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The media-terrorism nexus needs further exploration. This article is a qualitative analysis of the coverage of London Attacks, 2005 by the British TV news channels. It aims to investigate and to empirically ascertain the veracity of the media-terrorism-symbiotic-relationship notion. The research draws a comparison with a similar study of the coverage of Mumbai attacks, 2008 and maintains that when the terrorist event happens on British soil, the symbiotic relationship theory is not verified completely. It concludes that British TV news channels, while reporting the home event of terrorism, do not overly focus on the theme of awe and terror. Instead, they are more responsible, careful, and nationalistic while covering the events of terrorism. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper investigates the impact of the London bombings on attitudes toward ethnic minorities, examining outcomes in housing and labor markets across London boroughs. We use a difference-in-differences approach, specifying 'treated' boroughs as those with the highest concentration of Asian residents. Our results indicate that house prices in treated boroughs fell by approximately 2% in the 2 years after the bombings relative to other boroughs, with sales declining by almost 6%. Furthermore, we present evidence of a rise in the unemployment rate in treated compared to control boroughs, as well as a rise in racial segregation. ( JEL J15, J71, R21) [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article is a qualitative analysis of nation-state population “resiliency” to several spectacular and/or highly symbolic terrorist assaults that were watershed events. It draws heavily from qualitative comparative analysis (QCA) frameworks to isolate and identify the presence of what Goertz calls the “secondary dimensions” of a “primary concept” such as resiliency to terrorist assaults. In turn, the presence of those secondary dimensions and their strength presuppose and derive from “tertiary indicators” that are the basic metrics and concrete manifestations of those secondary dimensions. The nation-states under consideration include the London bombings of 2005, the United States for 9/11, the Madrid bombings of 2004, the first suicide bombings within pre-1967 boundaries of Israel, and the Russian Federation in the case of the 2002 terrorist assault against the Dubrovka Theater in Moscow. The results serve as the basis for the development of a “resiliency continuum” of nation-states where placement of those countries on the continuum reflect “nonresilient,” “semiresilient,” and “resilient” conditions, themselves defined by the number of secondary dimensions found in each case study. In the process, the analysis illuminates possible interconnections between “context specific” factors, such as a country’s historical experience with terrorism and population characteristics (e.g., education levels, degree of heterogeneity) to the resiliency or nonresiliency condition, and describes possible links between exogenous “systems factors” such as war and power ranking to the resiliency condition. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

There was conducted an experiment based on Grounded theory methodology. The research question was referred to the 07/07 London bombings under the perspective of a working British Muslim male. The aim was to look for an understanding about interpersonal implications on professional and social encounters. There was interviewed one participant and the qualitative data collected, formed the Grounded theory that prejudice and social status are interrelated and refer to the aspect of individual differences in a modern society. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper explores the representation of video surveillance by the print media in the immediate aftermath of the London Underground bombings in 2005. It presents the findings of a mixed methods analysis, drawing on content and discourse analysis to present the main themes that arise in the print media during this time. The paper shows that there is a recurrent theme of 'them' and 'us' during this time; a broader theme also found in the traditional sociological literature and other analyses of surveillance. Coverage of the use of video surveillance during this time is resoundingly positive, with only a few dissenting voices drawing out the ethical and social implications of increasing surveillance in the immediate aftermath of the bombings (both in the UK and worldwide). Finally, the paper focuses on the theme of visibility and invisibility of the bombers. The bombers are depicted as invisible, part of 'them' but indistinguishable from 'us'. During the period chosen for analysis there are repeated calls for increased surveillance despite recurrent statements that however much surveillance there had been on the Underground, the bombings could not have been prevented. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The 'Blitz spirit' is a popular story of Britain during the Second World War, uniting together with defiance to overcome the threat of invasion from Nazi Germany. This paper reviews the Blitz spirit as a myth before a Critical Discourse Analysis (CDA) examines how this myth was retold in British newspapers after the July 7th bombings. I firstly analyse Blitz spirit discourses that evoked unity between Britain and America in the war on terror. I then argue that evocations of this myth became more complex, often criticising Tony Blair for his moral incompatibility with Second World War or Churchillian analogies. Both discursive positions used a myth that remembers and forgets details in a popular story from the past. This paper argues that whilst the Blitz spirit was a problematic feature of post-July 7th media, it did not serve one ideological purpose. Through a nuanced approach to Roland Barthes' model of myth, I argue that an ideological battleground occurred when a myth from the 1940s recurred in 2005. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Since September 11th 2001, and the London bombings of July 2005, the 'war on terror' has led to the subjection of populations to new regimes of control and reinforced state sovereignty. This involves, in countries such as the UK and the US, the limiting of personal freedoms, increased regulation of immigration and constant surveillance, as a response to the perceived increased risk of terrorist attacks. In this paper I consider new surveillance technologies in secondary schools as a moment in the "war on terror" where recognisability is key to understanding the ways in which populations are racialised. I argue that the counter-terrorism agenda is one of the reasons why schools have invested to such an extent in new technologies of surveillance and explore the implications such surveillance has for the way in which students are raced. The paper applies a framework which combines a Critical Race Theory (CRT) analysis of white supremacy with Judith Butler's (2004a, 2010) thinking on recognisable lives and Agamben's (2005) state of exception in order to analyse how minority ethnic young people are constructed as 'threatening'. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Counter-terrorism is not a completely new arena of activity in the European Union. The Member States have cooperated since the early seventies, when terrorism was rife in various countries. The terrorist attacks of 9/11 have propelled the issue back onto the policy agenda, and joint efforts have been amplified by the attacks in Madrid (March 2004) and London (July 2005). Recently, concerns have been voiced over the resurgence of violent right-wing extremism. In contrast to the seventies, the EU can now encourage intensive cooperation between the jurisdictions of the Member States, as it is has established an Area of Freedom, Security and Justice. In this article, we discuss the three main planes of cooperation, namely the strategic, the regulatory and the agency level of cooperation. Finally, we analyze how nation states have responded to the call for European cooperation in the field of counter-terrorism. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Using a difference-in-differences framework and micro data from the Current Population Survey-Merged Outgoing Rotation Group Files (1999 to 2004), this paper estimates the impact that the 9-11 terrorists attacks had on the U.S. labor market outcomes of individuals with nativity profiles similar to the terrorists. We find that shortly after the attacks, the employment-population ratios and hours worked of very young (ages 16 to 25) Muslim men fell. By 2004, most losses had begun to dissipate. The employment-population ratios and hours worked of older Muslim men experienced little deterioration. We find no effect of the U.K.'s July 2005 London bombings on the labor market outcomes of U.S. Muslims. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In this paper we study the causal impact of police on crime, looking at what happened to crime and police before and after the terror attacks that hit central London in July 2005. The attacks resulted in a large redeployment of police officers to central London as compared to outer London. During this time, crime fell significantly in central relative to outer London. The instrumental variable approach we use uncovers an elasticity of crime with respect to police of approximately -0.3 to -0.4, so that a 10 percent increase in police activity reduces crime by around 3 to 4 percent. JEL: K42 [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article provides a discussion on why legislation on counter-terrorism receives considerable amounts of opposition after the Oklahoma City Bombing and the 2005 London Bombings. The legislative reactions to these attacks were scrutinized, and the several variables were examined, including the government's partisan composition, the mass fear levels grounded on public opinion, and executive approval ratings. It was concluded that the partisan composition of the government and executive approval ratings are vital to the enactment of counter-terror laws.

The 7/7 terrorist attacks demonstrated that there were some clear deficiencies with the organisation of the United Kingdom's counter-terrorism intelligence community. In the aftermath of the attacks, there were moves to develop a more robust 'counter-terrorism network' in the United Kingdom that would facilitate better communication and intelligence sharing. While recent developments are to be welcomed, the reforms have not addressed some of the fundamental cultural, institutional and technological issues at the heart of the problem. The creation of an effective counter-terrorism network demands that information flows more freely through the intelligence community and that institutional boundaries are broken down. Until these obstacles have been overcome, the new counter-terrorism network will continue to be hampered by the same old problems of intelligence sharing. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Background This study was conducted following the London bombings of 7 July 2005. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

Since the 11 September 2001 attacks in the United States and the 7 July 2005 London bombings, geospatial researchers have attempted to utilize GIScience technologies in response to disasters occurring in the microspace of multilevel structures (such as the interior of buildings) in urban areas. Such applications require 3D geographic information systems (GIS) functionalities to represent the three-dimensional structures of urban environments and to conduct 3D GIS-based spatial analyses. These requirements motivate this study to represent the complex internal structure of buildings at a three-dimensional subunit level so as to analyze human behavior in an emergency situation. This article discusses the development of a 3D Navigable Data Model (3D NDM) based on the 3D Geometric Network Data Model and representing pedestrian access within buildings or urban built-environments, which can be modeled as a network of walkway sections and connections. Additionally, this article discusses the design of a geospatial database created to manage the physical and environmental factors of disaster sites that are essential for emergency response. To improve planning and facilitate rescue operations in a decision support system, this article presents (1) a 3D geo-coding method to locate rescue personnel and disaster sites within the reference data (a network representation of a building), (2) a 3D map matching method to define the correlation between the location of bottlenecks or disaster sites and the nearest location on the 3D NDM, which represents the internal structure of the built-environment as a network representation, and (3) an indoor navigation model, based on the Dijkstra algorithm, to identify optimal routes within a multilevel structure by measuring relative pedestrian accessibility and to provide navigation guidance for rescue personnel. Lastly, this article presents the results of an experimental implementation of the 3D NDM using GIS data for a section of the University of North Carolina at Charlotte campus. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Following the bombings in London of July 2005, the Prime Minister, Tony Blair warned that ‘the rules of the game are changing’. The proposed changes have primarily related to foreign suspects of terrorism and engage rules relating to asylum, deportation and nationality. The Terrorism Act 2006 and the Immigration, Asylum and Nationality Act 2006, which give effect to the proposals, are examined and analysed with reference to the policy choices in regard to counter-terrorism strategy, to the weighting of rights against policy, and to choices between rights, including the treatment of absolute rights. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article explores the different ideas of community circulating in the aftermath of the 7 July 2005 bombings in London. Specifically, it compares the idea of a community in unity with a more cosmopolitan, urban idea of community. While these two ideas seem to present sharply different responses, the article questions the extent to which the cosmopolitan model offers an alternative to the nationalist idea of community. Drawing on various discussions about how ideas of community are produced through different understandings of time and origins, the article argues that in this specific case both the national and the cosmopolitan accounts of community worked according to a very similar logic, and therefore risked reproducing similar problems and exclusions. Consequently, the article suggests that the task of exploring alternative conceptions of community must involve greater sensitivity to the politics of time and other approaches to the politics of origins. This challenge is pursued through the motif of the city as a site expressing a different temporality and thus a different idea of community from that expressed in traditions of national belonging. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The shooting of Jean Charles de Menezes in Stockwell Station, South London, on 22 July 2005, was described as a "tragic mistake" by Metropolitan Police Commissioner Sir Ian Blair. This framing of the killing has come to dominate responses to it in the mainstream media. However, such a framing stymies critical questioning about what happened and colludes in the reproduction of a particular framework of understanding within which sovereign power has retrospectively valorized his death. By contrast this article reads the shooting as one of multiple responses of the British state to the bombings of the London transport network on 7 July 2005 and locates Menezes's death within the broader context of the global "War on Terror." Rather than a "mistake," the author argues that the shooting is symptomatic of systemic features of Western politics and in particular innovations in the ways sovereign power attempts to secure the spatial and temporal borders of sovereign political community. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Background: Terrorist attacks can have psychological effects on the general public.Aims: To assess the medium-term effects of the July 2005 London bombings on the general population in London and to identify risk factors for persistent effects.Method: We telephoned 1010 Londoners 11-13 days after the bombings to assess stress levels, perceived threat and travel intentions. Seven months later, 574 respondents were contacted again and asked similar questions, and questions concerning altered perceptions of self and the world.Results: ;Substantial stress' (11%), perceived threat to self (43%) and reductions in travel because of the bombings (19%) persisted at a reduced level; other perceived threats remained unchanged. A more negative world view was common. Other than degree of exposure to the bombings, there were no consistent predictors of which people with short-term reactions would develop persistent reactions.Conclusions: A longer-term impact of terrorism on the perceptions and behaviour of Londoners was documented. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Recent terrorist events in the UK, such as the security alerts at British airports in August 2006 and the London bombings of July 2005 gained extensive media and academic analysis. This study contends, however, that much of the commentary demonstrated a wide degree of failure among government agencies, academic and analytic experts and the wider media, about the nature of the threat and continues to distort comprehension of the extant danger. The principal failure, this argument maintains, was, and continues to be, one of an asymmetry of comprehension that mistakes the still relatively limited means of violent jihadist radicals with limited political ends. The misapprehension often stems from the language that surrounds the idea of ‘terrorism’, which increasingly restricts debate to an intellectually redundant search for the ‘root causes’ that give rise to the politics of com placency. In recent times this outlook has consistently underestimated the level of the threat to the security of the UK. This article argues that a more realistic appreciation of the current security condition requires abandoning the prevailing view that the domestic threat is best prosecuted as a criminal conspiracy. It demands instead a total strategy to deal with a totalizing threat. The empirical evidence demonstrates the existence of a physical threat, not merely the political fear of threat. The implementation of a coherent set of social policies for confronting the threat at home recognizes that securing state borders and maintaining internal stability are the fi rst tasks of government. Fundamentally, this requires a return to an understanding of the Hobbesian conditions for sovereignty, which, despite the delusions of post-Cold War cosmopolitan multiculturalism, never went away. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article focuses on events that helped shaped public policy in Australia towards the war on terrorism. The powers of the Australian Security and Intelligence Organisation were expanded following the September 11, 2001 terrorist attacks. The emphasis on immigration control was shifted to domestic violence after the London, England bombings in July 2005. The major race riot in Sydney, New South Wales alerted authorities on the deterioration in ethnic relations.

The author provides an account of the effect of the July 7, 2005 terrorist bombings in London, England and how the University College London (UCL) Library Services responded. She deals with service continuity and the effects on staff in describing the libraries of UCL. She discusses some of the outcomes of their subsequent review of emergency preparedness and the follow-up they have initiated.

One of the paradoxical effects of the 7 July bombings in London was to expose the ambivalence in the British government's attempt to wage war on terror by forcefully prosecuting war against those who resort to jihad abroad, actively participating in coalitions of the willing whether in Afghanistan or Iraq, while affording some of Islamism's key ideologists and strategists a high degree of latitude in the United Kingdom itself. This indicates a number of contradictions in official policy that simultaneously recognizes the globalized threat from violent Islamic militancy while, under the rubric of multiculturalism, tolerating those very strains of Islamist radicalism, some of which draw upon the interdependent and transnational character of conflict, to render the UK vulnerable to those very same violent forces. Consequently, the British authorities displayed a studied indifference towards this developing transnational phenomenon both during the 1990s and in some respects even after the London bombings. To explore the curious character of the government's response to the Islamist threat requires the examination of the emergence of this radical ideological understanding and what it entails as a reaction to modernization and secularism in both thought and practice. The analysis explores how government policies often facilitated the non-negotiable identity politics of those promoting a pure, authentic and regenerated Islamic order both in the UK and abroad. This reflected a profound misunderstanding of the growing source and appeal of radical Islam that can be interpreted as a consequence of the slow-motion collision between modernity in its recent globalized form and an Islamic social character, which renders standard western modernization theory, and indeed, the notion of a ‘social science’ itself, deeply questionable. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article investigates representations of national belonging in British South Asian theater productions after the 2005 London bombings. It identifies a significant yet hitherto underresearched corpus of plays that show the formation of the UK "home front" in the war on terror from the perspective of postcolonial subjects who are deemed threatening rather than worthy of protection. After discussing the construction of British South Asian citizens as suspicious subjects, the article analyzes two plays that offer an extensive consideration of the contingencies of national belonging. It argues that True Brits by Vinay Patel and Harlesden High Street by Abhishek Majumdar dramatize strategies for building, making, or keeping a home in London in spite of the strictures of suspectification and securitization. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]