été tout aussi profondément marquée par sa longue cohabitation avec la culture russe et soviétique. Toutefois, un siècle et demi de domination russo-soviétique – jusqu’en 1991 – n’est pas parvenu à anéantir complètement les liens entre les peuples d’Asie centrale et le reste du monde musulman. Dans cet espace comprenant les cinq républiques issues de l’ex-URSS (Kazakhstan, Kirghizstan, Ouzbékistan, Tadjikistan et Turkmén...

L'Asie et le Pacifique. Immense région, neuve et ancienne à la fois, où vivent les deux tiers de l'humanité. Région de tous les superlatifs, de toutes les exceptions, de la Chine, renaissant perpétuellement des catastrophes et aléas de son Histoire, de l'Inde, continent à elle seule, ou du Japon, archipel des futurs. Une région qui tire la croissance mondiale et qui devient le centre du monde. Qui aurait pu dire que le PIB de l'Asie et du Pacifique ferait jeu égal avec celui de l'Union européenne ? Et demain ? Cet ouvrage dessine le panorama de l'Asie-Monde, en réunissant une centaine de textes de chercheurs et de spécialistes publiés sur le site Internet du Réseau Asie et Pacifique (CNRS/FMSH), entre 2002 et 2011. Ces travaux, couvrant les sciences humaines et sociales, disent le passé, avertissent de l'avenir, montrent la complexité de l'Asie et du Pacifique, leurs failles, leurs atouts, leurs enjeux. Ils révèlent les racines profondes et donc les fondements du dynamisme de ces nouvelles puissances qui pourraient bientôt prendre les commandes de l'avenir de l'humanité. Une somme savante et accessible sur l'Asie et le Pacifique contemporains, qui rend sensibles les multiples aspects de ce formidable et inéluctable basculement du monde.

April 2007 Globalisation, extensively studied since the end of the bipolar era, had already become a phenomenon before the collapse of the Eastern Bloc and was actually accelerated because of it. We are particularly interested in its religious aspect, for the light that it sheds on the delicate transition of a region that has long remained isolated and which only opened up to the world in 1991. Post-Soviet Central Asia and the Caucasus belong to the Turkish-Iranian region, but are distinguish...

Avril 2007 La notion de mondialisation est sans doute parmi celles qui ont le plus été étudiées depuis la fin de l’ère bipolaire. Le phénomène avait certes été initié dès avant la désintégration du bloc de l’Est mais il s’en trouva accéléré par ce bouleversement majeur. Depuis, les études et analyses sur toutes les formes de cette mondialisation ont connu un développement vertigineux et aucun de ses aspects ne semble échapper au chercheur, qu’il soit économique ou vestimentaire, politique ou ...

Asia and the Pacific, an immense region, both new and old, in which two thirds of the world lives. A region of superlatives, exceptions, China, continually facing disasters and risks from its past, India, a continent of its own, Japan, archipelago of the future. It is a region that is attracting global growth and becoming the centre of the world. Who could have predicted that the GDP of Asia and the Pacific would be equal to that of the European Union? And what will tomorrow bring? This compilation gives an overview of Asia's world, bringing together roughly a hundred texts written by researchers and specialists and that have been published on Asia and the Pacific Network's website (CNRS/FMSH) between 2002 and 2011. These works covering the humanities and social science recount the past, tell us of the future and illustrate the complexity of Asia and the Pacific through its flaws, strengths and challenges. They reveal the profound roots and depth of the dynamism of these new powers that could soon take over the future of humanity. Numerous researchers and academics specialising in contemporary Asia and the Pacific are bringing into light many aspects of this great and inevitable shift in the world.

L’assassinat à Istanbul du journaliste saoudien Jamal Khashoggi révèle la forte tension entre la Turquie et l’Arabie saoudite. Ce sont deux conceptions de l’islam sunnite qui s’affrontent. C’est aussi une question de leadership sur le monde musulman. Ce n’est pas sans lien avec la question iranienne, ni avec la position des États-Unis qui hébergent le prédicateur Fethullah Gülen, ennemi numéro un du président turc.

La crise syrienne, dont l’impact sur les relations entre la Russie et l’Occident a bouleversé l’ordre régional et international, et ainsi ravivé le spectre d’une nouvelle guerre froide, entre dans sa septième année. Calquée sur l’aspiration populaire démocratique de la Tunisie, la révolte du peuple contre la dictature de Bachar al Assad a dégénéré en de multiples guerres entre différentes forces ethniques ou confessionnelles syriennes, toutes soutenues ou instrumentalisées par une puissance extérieure régionale : la Turquie, l’Iran, les Etats-Unis, la Russie et les Etats européens. Après des années de chaos, il semble que la guerre perde en intensité et que le pays se dirige vers une reconstruction nationale aux contours et à la forme encore imprécis. Alors que les Etats-Unis et l’Europe, mais aussi leur allié turc, avaient à tort misé sur une chute rapide de Bachar al Assad, il apparaît que la fin des hostilités en Syrie dépende grandement des puissances régionales que sont la Russie, l’Iran et la Turquie. Ce n’est pas un hasard si les pourparlers sur la fin du conflit et l’après-guerre en Syrie ont réuni ces acteurs à Astana. Dans les instances internationales et sur place, ces trois puissances jouent leurs atouts et leurs intérêts en exerçant des pressions sur les protagonistes, qu’il s’agisse du régime ou des divers groupes rebelles. Se pose alors la question de la nature des liens qui font d’eux des « faiseurs de roi » dans le conflit syrien. Si alliance il y a, combien de temps durera-t-elle, et quels en sont les points d’achoppement ? Les motivations paraissant divergentes et même inconciliables, quelles seront la solidité et l’efficacité de leur entente ? Ce manque de clarté suscite l’inquiétude à l’échelle régionale. En effet, les divisions et les rivalités sont trop nombreuses pour ne pas relativiser l’optimisme d’aucuns.

In this study, the career plans and career goals of female cabin crewsworking in airlin companies were examined in comparison with male cabin crew.Also, theresults of the effects of the gender of female cabine tofficials oncareer plans and career goals were tried to be reached. In the study, asemi-structured interview technique was used and open-ended questions were askedto participants. The obtained data were analyzed by contentanalysis and variousproblem are as were reached. These problem areas are: "While male cabin crewssee this as a step, it is the end of their career as female cabin crews", "Male cabin crews see this as an opportunity to get to know different cultures,because female cabin crews think they can get the most financial returns from theirwork", and "When male cabin crews are affected by physical exhaustion,the female cabin crew's family lives are affected negatively". With the examinationof the problem areas and the support of the literature, female cabin crews see thework they do with gender pressure as a result of their careers or their career theywant to continue in the service sector., Kadın çalışanların işgücüpiyasalarında kariyer planları ve kariyer hedefleri açısından erkekçalışanlarla eşit şekilde yer alabilmeleri gerekmektedir. Ancak toplumsalcinsiyetin dayattığı roller ve iş bölümü kendisini zaman zaman kadınlarınkariyer planlarında ve hedeflerinde göstermektedir. Bu çalışma da THY’deçalışan kadın kabin memurlarının kariyer planları ve kariyer hedefleri erkekkabin memurları ile karşılaştırmalı olarak incelenmiş ve kadın kabinmemurlarının cinsiyetlerinin kariyer planlarına ve kariyer hedeflerine olanetkilerine yönelik sonuçlara varılmaya çalışılmıştır. Çalışmada yarıyapılandırılmış mülakat tekniği kullanılmış ve katılımcılara açık uçlu sorularyöneltilmiştir. Elde edilen veriler içerik analizi ile incelenmiş ve çeşitlisorun alanlarına ulaşılmıştır. Bu sorun alanları: “Erkek kabin memurları bu işibir basamak olarak görmekteyken, kadın kabin memurlarının kariyerlerinin sonuolarak görmesi”, “Erkek kabin memurlarının bu işi farklı kültürleri tanımakiçin bir fırsat olarak görmesi, kadın kabin memurlarının çalışma yaşamında ençok maddi getiriyi bu işten elde edebileceğini düşünmesi”, “Erkek kabinmemurları fiziksel yorgunluktan etkilenirken, kadın kabin memurlarının aileyaşamlarının olumsuz etkilenmesi” şeklindedir. Sorun alanlarının incelenerekliteratür ile desteklenmesi ile birlikte kadın kabin memurlarının toplumsalcinsiyet baskısı ile yaptıkları işi kariyerlerinin sonu olarak gördüğü veyakariyerlerine yine hizmetler sektöründe devam etmek istedikleri sonucu ortayakonmuştur.

This chapter focuses on a concrete case study in Turkey’s close neighborhood. I examine the exceptional role played by a social and religious organization that is unique in the Muslim world, namely the movement of Fethullah Gülen. The following questions are addressed: To what extent did the Gülen movement contribute to the development of Turkey’s soft power in both the South Caucasus and the Middle East? Reciprocally, how did the Gülen movement benefit from the government’s support and prestige to develop its own influence? Finally, I question the durability of the bond between Gülen and Turkey’s soft power through the lens of the clash between Gülen, the charismatic leader of the hizmet movement, and Recep Tayyip Erdoğan, the even more charismatic leader of the Turkish executive power since 2002.

Le concept d’Asie centrale désignait en 1991, selon l’acception la plus répandue, les cinq pays musulmans, turcophones et persanophone issus de l’ex-Union soviétique : le Kazakhstan, le Kirghizstan, l’Ouzbékistan, le Tadjikistan et le Turkménistan. Or vingt-cinq ans après leur accession à l’indépendance, ces Etats ont connu des transformations sociales, économiques et politiques si différentes, voire même contradictoires, qu’il est difficile à l’heure actuelle de parler de l’Asie centrale comme d’une entité unie. L’affirmation de leurs singularités et leur progressive prise de distance les uns par rapport aux autres semble condamner la pertinence du concept régional.

Turkey Hosting Syrian Refugees. Between Humanitarian Commitment and Political InstrumentalisationWhile the issue of Syrian refugees has led an increasing number of countries to work on curbing arrivals,one country, Turkey, hosts almost half of these refugees. Yet, far from imposing restrictions, Turkeyhas distinguished itself for its open border policy and large-scale humanitarian contribution. Turkey’sgenerosity alone is not sufficient to understand this asylum policy put in place specifically for Syrians.There are indeed a number of political factors that indicate a certain level of instrumentalisation ofthis issue. In particular, Turkey’s benevolent attitude can be explained by Turkey’s early opposition toAssad in the Syrian conflict and its wish to play a role in the post-conflict reconstruction of Syria, aswell as by its willingness to extract material and symbolic benefits from the European Union. But therefugee crisis also matters at the level of domestic politics, where different political parties (in poweror in the opposition) seem to have used the refugee issue opportunistically, at the expense of a climatefavorable to Syrians’ healthy integration in Turkey.; Alors que la question des réfugiés syriens a poussé un nombre croissant de pays à imposer des restrictions à leur entrée sur leur sol, près de la moitié des réfugiés syriens se trouvent dans un seul pays : la Turquie. Or celle-ci, loin de fermer sa frontière, se singularise par sa politique de porte ouverte et son engagement humanitaire de grande ampleur. L’élan de générosité ne peut seul expliquer cette politique d’asile mise en place spécialement pour les Syriens. Un certain nombre de considérations politiques indiquent une instrumentalisation de la question. L’attitude bienveillante de la Turquie peut s’expliquer par son opposition à Assad dans la crise syrienne et son souhait de jouer un rôle dans la construction d’une future Syrie, ainsi que par sa volonté de tirer des bénéfices matériels et symboliques auprès de l’Union européenne. Mais la crise de réfugiés a aussi une dimension de politique intérieure. Les différents partis (au pouvoir ou dans l’opposition) semblent utiliser la question des réfugiés de façon opportuniste, aux dépens d’un climat propice à une bonne intégration des Syriens en Turquie.

Compte rendu de l'atelier OMER (Observatoire mondial des enjeux et des risques) animé par Bayram Balci le 16 février 2016 au CERI.

Jamais une guerre civile n’a inspiré autant de passions djihadistes dans le monde, ni attiré autant de candidats au djihad que la guerre civile syrienne. Ni l’Afghanistan, ni la Tchétchénie ne soutiennent la comparaison par la diversité tant géographique qu’ethnique des combattants. Les cohortes les plus nombreuses viennent du monde arabe, d’Irak, de Libye, d’Afrique du Nord et de la péninsule arabique. Les Caucasiens et les Centrasiatiques sont moins nombreux, mais leurs actions sur le terrain inquiètent les autorités de leurs pays d’origine et leurs itinéraires jusqu’au Moyen-Orient suscitent les fantasmes les plus variés. L’inaccessibilité et la dangerosité du terrain rendent l’étude de leur démarche difficile, et nous nous proposons ici de faire un état des lieux des savoirs en tentant de répondre à quelques questions : qui sont-ils ? Combien sont-ils ? Quelles sont leurs motivations ? Comment sont-ils perçus en Asie centrale et en Russie ? Comment leur engagement et leurs idées impactent-ils les sociétés locales ?

DergiPark: 283280 klujfeas Bu çalışmada, değişim süreci devam eden endüstri ilişkileri sistemi ile insan kaynaklarıyönetiminin (İKY) arasındaki ilişkinin tamamlayıcı mı yoksa ikame etkisi mi olduğuincelenmiştir. Değişime sebep olan temel faktörler ile birlikte endüstri ilişkileri ile İKYarasındaki çatışmayı ortaya çıkaran fonksiyonlar da irdelenmiştir. Endüstri ilişkilerinintemel sorun alanları, endüstri ilişkilerinin geleceği hakkında yapılan araştırmalarneticesinde belirlenen senaryolar belirlenmiştir. Endüstri ilişkileri ile İKY’nin birbirinitamamlayıcı mı yoksa ikame mi ettiği üzerine yaptığımız analizde; İKY’nin endüstriilişkilerini ikame etme durumunun söz konusu olamayacağı, ancak hem endüstriilişkilerinin hem de İKY’nin belirtilen öneriler neticesinde birbirini tamamlayabileceğigörülmektedir.&nbsp

Despite the relatively small number of Muslims in Georgia, issues related to Islam and Muslims have taken on an increasingly high profile in recent years. 2014 witnessed continued public debate over the permissibility of ethnic Georgian Sunni Muslims to establish and preserve religious institutions...

As a country that straddles the divide between East and West, between Europe and Asia, Turkey has multiple interests at stake in the unfolding crisis in Ukraine, which has pitted Russia against the West in a New Cold War...

Fondée par Vladimir Poutine pour permettre à la Russie de retrouver une certaine grandeur sur la scène internationale et créer un nouveau pôle de puissance dans un monde multipolaire, l’Union économique eurasienne, qui est entrée en vigueur le 1er janvier 2015, est de loin le plus abouti de tous les projets intégrationnistes menés par Moscou depuis la fin de l’ère soviétique. Créée en 2010 comme une union douanière, elle rassemble la Russie, le Belarus et le Kazakhstan. A l’origine, l’Ukraine devait la rejoindre mais l’histoire a pris un tour différent et le rêve de Vladimir Poutine de voir Kiev adhérer à l’Union s’est brisé sur la place Maïdan il y a un an, remettant en cause le projet d’Union eurasienne. Ce dernier est loin d’être considéré avec enthousiasme par l’ensemble des Etats de l’ex-URSS. Ainsi, les pays d’Asie centrale se montrent réticents, voire hostiles, face à cette nouvelle union que leur propose – impose ? – Moscou.

The Ukraine crisis—the annexation of Crimea and Russian military intervention in East Ukraine—is the most serious crisis in the post-Soviet sphere since the collapse of the Soviet Union for many reasons. It is a far graver crisis than was the 2008 Russian-Georgian war, the impact of which was limited...

Over the past few months, Western allies have criticized Turkey for its ambiguous policies toward the jihadist forces in Syria and Iraq. Preoccupied by the Syrian crisis and desperate to topple Bashar al-Assad, Turkey has adopted a “blind eye” policy toward several jihadist organizations like the Jabhat al-Nusra and the Islamic State in Iraq and Syria (ISIS), after having supported the moderate opposition...

La Turquie est la grande absente de la coalition qui s’est constituée pour contenir l’avancée fulgurante de l’organisation Etat islamique en Irak et en Syrie. D’importants pays musulmans comme l’Arabie Saoudite et le Qatar, révoltés par les pratiques barbares de l’organisation djihadiste dite Etat islamique contre les minorités religieuses et les otages occidentaux et inquiets de la menace que celle-ci fait peser sur l’avenir d’une région moyen-orientale déjà en ébullition, ont dénoncé cette structure et rejoint la coalition internationale...

The Syrian and Iraqi crises revealed that Turkey cannot guarantee its own security without solid cooperation from its western allies. As Erdogan transitions from prime minster to president, he must recognize this reality.

Jihadist groups operating in Central Asia pose a real threat, but they are not the only or even the primary danger facing the region’s regimes.

Despite his incontestable authoritarianism, the Turkish prime minister remains the most legitimate leader in the region and a key player for U.S. policy in the Middle East.

Following the end of the Soviet Union, a couple of Islamic organizations emerged in the Uzbek city of Namangan in the Fergana Valley, like Islam Lashkarlari (Islam’s solders) or Adolat (Justice). Repressed by the new Uzbek regime, some of them managed to escape and join the United Uzbek Opposition in neighboring Tajikistan...

The end of the coalition between Erdogan and Gülen is a turning point in Turkish politics and Turkish soft power in post-Soviet Central Asia and the Caucasus.

Azerbaijan is the only post-Soviet Republic where the population is divided between Shia (65 percent) and Sunni (35 percent) Muslims. This characteristic derives from the history of the country where for several centuries Shia Safawids and Sunni Ottomans fought each other for religious and political supremacy in the region...

The hostage crisis is only the beginning of a larger crisis for Turkey.

Erdogan will have enough political votes and support to win Turkey’s presidential elections, but not enough legitimacy to run an incredible dynamic and diverse Turkish society.

Although the crisis in Syria is a key factor in reconciliation, security and economic concerns are also fueling an Israeli-Turkish rapprochement.

On the eve of the anniversary of the mass killings of Armenians in 1915 by the Ottoman army, the Turkish prime minister made a historical gesture this April 23. He issued a statement in nine languages, including Armenian, in which he expressed public condolences to the descendants of Armenians murdered by the Ottomans...

Because of the political turmoil in which Turkey finds itself and because of the general defiance against Prime Minister Recep Tayyip Erdoğan and his government, last week’s local elections turned into a plebiscite vote for Erdoğan. Less than a week after the vote, he paid a visit to Azerbaijan. Whether scheduled or not, it underlines the importance of the Turkish-Azeri relations especially in terms of political, economic and security issues...

The recent elections mark a new start and a new departure for the Turkish prime minister’s political career. Erdogan has proved that he is still popular, but despite this popularity and this victory, he has a lot of work ahead.

The political battle between the AKP and their former-ally turned competitor Fethullah Gülen has had severe consequences for Turkish democracy.

Putin’s gambit in Ukraine will certainly give him prestige in his country and a strategic advantage in the Black Sea, but it could weaken Russia’s position in the rest of the former Soviet empire.

Turkey’s greatest influence among the Turkic populations of the post-Soviet world derives not from their common ethno-linguistic roots, but from the success of Turkey’s religious outreach.

Ever since the long-standing alliance between Turkish Prime Minister Recep Tayyip Erdoğan and the powerful U.S.-based Turkish Islamic leader Fethullah Gülen collapsed on December 17, Turkey has been gripped by a major political crisis. On that date, a huge corruption scandal was revealed, involving many key figures in Erdoğan’s government and entourage. Since then, the two camps have been locked in a struggle to control Turkey’s ruling Islamist movement...

An influential Islamic social movement has advanced Turkey’s soft power for decades, but an emerging power struggle between the movement and Ankara could change all that.

The current conflict between Prime Minister Recep Erdogan and religious authority Fethullah Gülen, if not stopped, has the potential to damage Turkey’s image and soft power in the world.

Dès son arrivée au pouvoir, le Parti de la justice et du développement (AKP) a bénéficié de l’appui sans faille du mouvement de Fethullah Gülen avec lequel il partage une idéologie islamique modérée et libérale. Les deux parties ont été unies durant la dernière décennie par leur opposition à l’establishment kémaliste et militaire, longtemps omnipotent en Turquie...

Turkey’s authoritarian drift is undoubtedly complicating relations with the United States. However, Washington should not allow this to undermine an invaluable alliance.

Since June 2013, the government of the Turkish prime minister has faced elaborate expressions of public discontent. The charismatic and egocentric Recep Tayyip Erdoğan suffered another dramatic setback to his authority. The justice department has put his closest collaborators including three of his key ministers under investigation for corruption—leading them to resign...

The question of the extent and duration of Turkish support for jihadist factions opposing the Syrian regime has been a sensitive issue for some time. A key player in US and Western efforts to build up the non-Jihadist opposition to Assad, growing evidence of Turkish involvement with extremists has raised serious questions about Ankara’s priorities and Turkish prime minister Erdogan's ability to make rational decisions when it comes to the Syria quagmire along his country's southern border...