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This paper deals with the controversial identities of three Domitii Ahenobarbi and argues that two of them belonged to a collateral branch of this senatorial family, contrary to the commonly accepted view. A new stemma of the Domitii Ahenobarbi in the second century BCE is thus proposed.

The genealogy of the Postumii Albini from the second half of the second century BCE onwards is uncertain and debated. This article attempts a new discussion of the evidence. Its main contention is that A. Postumius Albinus, cos. 99, should be distinguished from the homonymous legate, brother of Sp. Postumius Albinus, cos. 110; that the two moneyers A. Postumii Albini were, in all likelihood, not directly related to each other and were probably sons of the last two consuls of the family; and, as a consequence, that at least two lines of descent between the second and the first century BCE can be discerned. On the basis of these results, a new stemma of the ancient patrician family of the Albini is put forward.

Das Manuskript eines unveröffentlichten Aufsatzes von Friedrich Münzer (1868–1942) ist jüngst von T. Corey Brennan im Nachlass von Ernst Badian (1925–2011) entdeckt worden. Der Aufsatz, in welchem Münzer sich mit A. Postumius Albinus, dem Konsul von 151 v. Chr. und Annalisten, und dessen Verhältnis zu Polybios befasste, wurde im Winter 1938–1939 auf Einladung von Ronald Syme (1903–1989) abgefasst und ihm zur Veröffentlichung im Journal of Roman Studies geschickt. Mit vorliegendem Beitrag wird dieser letzte bekannte Aufsatz Münzers endlich herausgegeben; er ist mit einer Einleitung über die Geschichte des Manuskripts und die Editionskriterien sowie mit einem Nachtrag zu den von Münzer berührten oder behandelten Hauptthemen versehen. The manuscript of a hitherto unpublished paper by Friedrich Münzer (1868–1942) has recently been discovered by T. Corey Brennan in the Nachlass of Ernst Badian (1925–2011). Written in Winter 1938–1939 on the invitation of Ronald Syme (1903–1989), and sent to him for publication in the Journal of Roman Studies, the article focuses on A. Postumius Albinus, the consul of 151 bce and annalist, and his relationship with Polybius. The text of Münzer’s paper, which is his last known scholarly work, is here preceded by an intro­ductory note on the history of the manuscript and the editorial criteria, and includes an addendum on some of the key historical issues discussed by Münzer.

The volume, which has emerged from an international conference of the same title, unites a range of disciplinary and interdisciplinary contributions on invasions of Goths and other Germanic tribes into the Roman Empire, focusing primarily on the third-century CE. The newly discovered fragments of the lost work Scythica by the third-century historian Dexippus of Athens, the so-called Scythica Vindobonensia alias Dexippus Vindobonensis, which survived in a Greek palimpsest kept in the Austrian National Library in Vienna, have great impact on the study of this field. The contributions explore the Vienna fragments in their historical and historiographical contexts, from the Roman to the Byzantine Era, and the history of the invasions themselves. Der Band, der aus einer internationalen Tagung gleichen Namens hervorgeht, vereinigt verschiedene disziplinäre und interdisziplinäre Perspektiven auf das Thema der gotischen und anderen germanischen Einfälle ins Römische Reich, besonders im 3. Jahrhundert n. Chr., das durch die neuen Fragmente aus dem verlorenen Werk Skythika des antiken Historikers Dexippos von Athen, die sog. Scythica Vindobonensia alias Dexippus Vindobonensis, die rezent in einem griechischen Palimpsest der Österreichischen Nationalbibliothek in Wien entdeckt wurden, wichtige Impulse erhalten hat. Die Beiträge behandeln den historischen und historiographischen Kontext der neuen Fragmente, von der römischen bis in die byzantinische Zeit, wie auch die Einfälle als solche.

This volume collects papers on pragmatic perspectives on ancient theatre. Scholars working on literature, linguistics, theatre will find interesting insights on verbal and non-verbal uses of language in ancient Greek and Roman Drama. Comedies and tragedies spanning from the 5th century B.C.E. to the 1st century C.E. are investigated in terms of im/politeness, theory of mind, interpersonal pragmatics, body language, to name some of the approaches which afford new interpretations of difficult textual passages or shed new light into nuances of characterisation, or possibilities of performance. Words, silence, gestures, do things, all the more so in dramatic dialogues on stage.

Semantische Emphase, Kongruenz von Erzähler- und Figurenhaltung und Ikonizität sind (einige) Verfahren der narrativen Verdichtung (formal und inhaltlich) von literarischen Texten und bewirken, dass diese Texte an Prägnanz gewinnen. Diese Verfahren zeichnen sich dadurch aus, dass sie kulturell verankerte Konnotationen, die sich mit Dingen und Lebewesen der (außer)literarischen Wirklichkeit verbinden, gezielt abrufen. Sie lassen zudem Erzähler und Figuren, discours und histoire, mit einer gemeinsamen ›Stimme‹ sprechen und übertragen erzählzeitlich voranschreitende Handlung punktuell in die Simultaneität des Bildes. Diese Prozesse narrativer Verdichtung lassen sich an ausgewählten Beispieltexten (12. und 13. Jahrhundert) der europäischen Erzähltradition aufzeigen: Alexanders von Roes lateinischer ›Pavo‹, das altfranzösische Fabliau ›Le chevalier qui recovra l’amor de sa dame‹ und der mittelhochdeutsche ›Mauritius von Craûn‹., Beiträge zur mediävistischen Erzählforschung, 2019: Brevitas 1 – Sonderheft BmE: Prägnantes Erzählen

In den philosophischen, ästhetischen und musikwissenschaftlichen Diskursen scheinen Musik und Emotionen selbstverständlich miteinander einherzugehen. Ob die Musik als ein sich auf Zahlen- oder Proportionsverhältnisse stützendes, abstraktes Schema begriffen wird (wie z. B. in der griechischen Theorie und in ihren nachfolgenden Derivaten), als Nachahmung der Natur oder affektiver Zustände (wie in der klassischen Ästhetik) oder als unmittelbarer Ausdruck der Leidenschaften (wie in der romantischen Metaphysik) – sie wird systematisch als diejenige künstlerische Tätigkeit betrachtet, die am besten in der Lage ist, E-motionen (e-movere) zu erzeugen, Körper und Seele „in Motion“ zu setzen. Die Literatur scheint sich des Vorteils, den die Musik im Bereich der Emotionen ihr gegenüber hat, bewusst zu sein. In den vorliegenden Beiträgen wird gezeigt, dass Literatur sich nicht selten auf die Musik bezieht und sie in ihre verbale Welt integriert, um ihre eigene emotionale und kommunikative Wirkmacht zu verstärken., In philosophical, aesthetic and musicological discourses, the association of music with emotions seems to be taken for granted, although the modalities of this connection have varied considerably over the centuries. Whether it is theorised as an abstract scheme based on relations of numbers or proportions (cf. the Greek theory and all its later derivatives), as an imitation of nature or of affective states (cf. the classical aesthetics) or as a direct expression of the passions (cf. the romantic metaphysics), music is systematically considered the artistic activity best able to provoke e-motions (e-movere), i.e. to move and to ‘set in motion’ the body as well as the soul, and by extension, best able to put in relation and to favour communication with the divine and with other human beings (cf. current association between music and religion, re-ligare, ‘re-late’). Literature appears conscious of this advantage music has over it in the sphere of emotions: it is indeed not unusual that when it evokes emotions (i.e. holds discourse about them) and/or aims to arouse them (i.e. to produce a direct emotional action on the reader), it makes use of music and integrates it into its verbal universe. Within the scope of this book, we focus on the manner in which literature, while retaining its own weapons (words) and without resorting to a direct collaboration with music as it does in opera or song, utilises music for conveying states of sensitivity and for increasing its emotional and communicative potential. The options for the mobilisation of music in literary texts are multiple: at content level, musical traces can manifest themselves in the form of themes or motifs (descriptions of musicians, musical performances, musical instruments, etc.), musical quotations (fragments of a score that interrupts the text), or discourses on music (ranging from technical and musicological analysis to subjective interpretations of a work with generous use of images and metaphors); from the formal point of view, musical thought can be seen either in the musicality of the text (phonic or rhythmic aspect) or in its structure (sonata form, fugue form, etc.). The articles in English, French and German gathered in this book try to respond to these questions: By which specific use of these models does the literary work attempt to increase and value its emotional content and impact? Does it always succeed in doing so? Do these models lead to an extension of the literary field and the means of literary expression?

Erasmus does not aim to present a transcript of the spoken words of Jesus. At least, this is what he professes in the prolegomena of his Novum Testamentum. If such a transcript in Hebrew or Syriac did exist, Erasmus goes on to assure us, he would worship it as a relic. Thus, Erasmus presents himself as a humble bearer of merely the second best conceivable text, namely the Greek New Testament. However, in the context of Erasmus’ other writings there can be little doubt that he thought of the Greek text as the ne plus ultra. His confidence is evident in the way he treats the few Aramaic New Testament phrases in his annotations and downplays the respective critique of the Spanish scholar Nebrija. This was because Greek in the early 16th century was not just a language; its very use was an avowal of commitment to emergent humanist scholarship. Erasmus was deeply committed to this new kind of learning, whereas he never really warmed to Semitic languages. In fact, the Greek quality of the New Testament resonates with Erasmus’ presentation of the life of Jerome who in the Syrian dessert was nourished by the wells of the Greek Church Fathers. It also resonates with Syrian-born Lucian of Samosata, Erasmus’ most cherished Greek stylist. After Erasmus and especially in the Reformed tradition, the Semitic origins of the New Testament became much more alluring. In order to get closer to the words Jesus actually had spoken, scholars tried to reconstruct a Syriac New Testament text. Even though they were driven by the Protestant battle cry of sola scriptura, their very work questioned the extant text. In the midst of confessional contest, faithfulness to the sources threatened to shake the foundations of Reformed policy. Thus a scholar-cum-churchman like Beza found himself in an uneasy quandary: for the sake of argument he had to attack pre-Reformation textual tradition and Erasmus as an editor while at the same time, for the sake of confessional cohesion, Erasmus’ text had to be presented as the binding Word of God.