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To understand why Brexit happened, it is important to first look at the demographics of those places in which people voted differently from their normal party political allegiance. The BBC [...]

In a world in which charitable activities are increasingly crossing national borders, the Australian Government has had to reconsider its regulation of cross-border charity. Recent developments have resulted in a number of proposed regulatory reforms and a new tax ruling directly impacting Australian charities operating overseas. This article evaluates the government's existing and proposed measures to regulate Australian cross-border charity in a changing global landscape. In doing so, it examines whether the promised reforms will enable the government to fulfil its policy goals of reducing the administrative complexity for Australian charities operating overseas and safeguarding their charitable assets, while ensuring that public trust and confidence in these charities is preserved. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article tells the tale of two events of constitutional significance: the arrival in 1888 of steamer the SS Afghan into Sydney Harbour and the entry in 2001 of Norwegian containership the MV Tampa into Australian territorial waters. More than 100 years apart, these incidents raised parallel issues about the scope of the executive power to control entry into Australia and the role of courts in the formulation and implementation of migration policy. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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Abstract The New Colombo Plan (NCP), a key plank in the Australian government's foreign policy agenda, leverages student mobility as public diplomacy to improve Australia's standing and influence within the [...]

The article informs on a bilateral agreement made between U.S. President Donald Trump's administration and Australia regarding refugees. Topics discussed include accepting of refugees from Australian immigration detention camps located in Nauru and Papua New Guinea; troubles faced by the asylum seeker and refugee population related to the same; and treatment of Australian government related to the same.

The article looks at the history of Australia's relationship with Asia. The majority of people in Australia were less open to cross-cultural relationships. It redesigned its military policy in response to Japanese threat but has a close trade relationship with Japan before the war. It discusses how Asia was depicted in Australian art and literature.

Using the example of Australian-Indonesian cooperation on deterrence of asylum seekers in transit through Indonesia to Australia, this article challenges the view that Australia is a regional hegemon. It does this through two main methods. First, it engages in a close analysis of the shifting relationship between the two countries on refugee and asylum-seeker issues through different periods since 2001 to 2016. This demonstrates that the relationship is in fact more nuanced than previously suggested by other scholars. Second, it refers to Thomas Pedersen's political concept of "cooperative hegemony," which focuses upon "ideationalinstitutional realism" as a lens through which to view regional co-operation. It analyzes the institutional nature of the Australian-Indonesian cooperation relationship in the Southeast Asian context, to demonstrate that Australia has not established itself as a model of "cooperative hegemony." [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

During 2011, the United States and Australia agreed to the deployment of a US Marine Corps force to Darwin, Australia, to be rotated on a seasonal basis. This expeditionary force aspires to strengthen the interoperability between the US military and Australian Defence Force. It also is a tangible signal of the United States' commitment to a long-term military presence in the Western Pacific in light of its "Pivot to Asia" and a symbolic notice that Washington intends to contest potential attempts by China to gain hegemony over the South China Sea (SCS). This article examines how deployment of this force came about, reaction to it in Australia and the United States, and potential future geopolitical ramifications it could have for Australia, China, Southeast Asian countries, and the United States. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Australia must engage cooperatively with its regional neighbours on asylum issues facing the region. A proposal for cooperation between Australia and Indonesia on refugees is explored as to its structural, legal and diplomatic dimensions. Obstacles to that arrangement are rigorously analysed. Useful recommendations are then made to move such an arrangement forward. The discussion shows that support from both countries for this arrangement can be developed. Critically though, this arrangement is between two countries and so cannot succeed to protect refugees on its own. Rather, cooperation between multiple countries is necessary to successfully protect refugees and thereby undermine irregular boat journeys to Australia and generally. Policy discussions in this area must continue, including as to what other concrete arrangements could be developed between states benefitting refugees in various ways. As Australia's existing arrangements for offshore processing with Papua New Guinea and Nauru, which see asylum seekers detained in facilities in those countries, are unravelling, finding alternative and principled policies is imperative. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article mentions the 80th anniversary of the establishment of diplomatic relations between New Zealand and Australia, including the history of the two countries' diplomatic ties and how they have developed, and the efforts of early representatives such as Carl Berendsen and Thomas d'Alton.

The previous Abbott government had prioritized a general attitude to foreign policy captured by the phrase “Jakarta not Geneva,” which signified a preference for bilateral or minilateral interactions with the region rather than United Nations-based multilateralism. With Julie Bishop MP as Australia’s first female foreign minister, the Coalition also prioritized economic diplomacy, as exemplified by the repeated refrain that Australia is “open for business.”This approach led to a preference for diplomatic venues and processes that focused on continuing investments in regional architecture, new emphasis on minilateral dialogues such as the Indian Ocean Rim Association (IORA) and Mexico, Indonesia, Korea, Turkey, and Australia (MIKTA), and more effort directed to bilateral and plurilateral processes such as the Trans-Pacific Partnership trade negotiations. This approach has been continued under Prime Minister Turnbull, with a renewed focus on innovation.Part 1 considers minilateral and regional investments in the Indo-Pacific region, primarily, IORA, the Asia-Pacific Economic Cooperation (APEC), and the Association of South East Asian Nations (ASEAN). I consider MIKTA a unique vehicle for Australian diplomacy. Part 2 considers what issues Australia should be pursuing through these forums, with a focus on the two themes of gender equality (as an example of niche diplomacy) and trade (multilateralism under pressure) as case studies.Beeson and Higgott argue that middle powers have the potential to successfully implement “games of skill,” especially at moments of international transition. How skilful have Australia’s efforts been in these minilateral dialogues, enhanced regionalism, and plurilateral processes, and what more can be achieved in these forums? Are these efforts creating more fragmentation of the rules-based order, or are they a way to overcome global governance stalemates? I set out the arguments for whether Australia, as a pivotal power, should generate more global options, or be more focused on inclusion in the Asia-Pacific region. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Abstract China's economic and politico-military development is placing considerable strain on the established framework of the trilateral relationship between itself, the United States, and Australia. Specifically, China's rise is generating [...]

This paper undertakes an analysis of bilateral trade linkages between Australia and Thailand over 1990 to 2011, analysing changes in trade competitiveness, and possible role played by the Thailand-Australia Free Trade Agreement (TAFTA) that came into force in 2005. Trade competitiveness changes are measured by the revealed comparative advantage index (RCAI) at an aggregate and value-added level, as well as a constant market share analysis (CMS) analysis. An export-demand model utilizing interaction effects in presence of the TAFTA is then estimated, hitherto not attempted earlier in the empirical literature on Australia-Thailand trade. The findings of the paper suggest that the Thailand-Australian trade relationship has undergone further adjustment since the establishment of the TAFTA. However, the changes in trade patterns are not necessarily due to TAFTA but more of a long term trend. CMS analysis suggest that Thailand's export competitiveness significantly contributed to the remarkable growth of exports to Australia experienced over the period, and the strongest trade link between the two countries has been the export of automotive vehicles from Thailand to Australia. However, value-added RCAI reveals that Thailand's domestic industry have been contributing to its exports to a much lesser extent than as actually observed in its gross exports, and this reflects the increasing role of foreign firms and imported inputs in Thailand's machinery and transport equipment sector. The export demand model therefore finds a significant positive impact of the TAFTA only on Australian exports to Thailand, but not vice-versa. The observed statistically insignificant impact of the TAFTA on Thai exports to Australia could be due to the limited impact of the TAFTA on trade barriers in Australia, as Thai exporters already enjoyed low tariffs prior to implementation of the TAFTA. The insignificant income effect observed in presence of TAFTA confirms that the TAFTA agreement had no impact on Thailand's demand for Australian exports even while the Australian economy was growing. The results imply that Australia and Thailand's membership with the same country in three different FTAs (bilateral, regional and cross-regional) could throw up additional challenges of utilization of these agreements for actual business purposes in the near future. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Edward Gough Whitlam, the 21st Prime Minister of Australia, was born in July 1916. This year is the centenary of his birth. It follows closely on his death in October 2014 when his achievements, including in the law, were widely debated. In this article, the author reviews Whitlam's particular interest in international law and relations. It outlines the many treaties that were ratified by the Whitlam government, following a long period of comparative disengagement by Australia from international treaty law. he range, variety and significance of the treaties are noted as is Whitlam's attraction to treaties as a potential source of constitutional power for the enactment of federal laws by the Australian Parliament. his article also reviews Whitlam's role in the conduct of international relations with Australia's neighbours, notably the People's Republic of China, Papua New Guinea, Indonesia and Indochina. The reconiguration of geopolitical arrangements is noted as is the close engagement with the United Nations, its agencies and multilateralism. Whilst mistakes by Whitlam and his government are acknowledged, his strong emphasis on international law, and treaty law in particular, was timely. It became a signature theme of his government and life. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article discusses the relationship between Australia, East Asia and the U.S. and provides information on the return of the government of Australian Prime Minister Malcolm Turnbull, the chance of presidency of U.S. Presidential candidate Donald J. Trump, and the Trans-Pacific Partnership.

The article discusses the strategic value and bilateral relationship between Indonesia and Australia.

An essay is presented on Australian refugee detention policies post 2001 dealing with Australia's relationships in Oceania and Pacific Islands, bordersecurity policies and sovereignty, and arguments regarding human rights violations.

Asian values discourse has focused on the Confucian cultural peculiarities of East Asia as the motorforce behind the East Asian "miracle", which is characterised as significant economic boom, increased welfare, and more fair distribution of income in East/Southeast Asia. These peculiarities have both pragmatic and psychological/intellectual dimensions, which, seemingly, operate independently but actually complement each other. Psychologically, Asian values claim an East Asian intellectual and cultural exclusiveness from the "West" but, pragmatically, they actually encourage commercial relations with non-Asians. Australia's contemporary relations with East Asia are a clear example of this. A trade-oriented and pragmatic engagement with the region has relegated politico-strategic relations to the background. This research argues that to move beyond trade and increase the influence of a non-Asian power, such as Australia in East Asia, the psychological dimension cannot be ignored. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

When Thailand and Australia entered into a Free Trade Agreement in 2005 the public focus was largely on the trade in goods and the benefits that would accrue to each country with a more open market. What appears to have been largely neglected is that the Thailand Australia Free Trade Agreement also covers trade in services, foreign direct investment including commercial enterprises, and the movement of persons. This paper describes the foreign business laws that operate in each jurisdiction. It will be seen that those of Thailand are much more restrictive of foreign entry than those of Australia. Thailand provided additional concessions to Australian companies allowing them to operate in selected sectors such as consulting services, communications and education. Australia in its response reiterated that Australia was already a largely open market and Thailand was welcome to establish businesses and invest in Australia subject to the limited restrictions that apply to all foreign investors. Both countries agreed to facilitate the movement of persons associated with businesses established in the country of the other party. It is clear that Australia was the major beneficiary from these initiatives. This needs to be balanced against the fact that Australia had granted Thailand major concessions in opening its market to tariff and duty free entry of most Thai goods. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The interwar period represents an era of emerging growth and maturity in Australian foreign and defence relations, with a distinct focus shift from Imperial to regional matters. However, this expression of independent policy has been largely overlooked in the existing literature. Rather, Australian policy makers of this era have been framed as disinterested in policy making, lacking direction and preferring 'to deal with the world one step removed through Whitehall'. Such interpretations have overlooked significant policy changes throughout this period, painting Australia as a timid and naïve nation, content to follow Britain's every policy and demand. This article will challenge such views, drawing upon a recent growth in literature that supports the notion of growing assertiveness in Australian foreign and defence policy throughout the 1920s and 1930s. In doing so, this article will seek to redefine the interwar image of Australia. This will be achieved through an examination of Australia's response to the increasingly doubtful diplomatic and security assurances it received from Britain throughout the 1920s and 1930s. The uncertainty that this created forced Australian policy makers to assess their previously unchallenged commitment to the British Empire and to consider the growing significance of Australia's direct region in policy making, ultimately finding that the pursuit of a new policy direction was necessary. This article will examine this new assertiveness in policy making within the context of appeasement and rearmament, explicitly in its relation towards the potential regional aggressor Japan. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article discusses the story of the Lynch brothers, sculptor Francis Ennis "Guy" Lynch and artist Joseph Young "Joe" Lynch in Australasia, and the milieu in which they lived. Topics include George Edmond Finey, son of English mariner and fisherman Solomon Finey, whom the brothers met in Auckland, New Zealand, the three men's participation in the Great War, and present divide between Australia and New Zealand.