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Philip K. Hitti was the first scholar to study Arab-American immigration to the United States. Highly influential during the twentieth century, his ideas have lost much of their appeal to current interpreters of the early diaspora of Arab-Americans called Syrians at the time. This article revisits Hitti's thought, focusing on the issues of Palestine and Arab identity. Using primary source material from Hitti's archived papers, plus multiple secondary sources, I argue that Hitti maintained consistency, both in his advocacy of the general Arab stance opposing a Jewish homeland in Palestine, and in his construction of Arab identity as different from Syrian identity. On Palestine, Hitti clashed with Albert Einstein, in public discourse and in an acerbic private exchange of correspondence. On Arab identity, Hitti held firm to a strict interpretation, distinguishing Syrians, conceptualized as Christian, from Arabs, conceptualized as Islamic. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Purpose – The purpose of this paper is to assess how wages of US native workers with various educational backgrounds are affected by immigration. Design/methodology/approach – This paper estimates the responses of these workers' wages to the concentration of immigrants with various educational backgrounds in their local labour markets, using 1980-2000 US Census data and instrumental variables approach. Findings – Wages of native high school dropouts fall slightly in the presence of immigrant high school dropouts and high school graduates; wages of native high school graduates fall slightly in the presence of immigrant high school graduates, but rise in the presence of immigrants with higher levels of education; wages of native workers with some college education fall slightly with larger concentrations of immigrant high school graduates but rise slightly with larger concentrations of immigrant college graduates; and there is no evidence that wages of native college graduates are affected by immigration. Originality/value – No previous studies have considered these possibilities when assessing the impact of immigration on native workers' wages. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The Obama administration has developed two broad programs to defer immigration enforcement actions against undocumented persons living in the United States: (1) Deferred Action for Parents of Americans and Lawful Permanent Residents (DAPA); and (2) Deferred Action for Childhood Arrivals (DACA). The DACA program, which began in August 2012, was expanded on November 20, 2014. DAPA and the DACA expansion (hereinafter referred to as "DACA-plus") are currently under review by the US Supreme Court and subject to an active injunction. This paper offers a statistical portrait of the intended direct beneficiaries of DAPA, DACA, and DACA-plus. It finds that potential DAPA, DACA, and DACA-plus recipients are deeply embedded in US society, with high employment rates, extensive US family ties, long tenure, and substantial rates of English-language proficiency. The paper also notes various groups that would benefit indirectly from the full implementation of DAPA and DACA or, conversely, would suffer from the removal of potential beneficiaries of these programs. For example, all those who would rely on the retirement programs of the US government will benefit from the high employment rates and relative youth of the DACA population, while many US citizens who rely on the income of a DAPA-eligible parent would fall into poverty or extreme poverty should that parent be removed from the United States. This paper offers an analysis of potential DAPA and DACA beneficiaries. In an earlier study, the authors made the case for immigration reform based on long-term trends related to the US undocumented population, including potential DAPA and DACA beneficiaries (Warren and Kerwin 2015). By contrast, this paper details the degree to which these populations have become embedded in US society. It also compares persons eligible for the original DACA program with those eligible for DACA-plus. As stated, the great majority of potential DAPA and DACA recipients enjoy strong family ties, long tenure, and high employment rates in the United States. Nearly one-half of the DAPA population and far higher percentages of the two DACA populations speak English well, very well, or exclusively. An unknown, albeit not insubstantial percentage of both the DAPA- and DACA-eligible may already qualify for an immigration benefit or relief that would put them on a path to permanent residency and US citizenship. These mostly low-wage populations have relatively high rates of poverty and low rates of health insurance. Not surprisingly, the educational attainment, school enrollment rates, and English-language proficiency of the DACA-eligible substantially exceed those of the DAPA-eligible. Both populations enjoy high levels of computer and Internet access. The Center for Migration Studies (CMS) derived its estimates on the DAPA- and DACA-eligible from statistics on the foreign-born population collected in the US Census Bureau's American Community Survey (ACS), as described in Warren (2016). It first derived detailed estimates for all undocumented residents, and then used the characteristics of this population (e.g., year of entry, age at entry, etc.) to tabulate the numbers of those who would be eligible for DAPA and DACA in 2014, which is the most recent year available. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

When signing into law the Illegal Immigration Reform and Immigrant Responsibility Act of 1996 (IIRIRA, or "the Act"),1 President William J. Clinton asserted that the legislation strengthened "the rule of law by cracking down on illegal immigration at the border, in the workplace, and in the criminal justice system--without punishing those living in the United States legally" (Clinton 1996). In fact, the Act has severely punished US citizens and noncitizens of all statuses. It has also eroded the rule of law by eliminating due process from the overwhelming majority of removal cases, curtailing equitable relief from removal, mandating detention (without individualized custody determinations) for broad swaths of those facing deportation, and erecting insurmountable, technical roadblocks to asylum. In addition, it created new immigration-related crimes and established "the concept of 'criminal alienhood,'" which has "slowly, but purposefully" conflated criminality and lack of immigration status (Abrego et al. 2017, 695). It also conditioned family reunification on income, divided mixed-status families, and consigned other families to marginal and insecure lives in the United States (Lopez 2017, 246). Finally, it created the 287(g) program that enlists state and local law enforcement agencies in immigration enforcement and drives a wedge between police and immigrant communities. The trend of "cracking down" on immigrants did not begin with IIRIRA. The Anti-Drug Abuse Act of 1986, the Anti-Drug Abuse Act of 1988, and the 1990 Immigration Act, for example, expanded deportable offenses (Abrego et al. 2017, 697; Macías-Rojas 2018, 3-4). IIRIRA, however, significantly "ratchet[ed] up" the "punitive aspects of US immigration law already in place" (Abrego et al. 2017, 702), and erected much of the legal and operational infrastructure that underlies the Trump administration's plan to remove millions of undocumented residents and their families, to terrify others into leaving "voluntarily," and to slash legal immigration. In 2016, the Center for Migration Studies of New York (CMS) issued a call for papers to examine IIRIRA's multifaceted consequences. 2 Between March 2017 and January 2018, CMS published eight papers from this collection in its Journal on Migration and Human Security (JMHS). The papers cover the political conditions that gave rise to IIRIRA, and the Act's impact on immigrants, families, communities, and the US immigration system. This article draws on these papers -- as well as sources closer to IIRIRA's passage and implementation -- to describe how the Act transformed US immigration policies and laid the groundwork for the Trump administration's policies.3 After a brief discussion of IIRIRA's origins, the article discusses the law's effects and subsequent policies related to the growth of the US immigration enforcement apparatus, removal, asylum, detention, the criminal prosecution of immigrants, the treatment of immigrant families, and joint federal-state enforcement activities. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The governance of immigration has a checkered past, and policy makers' efforts at reform rarely meet expectations. Critiques have echoed over the years and across the political spectrum. The current system of immigration governance is scattered around the federal government, with no clear chain of command. No single government department or agency captures the breadth of the Immigration and Nationality Act's reach. At the crux of understanding immigration governance is acknowledging that immigration is not a program to be administered; rather, it is a phenomenon to be managed. The abundance of commissions that have studied the issues and the various administrative structures over time offers some wisdom on ingredients for successful governance. Based upon this research, options for effective immigration governance emerge. This paper studies the administration of immigration law and policy with an eye trained on immigration governance for the future. It opens with a historical overview that provides the backdrop for the current state of affairs. It then breaks down the missions and functions of the Immigration and Nationality Act by the lead agencies tasked with these responsibilities. The paper concludes with an analysis of options for improving immigration governance. Each of these options poses unique challenges as well as political obstacles. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper discusses recent migration to North America with reference to the 1962 and 1967 Canadian immigration regulations and the 1965 United States Immigration and Nationality Act. Despite the similar emphasis on manpower and kinship criteria as the basis for the admission of immigrants, differences between Canada and the United States exist with respect to the importance of immigration for the respective economies, the organization of immigration, the formal regulations, and the size and composition of migrant streams. After an examination of the volume, origin, and occupational composition of immigration to Canada and the United States, flows between the two countries are studied. The paper concludes with a scrutiny of changes in immigration regulations which are pending in both countries. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article presents a discussion on migration rate in the U.S. with reference to the paper by James D. Traver and William R. Gurley which is based on use of multiple regression model in demographic and sociological research. It suggests that if net migration rates is to be explained or sources influencing migration are to be found, the joint influence of two or more variables should be measured as median family income, median years of schooling, percent adults who have completed four or more years of high school, county net migration rates. It views that two highly intercorrelated measures of education are used in the paper which results in measuring the same things again. It is also suggested that a variable representing natural increase should be introduced to calculate the migration rate because areas with high natural increase rates are more likely to lose population by migration whereas areas with low natural increase rates are more likely to gain population by migration. It is viewed that despite of these problems also, the paper is able to handle some very complex and difficult problems.

Copyright of Letrônica is the property of EDIPUCRS - Editora Universitaria da PUCRS and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Encounters in Theory & History of Education / Rencontres en Theorie et Histoire de l'Educacion is the property of Queen's University, Faculty of Education and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

This paper presents an empirical analysis of immigrant participation in the welfare system using the 1970 and 1980 U.S. Censuses. The availability of two cross-sections allows for identification of cohort and assimilation effects. The data indicate that recent immigrant cohorts use the welfare system more intensively than earlier cohorts. In addition, the longer an immigrant household has been in the United States, the more likely it is to receive welfare. The analysis also suggests that a single factor, the changing national origin mix of the immigrant flow, accounts for much of the increase in welfare participation rates across successive immigrant waves. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Relatively little work has been done on the contributions made to the American trade union movement by specific religious or ethnic groups. In the past we have published several papers dealing with the Catholic trade union movement in the United States. In this article the author analyzes the cultural, political, and ideological factors in the Jewish labor unions and other workers' organizations and their impact on the American scene generally, In the October issues a second article by the author will present an analysis of the history from World War I to our own day. This study was made possible by a grant from the American Jewish Committee and is published in this Review with the permission of the committee. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper adds three dimensions to the received literature: it models migration when the individuals' preferences regarding their relative incomes are ordinal, it works out the resulting spatial steady-state distribution of the individuals, and it shows that the aggregate of the individuals' migration choices in the spatial steady-state distribution sums to the social optimum. This finding does not apply when the individuals' preferences regarding their relative incomes are cardinal. We highlight the importance of the assumption about the nature of the individuals' social preferences (whether ordinal or cardinal) to studying and predicting their migration behaviour, and to elucidating the consequences of that behaviour for social welfare. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In this paper we analyze the long-run impact of immigration on employment, productivity, and its skill bias. We use the existence of immigrant communities across U.S. states before 1960 and the distance from the Mexican border as instruments for immigration flows. We find no evidence that immigrants crowded out employment. At the same time, we find that immigration had a strong, positive association with total factor productivity and a negative association with the high skill bias of production technologies. The results are consistent with the idea that immigrants promoted efficient task specialization, thus increasing TFP, and also promoted the adoption of unskilled-efficient technologies. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Despite the significant increase of African-born immigrants in the United States of America, the education system does not recognize their presence and does little to facilitate their integration through the implementation of necessary curricular adjustments. The purpose of this article is to call on multicultural education advocates to endorse the argument for the distinctness of Africanborn immigrants as a complex cultural group with unique vulnerabilities requiring sensitivity. Organizationally, the paper develops four key points: the current demographic representation of the African population; the absence of African voices in multicultural education scholarship; the salience of multicultural education advocacy in recognizing the essence of African cultures in the western world; and the minimal coverage of African topics in the U.S. curriculum. Two sets of recommendations, curricular and culture-oriented, conclude the argument. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In 1917, the German-American scientist Jacques Loeb (1859-1924) published a short essay, entitled 'Biology and War', that summarized his disagreement with World War I. He was deeply saddened by the break-up of the international scientific community as a consequence of the actions of bellicose politicians. These actions were in direct opposition to his efforts to promote social reform, mechanistic biology and scientific internationalism. The aim of this paper is to examine Loeb's activities aimed at these efforts before, during and after the war. It attempts to explain how Loeb's scientific work was formed, what was special about it and why it was both successful and attacked. Particular emphasis is placed on how Loeb reacted to the War and the subsequent forced disintegration of his international scientific network. Loeb's attempts to integrate his interpretation of biology into post-war Europe's approach to the life sciences is analysed in connection with his social commitment. It is argued that his emigration to the USA, the circumstances of World War I, the reaction of his German colleagues to it and the demolition of the international scientific community changed: (1) Loeb's feelings towards his old home; (2) the direction of his scientific endeavours; and (3) his engagement in science politics. His correspondence with eminent scientists from all over the world serves as a key to Loeb's efforts in the context of the social elements of scientific networks and perceptions. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

A great deal of research has focused on factors that may contribute to the Hispanic mortality paradox in the United States. In this paper, we examine the role of the salmon bias hypothesis—the selective return of less-healthy Hispanics to their country of birth—on mortality at ages 65 and above. These analyses are based on data drawn from the Master Beneficiary Record and NUMIDENT data files of the Social Security Administration. These data provide the first direct evidence regarding the effect of salmon bias on the Hispanic mortality advantage. Although we confirm the existence of salmon bias, it is of too small a magnitude to be a primary explanation for the lower mortality of Hispanic than non-hispanic (NH)-White primary social security beneficiaries. Longitudinal surveys that follow individuals in and out of the United States are needed to further explore the role of migration in the health and mortality of foreign-born US residents and factors that contribute to the Hispanic mortality paradox. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In this paper I investigate the impact of recent immigration on males' earnings distributions in the major regions of the United States. I use six counterfactual scenarios to describe alternative regional skill distributions and wage structures for the population of natives and long-term immigrants in the absence of recent immigration. I find that immigration over the last three decades can account for a substantial portion of the variation in inequality across the regions. Recent immigration has contributed moderately to national growth in males' earnings inequality, primarily by changing the composition of the population. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Citizenship ceremonies have been practiced for at least a century in the United States. This article explores what citizenship ceremonies - the rituals created to 'make' new citizens - can tell us about understandings of citizenship and the nation. Focusing on the case of the US, the paper asks who is being held up as the welcomed citizen and who is excluded in these public events. What does it mean to 'welcome' a new citizen and how are migration and national history imagined in these events? These questions become increasingly urgent in the context of securitization and given current debates about the withdrawal of citizenship from suspected 'extremists'. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper addresses the effects of work and welfare benefits upon the state-to-state migration of poor in the United states. Evidence is not found to support the welfare-magnet hypothesis. Poor people are not moving to states with higher welfare benefits. AFDC benefits are found to have a negative effect on migration at the origin. Wages and unemployment rates have a negative as the destination. Migration is towards areas where the wages and unemployment rates are lower. Poor people, when they can move, follow the jobs, even though these jobs are low paying. Female-headed households and households with more children are also found to be less likely to migrate. Households with the fewest recourses are those least likely to move. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The two outstanding studies of historical trends of internal migration in the United States were both made some years ago. C.J. Galpin and T.B. Manny made their study in 1934 and C.W. Thornthwaite's study was also made in that year. Both of these studies used state-of-birth data from the Census. The present study, for which this paper is merely a progress report, is using the survival method for estimating net migration. In this method survival rates are computed for each age-sex-color-nativity group for each decade. These survival rates are applied to the number present at the beginning of a decade, in order to get an expected number present at the end of the decade. This expected number is compared with the observed number present at the end of the decade and the difference is considered to be due to net migration. Obviously the accuracy of this method is determined by both the accuracy of enumeration of the population and the accuracy of the survival rates. Since enumeration is generally fairly accurate and since there is little one can do about errors here, efforts are turned to the computation of survival rates.

The article presents comments of the authors on the review of their article by Professor C. Horack Hamilton. The paper was based on the analysis of net migration rates in the U.S. in 1950-60 by using multiple regression model. Authors of the article suggest that the usage of terms "variables" and "covariable" to identify the independent variables are common and accepted. It is made clear that the mathematical model, employed in the paper, did not include an independent variable to reflect natural increase as it is suggested by Hamilton. And the two educational variables used in the analysis, median years of schooling by persons 25 years of age and over, the percentage of the population 25 years of age and over completing 4 or more years of high school, are closely related. The computation of the overlapping and net effects of each independent covariate helps in determining the highly correlated variables and eliminating those variables from the model, but the overlapping effects provide no information regarding the nature of interactions which may exist and don't show the response surface of interacting variables.

The main objectives of our paper are to examine economic, political, social, demographic, and professional factors in the United States and Taiwan which may account for Chinese scholars' decisions to stay in the United States or their reluctance to return to Taiwan. Our paper is divided into five sections. Sections I and II provide background and definition of terms used in the paper. Sections III and IV present data and statistical analysis. The final section summarizes the findings. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Demographers have forecasted that the U.S. is rapidly moving closer to becoming a majority-minority country, this fact and the politically divisive nature of recent debates and attempts at immigration reform have fostered increased conversations about citizenship, diversity, assimilation/s, and other im/ migration discourses. Often these dialogues surround boarder-crossings and the political, economic, and social implications of im/migration. One unfortunate outcome is frequently the perpetuation of stereotypes and the "othering" of many migrant groups to which this research offers a counter narrative. This counter narrative is built on the lived citizenship of a small group of Filipino im/migrants in the U.S. The paper demonstrates that--contextually--working abroad is common practice in the Philippines; this phenomenon is woven into the political, social, and economic jurisdictions of the country. This research fills one gap in im/migration studies as it chronicles the stories of these Filipino im/ migrants while examining their perceptions about their identity, sense of belonging, right to place, and the legitimacy of their citizenship socio-culturally. The paper places these and other narratives from this group of im/migrants within the theoretical framework of Critical Theory, hence offering a voice to a group of individuals not frequently heard in academia. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper analyzes and compares the behaviors of the Lithuanian political refugees who came to the United States after World War II with the economic immigrants who arrived after 1990. The comparison suggests that the agents, even when they experience negative influences from their environment, retain their original state of political refugee or economic immigrant. The paper discusses the immigrants' relationship to the U.S. government, to American society and their work environment, to their relatives in Lithuania, to their immigrant cohorts, and to the previous generation of Lithuanian immigrants. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper shows that poor households' entitlement to an exogenous, temporary, but guaranteed income stream increases Mexican migration to the United States, although this income is mainly consumed. Some households use the entitlement to this income stream as collateral to finance the migration. The new migrations come from previously constrained individuals and households and worsen migrant skills. In sum, financial constraints to international migration are binding for poor Mexicans, some of whom would like to migrate but cannot afford to. As growth and antipoverty and microfinance programs relax financial constraints for the poor, low-skilled Mexican migration to the United States will likely increase. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Background: Over the past decade, the United States (US) has seen a spike in migration across the US-Mexico border with an increase in hospital admissions of migrants and asylum-seekers under the custody of immigration law enforcement (ILE). This study aimed to determine how the presence of ILE officials affects patient care and provider experience in a teaching hospital setting. Methods: This cross-sectional online survey solicited quantitative and qualitative feedback from medical students, residents, and attending physicians (n = 1364) at a teaching hospital system with two campuses in Arizona. The survey included participant demographics and addressed participants' experience caring for patients in ILE custody, including the perception of respect, violations of patients' privacy and autonomy, and the comfort level with understanding hospital policies and patient rights. Thematic analyses were also performed based on respondent comments. Results: 332 individuals (24%) responded to the survey. Quantitative analyses revealed that 14% of participants described disrespectful behaviors of ILE officials, mainly toward detained patients. Qualitative thematic analyses of respondent comments revealed details on such disrespectful encounters including ILE officers violating the Health Insurance Portability and Accountability Act (HIPAA) and using intimidation tactics with patients. Nearly half of the respondents did not have knowledge of policies about ILE detainees' medical care, detainees' privacy rights, or ILE's authority in patient care. Conclusions: This study points out the complexities, challenges, and ethical considerations of caring for patients in ILE custody in the hospital setting and the need to educate healthcare professionals on both patient and provider rights. It describes the lived experiences and difficulties that providers on the border face in trying to achieve equity in the care they provide to detained migrant patients. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Ra Ximhai is the property of Universidad Autonoma Indigena de Mexico and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

This paper examines the role of European ballroom dances such as the grand march in the shaping of group identity, both in Liberia and for Liberians in the United States. I use participant-observation, interviews, and historical documentation to trace transformations in the grand march from the performance of an exclusive, educated Americo-Liberian elite in the nineteenth century to a more inclusive practice, open to Liberians of all backgrounds who immigrated to the United States in the twentieth century. In both cases of these interconnected diasporas, collective performance is used reflexively, to perform group identity for others, and transformatively, to redefine the group itself. This study suggests the need for further attention to performance in studies of ethnic group identity formation. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

At the time of this writing, the United States Senate has passed the Border Security, Economic Opportunity, and Immigration Modernization Act (S. 744). The bill is the product of countless political compromises and would significantly transform the U.S. immigration system. This paper explores shortcomings in U.S. immigration policy, deconstructs provisions in the bill, and makes policy proposals that would protect and empower migrants who interface with the U.S. immigration system in dangerous and under-regulated environments at the border and in sending communities, in labour recruitment networks, and in the U.S. workforce. Ultimately, the paper seeks to continue an ongoing conversation that challenges the criminalisation of migration which perpetuates vulnerability, and instead forwards rights-based policies that would promote shared prosperity. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article analyses the contribution of the second wave of immigrants to the United States to the formation of the young American people. Unlike other states, the USA is a nation founded on waves of immigrants coming from different parts of the world. This paper includes the second wave of immigrants in US history in the four waves and presents the migration of the Irish and Germans to the USA at the middle of the 19th century. They had an important contribution to the increase of American population and were a source of consumption and workforce for agriculture and various industries. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Canadian Journal of Economics is the property of Wiley-Blackwell and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The article presents comparative research on immigrant and native households in the United States and their voluntary contributions of time and money toward the provision of public goods, their private transfers toward extended family, and the assistance they receive from nongovernmental sources. Using data from the 2001 Panel Study of Income Dynamics (PSID) and the 2003 Current Population Survey, the study finds that U.S. immigrant households do not "free ride" significantly more than native households, and are less likely to receive nongovernmental assistance. Implications for the long-term impact of immigration are also discussed.

Abstract: This paper analyzes the evolution of African American entrepreneurship by comparing the patterns of development of African American entrepreneurship and immigrant entrepreneurship. Whereas most literature focuses on African American culture as the reason for limited entrepreneurial success compared to certain immigrant groups, this paper examines how social, economic, and political forces have adversely influenced the development of Black entrepreneurship compared to various immigrant groups. Using 90 years of census data, we also find empirical support consistent with our assertion that many immigrants have resources (not available to native non-Whites) that facilitate entrepreneurship. [Copyright &y& Elsevier]

This paper provides an empirical assessment of the prevalence and determinants of cross-state social exchanges and attachments among Latin American immigrants living in the United States. As we shall show, using data from a recent survey of Latin American migrants living in the United States, migrant cross-state social action comes in a variety of types, with the direction of conditioning factors differing from one type to another. Moreover, social and political incorporation in the United States reduces affective ties and provision of material support, all the while facilitating other forms of cross-state social action. Consequently, while international migrants regularly engage in trans-state social action, the paper shows that neither transnational ism as condition of being, nor transmigrants, as distinctive class of people, is commonly found. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Foro Internacional is the property of El Colegio de Mexico AC and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

In this paper we develop and estimate a model to explain variations in immigration to the United States by source country since the early 1970s. The explanatory variables include ratios to the United States of source country income and education as well as relative inequality. In addition, we incorporate the stock of previous immigrants and a variety of variables representing different dimensions of the immigration quotas set by policy. We use the results to shed light on the impact of policy by simulating the effects of the key changes in immigration policy since the late 1970s. We also examine the factors that influenced the composition of U.S. immigration by source region over the entire period. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper summarizes the history of U.S. immigration policy and the impact of this policy on African American economic status. It describes the direct effect of greater economic competition for jobs, housing and social services and the indirect effects of immigration on politics and public policy. Immigration policy has adverse long-term implications for the economic interests of black Americans. The paper concludes that unless policy changes are forthcoming, the pace of progress for black citizens and workers will be hampered. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In this paper we examine the circumstances and determinants of female migration between Mexico and the United States. Using data from the Mexican Migration Project, we considered the relative timing of males' and females' moves northward. We then estimated logit and probit models to study the determinants of male and female out-migration; among women we also estimated a multinomial logit model to uncover differences in the process of migration for work versus not for work. We found that women almost always followed other family members, either the husband or a parent; only a tiny minority initiated migration independently. Although males also are quite likely to be introduced to migration by a parent, nearly half of all male migrants left for the United States before or without a wife or a parent. Estimates of the determinants of migration suggested that males move for employment, whereas wives generally are motivated by family reasons. Daughters, however, display a greater propensity to move for work, and the determinants of their work-related moves closely resemble those of sons and fathers. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In this paper we examine the internal migratory response, by native-born non-Hispanic white men and foreign-born men in the United States, to recent immigration. Our analysis does not support the claim that natives have made a migratory response to recent immigration. Native-born men and foreign-born men were less likely to leave states that received large numbers of immigrants in the 1980s than they were to leave other states, and native-born men had less propensity toward out-migration than did foreign-born men. Out-migration was most likely to be deterred if recent immigrants originated in Europe or Asia. Although native-born non-Hispanic white men showed a tendency toward out-migration if recent immigrants originated in Latin America or the Caribbean, this result was insignificant after we controlled for state economic and regional context. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper uses three years of individual-level data to analyze the determinants of individual preferences over immigration policy in the United States. We have two main empirical results. First, less-skilled workers are significantly more likely to prefer limiting immigrant inflows into the United States. Our finding suggests that, over the time horizons that are relevant to individuals when evaluating immigration policy, individuals think that the U.S. economy absorbs immigrant inflows at least partly by changing wages. Second, we find no evidence that the relationship between skills and immigration opinions is stronger in high-immigration communities. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In this paper we analyze the economic and demographic factors that influence return migration, focusing on generation 1.5 immigrants. Using longitudinal data from the 1979 youth cohort of the National Longitudinal Surveys (NLSY79), we track residential histories of young immigrants to the United States and analyze the covariates associated with return migration to their home country. Overall, return migration appears to respond to economic incentives, as well as to cultural and linguistic ties to the United States and the home country. We find no role for welfare magnets in the decision to return, but we learn that welfare participation leads to lower probability of return migration. Finally, we see no evidence of a skill bias in return migration, where skill is measured by performance on the Armed Forces Qualifying Test. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper provides an overview of the New Immigrant Survey Pilot (NIS-P), a panel survey of a nationally representative sample of new legal immigrants to the United States based on probability samples of administrative records of the U.S. Immigration and Naturalization Service (INS). The NIS-P links survey information about immigrants' pre- and post-immigration labor market, schooling, and migratory experiences with data available from INS administrative records, including the visa type under which the immigrant was admitted. Results indicate that the procedures followed for locating, interviewing, and reinterviewing respondents yielded representative samples of new legal immigrants and high-quality data. On the basis of data obtained from the first round of the survey, we present new information never before available on the schooling and language skills of new immigrants and their earnings gains from immigration. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Past research traditionally has adopted a static, cross-sectional approach in assessing the net effect of immigrants on the economy's fiscal position. But this approach is inadequate, for it fails to account for the future impact of current immigrants and their offspring. To overcome this shortcoming and avoid misleading conclusions, a dynamic analysis is necessary. The recently developed tool of generational accounting provides an ideal framework for such analysis, for it also permits a comparison of the fiscal effects of immigration policy with those of other policies. This paper amends and then applies the technique of generational accounting to measure the fiscal effects of immigration. Among its findings are: 1) The recent improvement in the U.S. fiscal picture reduces the potential fiscal benefits of immigration. With future generations projected to bear a lower net fiscal burden than under previous forecasts, there is less to be gained by sharing this burden with new immigrants. 2) Changes in the level of immigration have an uncertain effect on fiscal balance, with the sign dependent on parameter choices and assumptions. However, the effect, whether positive or negative, is small in magnitude relative to the overall U.S. fiscal imbalance. 3) Of greater potential fiscal importance are changes in the composition of the immigrant population, in particular with respect to educational attainment. Thus, to the extent that the debate over immigration policy has focused on the level rather than the composition of the immigrant population, this attention may have been misplaced. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Background: Stress during pregnancy can lead to significant adverse outcomes for maternal mental health. Early evaluation of prenatal stress can help identify treatment needs and appropriate interventions. Disparities in the social determinants of health can contribute to stress, but what constitutes stress during pregnancy within the social determinants of health framework is poorly understood. Objective: To scope how prenatal stress is defined and measured among pregnant people exposed to three prominent social stressors in the United States: insecurity pertaining to food, housing, and immigration. Eligibility Criteria: We included all studies that focused on stress during pregnancy in the context of food insecurity, housing instability, and immigration, given their recent policy focus due to the COVID-19 pandemic and ongoing political discourse, in addition to their importance in American College of Obstetricians and Gynecologists (ACOG's) social determinants of health screening tool. Sources of Evidence: We searched PubMed, Scopus, and Web of Science for articles published between January 2012 and January 2022. Charting Methods: Using a piloted charting tool, we extracted relevant study information from the selected articles and analyzed the content pertaining to stress. Results: An initial search identified 1,023 articles, of which 24 met our inclusion criteria. None of the studies defined prenatal stress, and only one used the Prenatal Distress Questionnaire, a prenatal stress-specific tool to measure it. The Perceived Stress Scale was the most common instrument used in seven studies. Fifteen studies measured over 25 alternative exposures that researchers theorized were associated with stress, and 4 of the 15 studies did not explain the association between the measure and stress. Conclusions: Our findings demonstrate a fundamental inconsistency in how prenatal stress is defined and measured in the context of social determinants of health, limiting the comparison of results across studies and the potential development of effective interventions to promote better maternal mental health. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article focuses on the book "Help or Hinderance? The Economic Implications of Immigration for African Americans," edited by Daniel S. Hamermesh and Frank D. Bean. Fourteen papers presented in the book investigate the impacts on African-Americans and other minorities of immigration of foreigners to the United States. Papers explore the effect of immigration on income distribution among minorities. Papers also discuss whether blacks gain or lose from immigration. Changes in the wage distributions of black, Mexican-American, and non-Hispanic white male high-school dropouts are highlighted. The effect of immigration on the labor-market outcomes of African-Americans is discussed. Focus is drawn on whether immigration hurts African-American self-employment. The black labor-market outcomes across metropolitan areas are highlighted. Discussion is focused on whether immigration has affected the probability that American-born minority students complete high school. The relationship between immigration and native minority workers is also discussed.

This paper assesses how ongoing historical racism and nativism as embedded within U.S. culture requires new and important dialogues about the omnipresence of White supremacy and its interconnected mechanisms that divide communities along the lines of race and perceived in-group status. To assess the role of immigration as it is understood through paradigms of White supremacy and systemic racism, the current study examines individual-level predictors of indifference to the BLM movement based on nativity status among Asian Americans—a racialized pan-ethnic group that is comprised of predominantly foreign-born members. Using the 2016 Collaborative Multiracial Post-Election Survey, one of the few nationally representative surveys that include detailed information about the Black Lives Matter movement, our study includes 1371 Asian immigrants (i.e., foreign-born Asian Americans) and 1635 U.S.-born Asian Americans. Results demonstrate that reporting indifference to the BLM movement differ by nativity such that foreign-born Asian Americans were significantly more likely to report indifference to the BLM movement compared to their U.S.-born Asian American counterparts. However, the impact of nativity disappears once we account for sense of belonging and acknowledgement of anti-Black racism. The sense of belonging was significant in predicting indifference to the BLM movement among U.S.-born Asian Americans only. The findings contribute to our understanding of racial sense making for Asian Americans as well as an understanding of how White supremacy translates to anti-Black racism through multiple and interconnected mechanisms for the maintenance of White supremacy. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]