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This paper provides a discussion of Latin American university reform within the context of Latin American colonial and national history and within the larger framework of international affairs. Particular individuals who played significant roles in educational as well as political reform are considered. The discussion uses Raul Haya de la Torre as its point of departure and cites Fidel Castro as the farthest point so far in the nationalization of modernism. (VM)

In contrast to those Sociologists who have in the past identified with and accepted the ruling class notion of Integration and have proceeded to develop elaborate models of race relations cycles, pluralism or other assimilationist and functionalist models to support this basic assumption, the author argues that Sociologists should instead attempt to develop dynamic models (e.g. based on the Dialectics) to show why some form of black Separation is inevitable and the form that it can take as well as the processes which are leading to this. In trying to locate blacks in the American social and political structure politicians, scholars and laymen alike have used the concept of "Integration" and "Separation" to designate polar points on a continuum which relates blacks to the American social structure. These two terms are elevated to "ideals" in the United States because the best majority of blacks are suspended on the margins of both possibilities. The predominant and recurring fact is neither integration or separation, but a state of limbo, of marginality. The Sociology of Black Separation should therefore be concerned with basically three facts: the white denial of integration, the condition of black marginality, and the ensuing imperative of black separation. (Author/JM)

Scholarship examining how Indian Americans navigate US racial hierarchies as “ambiguous nonwhites” (Kibria 1998) demonstrates the role of transnational processes of Hindu nationalism in shaping how Indian Americans respond to the challenges of racism and marginalization. Yet, our understanding of its role in shaping how second generation Indian Americans understand their ethnoracial identities, particularly in the context of an increase in Hindu nationalist policies and support for nationalist ideology in India, is limited. To expand the current scholarship, I examine how 1.5 and 2nd generation Indian Americans understand their ethnoracial identities in the present-day context. Through semi-structured interviews with 20 1.5 and 2nd generation Indian Americans, I argue that Indian Americans rely on experiences of otherness and cultural signifiers, such as language and religion, to construct and contest the “symbolic boundaries” (Lamont and Molnár 2002) around what it means to be American, Indian, and Desi. Specifically, I find that Hindu nationalist notions of Indian that privilege a Hindu and Hindi-speaking identity shape the meanings Indian Americans place on cultural markers and in how Indian Americans construct an “authentic ethnic identity” and draw and contest boundaries around Indian and Desi identity.

How do self-identified LGBTQ+ individuals with familial migration histories understand their intersecting identities in relation to transnational discourses and networks? While scholarship has explored the overlap of sexualities and migration, few have specifically examined the influential roles of the family and nationhood in their analysis. Using semi-structured interviews with 33 self-identified LGBTQ+ people who have migration histories within their families, this research documents how sexuality emerges as a way to conceptualize feelings of belonging to nation-states in their lives. My findings introduce fractured nostalgia as a framework through which belonging, assimilation, and (trans)nationalism can be understood in the lives of LGBTQ+ individuals with migration histories.

Examining language and nation-building in China, this dissertation argues that language is malleable, not only in its function in society, but also in its form. Moreover, I argue that a change in form (pronunciation, vocabulary, and grammar) can also facilitate a change in function. I show how language reformers in China sought to broaden literacy and education among the people by creating a language that was easier to learn. In detailing the course of Chinese language reform over the early decades of the twentieth century, I find existing social theory—particularly that of Bourdieu—unequal to the task of explaining the revolutionary transformation of language practices, not only in China, but also among its East Asian neighbors, Japan, Korea, and Vietnam.Pierre Bourdieu’s examinations of language, to be sure, do not produce a general theory of language so much as they incorporate linguistic thinking into a larger theory of symbolic power. Borrowing from structuralism’s contention that symbolic systems such as language are internally structured, Bourdieu argued that this internal structuredness enables the structuring of social experience. He treats language as a form of cultural capital, one that can be transubstantiated through the education system into social and economic capital on the labor market. Capital is unequally distributed in society, and this inequality gives rise to the structure of symbolic systems: in the case of language, the hierarchical distinctions we make in types of language that differ in prestige and legitimacy. Bourdieu argued that these symbolic inequalities enable the reproduction of social inequalities.This reading of language’s role in society runs into problems when we look beyond its Western European empirical basis. In China in particular (and in East Asia in general) the abrupt break with longstanding language practices ended the social reproduction that they had long enabled. China, along with Japan, Korea, and Vietnam, had been bound for nearly two millennia by the use of Classical Chinese as a supranational lingua franca among the literate elite. This language defies the common Eurocentric understanding of writing as purely auxiliary to, dependent on, and representative of speaking—a notion today termed “phonocentrism.” Primarily a written medium, Classical Chinese can, of course be read aloud. But, because it is written in characters that only partially and vaguely correspond with specific sounds, the language can be read aloud using any number of regional pronunciation systems—including those that are only notionally based on forms of spoken Chinese, as in Japan, Korea, and Vietnam for hundreds of years. Thus, Classical Chinese as a medium of writing, to an extreme degree, stands independent from spoken language.Under Western pressure and influence, intellectuals after China’s defeat in the First Sino-Japanese War (1894–1895) saw Classical Chinese as an impediment to modernization. Phonocentrism ruled the day: following the Japanese example, reformers sought to narrow the huge gap between the written and spoken languages. Mandarin was the national standard that emerged from fractious debates among intellectuals. Pieced together from existing language practices, Mandarin drew from the idea of guanhua, the traditional lingua franca of imperial officialdom that was strongly influenced by the speech of the imperial court that had resided starting in 1368 in Nanjing. This city’s speech retained an influence on the language long after the Ming dynasty’s relocation of the capital to Beijing in 1421. Beijing’s own speech only really began exerting influence in the mid-nineteenth century. By the 1930s, after two decades of cantankerous debates among language reformers, the more or less final form of Mandarin was based primarily (though not exclusively) on the pronunciation of Beijingers with a “middle school education.” The new language’s written counterpart was modeled on the vernacular novels of the past few centuries and advocated by the leading intellectuals of the May Fourth Movement.This new language differed from its predecessors not just in form but also in function. Unlike Classical Chinse, it was not intended just for an elite few. Instead, it was meant to be widely accessible, so as to unite a nascent and fragile post-imperial Chinese nation. It did so by hewing more closely to the everyday speech of modestly educated people. This conscious reflection of living practice by the new language was meant to make it easier to learn, thus raising literacy rates and enabling national strengthening. Thus, language standardization in China was an attempt at social leveling, contrary to the Bourdieusian contention that language standardization sustains an elite exclusivity that helps reproduce social inequality. In this dissertation, I show how the sound system of Mandarin was designed to suit a nationalist vision of society, and how such a nationalized language represented a reimagining of how languages and peoples are linked. I also show how the materiality of language was implicated in this reform process when intellectuals sought to simplify the script by compelling equipment changes in the publishing industry. All of these changes, I then demonstrate, took place amid parallel linguistic shifts in Japan, Korea, and Vietnam, whose own language practices underwent nationalizing transformations. Finally, I show how the changes in language policy in China produced the ever more stringent equating of language, ethnicity, and nation that we see in the country today.

Syftet med denna studie är att undersöka innehållet i Sverigedemokraternas principprogram för att skapa en förståelse för inslag av radikal högerpopulism i partiets politiska ideologi, så som den kommer till uttryck i dessa texter. Forskningsfrågans relevans grundar sig i den splittring som identifierats bland forskare som sysslar med Sverigedemokraternas politiska ideologi och hur den bör definieras. Trots att Sverigedemokraterna är Sveriges näst största parti, vilket medför ett stort politiskt inflytande, finns alltså en osäkerhet bland forskare om partiets ideologi och intentioner. Det är vanligt förekommande att Sverigedemokraterna beskrivs baserat på deras ställningstagande i enskilda politiska frågor, exempelvis frågor om invandring, men i den här uppsatsen presenteras en analys av Sverigedemokraternas beskrivningar av Sverige, världen och politik i allmänhet. Mitt syfte ska besvaras genom en riktad kvalitativ innehållsanalys. Det material som analyseras är Sverigedemokraternas partiprogram/principprogram från åren 1996, 1999, 2003, 2011 och 2019. I analysen utgår jag från ett teoretiskt ramverk baserat på Jens Rydgrens beskrivningar av radikal högerpopulism. En idealtyp för radikal högerpopulism formuleras med syftet att förenkla och förtydliga ideologins olika grundbultar. Resultatet visar att Sverigedemokraternas principprogram innehåller radikala högerpopulistiska tendenser under alla år, men det identifieras också skillnader som indikerar att principprogrammens primära fokus varierar under åren. Partiets invandringspolitiska ståndpunkter är centrala delar som går i linje med ideologin i samtliga program, där en intolerans inför olikheter och stark etnopluralistisk nationalism identifierats. De radikala högerpopulistiska tendenser som identifieras förekommer i en sådan utsträckning, även 2019, att studiens resultat kan tolkas som stöd till påståenden om att radikal högerpopulism kan användas för att beskriva Sverigedemokraternas ideologi. The purpose of this study is to examine the content of the Sweden Democrats' party program in order to create an understanding of potential elements of radical right-wing populism in the party's ideology, as expressed in these texts. The relevance of the research question is based on the division identified among researchers of the Sweden Democrats' political ideology and how it should be defined. Even though the Sweden Democrats are Sweden's second largest party, which entails a large political influence, there is still a great deal of uncertainty among the public as well as experts about the party's ideology and intentions. It is common for the Sweden Democrats to be described based on their stance on individual political issues, for example issues of immigration, but this essay presents an analysis of the Sweden Democrats' descriptions of Sweden, the world and politics in general. My purpose is to be answered through a targeted qualitative content analysis. The material that is analyzed is the Sweden Democrats' party programs from the years 1996, 1999, 2003, 2011 and 2019. In the analysis, I use a theoretical framework based on Jens Rydgren's descriptions of radical right-wing populism. An ideal type for radical right-wing populism is formulated with the aim of simplifying and clarifying the core of the ideology. The results show that the Sweden Democrats' party programs contain radical right-wing populist tendencies between the years 1996-2019, but differences are also identified which indicate that the primary focus in the party programs vary over the years. The party’s immigration policies align particularly well with the ideology in all programs, where an intolerance towards differences and a strong ethnopluralist nationalism have been identified. The radical right-wing populist tendencies that are identified occur to such an extent, even in 2019, that the study's results can be interpreted as support for claims that radical right-wing populism can be used to describe the ideology of the Sweden Democrats.

This thesis studies how mínzú (ethnic) agency is effectuated through propaganda literature among Muslim minority cadres in the Yānqí Huí Autonomous County of the Xīnjiāng Uyghur Autonomous Region of North-West China in the 2010s. The aim is to understand to what extent and in what ways mínzú identification can have a socio-politically significant impact on the activities of mínzú cadres in a restrictive environment and in a medium where mínzú agency is controversial and difficult to implement. The thesis is motivated on the one hand by studies that presume the “monolithic” nature of cadres that speak the language of the Party-State, and on the other hand by studies that too readily presume that the invocation of Party-State orthodoxy is mere lip-service paid to authorities. The questions are approached by studying the implications that the cadre writers’ literary activities have on Huí mínzú identity in the context of the discourses that they invoke. In the process, national concerns are contrasted to mínzú concerns in order to evaluate and ascertain the intentional nature behind the invocation of mínzú concerns. The implications of the writers’ literary activities are identified by studying the role that they play in the discursive context of the literary Kāidū River magazine. The study finds that the discursive context can best be described as hybrid in nature, involving the three “sub” discourses of Neo-Confucian cosmology, Republican race theory, and Maoist thought transformation. The first revolves around a notion of cosmic truth, the second around the significance of mínzú or nations, and the third around the threats of and safeguards against ideological pollution. By employing this hybrid discourse of truth, the writers legitimized their texts as state orthodoxy. Having identified the implications relevant for the formulation of Huí identity, the thesis describes the ways in which the Muslim minority cadres attempted to address mínzú concerns. Although national concerns permeated the texts of the Kāidū River, the writers demonstrated awareness of and the ability to work around the restrictions of Party-State discourse during the early 2010s—at least to some extent. Through selective interpretation, they legitimized off-center views while remaining within the discourse of "truth.” The thesis demonstrates how the intention of mínzú authors can be identified by studying the implications of their texts in the discursive context within which they are embedded, even when these implications are multivalent. Significantly, the thesis is able to do so by studying how relevant implications consistently are invoked and examining the degree of tolerance for contradictory meaning.

My dissertation analyzes racial and skin color stratification in Jamaica, the impact of an ideology of racial mixing on Jamaican’s explanation for that inequality, and racial and nation-based identification. Using the Americas Barometer social survey on Jamaica (a comprehensive and nationally representative dataset), the census, and original, qualitative, semi-structured interviews, I examine: (1) the parameters of Jamaican national identity, (2) Jamaican nationalism and its influences on perceptions of racial and color prejudice and discrimination, and (3) the structuring of socioeconomic well-being along racial and color lines. I find that the ideology of racial mixing/fusion or creolization strongly influences understandings of Jamaican national identity and of race. While issues pertaining to both race and colorism are not blatantly denied, race is generally viewed as a “U.S. problem,” while colorism is considered centrally an issue of the nation’s past. Instead, Jamaicans overwhelmingly focus on class for explaining social inequality rather than skin color or race, despite my research revealing dramatic racial hierarchies in both wealth and educational attainment.

The purpose of this study was to determine middle school students’ national belonging levels in terms of different variables. In this quantitative study, middle school students’ views on national belonging were determined by the “National Belonging Scale for Middle School Students”. The study was conducted with 1318 middle school students in Niğde province of Turkey during the Spring term of the 2019-2020 academic year. Research data were collected through “National Belonging Scale for Middle School Students” and were analysed with SPSS 24 software package. According to the study results, middle school students had a high positive view of their national belonging. Their gender did not make a statistical difference in terms of both reasons and results of their national belonging. On the other hand, students’ views on national belonging differed in terms of their grade level. Again, although there was no difference between the public and private schools in terms of reasons of their national belonging, there was a statistically significant difference between them in terms of the results of their national belonging in favor of the public school. Another difference was determined between Turkish and refugee students’ national belonging. Turkish students’ mean scores of reasons and results of their national belonging were statistically higher than the refugee students’ mean scores. Considering national belonging in terms of each variable, middle school students’ national belonging can be strengthened with some activities that can be done within the scope of the implicit program as well as the educational activities carried out within the curriculum at schools. Social Studies is the most important course into which works on this subject can be integrated.

The aim of the study is to explore and describe the support of Chinese football fans for policy strategies to create a stronger men’s national football team based on their local and global orientation. Drawing upon social theory of globalisation, we distinguish between football fans with local and global orientations. Using survey questionnaires, we investigated Chinese football fans (n = 546) support for five strategies to improve the men’s football team: controlling the number of international players, controlling costs with international players, supporting young national players, promoting academy system, and promoting naturalisation. Results show that globally engaged fans offer higher support for strategies to create a stronger national football in China when compared to all other groups. Fans support promoting young national players more than either controlling for international players or naturalising foreign players. Fans with a rooted cosmopolitan orientation are the ones who offer higher support for non-traditional strategies, such as naturalisation. Findings can have direct impact on how the Chinese government and sport authorities propose strategies to create a stronger national team.

Patriotism frequently is framed as an individualised expression of affinity for a civic polity and a counterweight to ethnocultural nationalism. Yet the term is invoked by theorists and practitioners to denote a broad, often contradictory range of values. This paper argues that this is not simply semantic slippage, but a reflection of the exclusionary character of patriotism. Taking as data the full range of speeches delivered at the 2016 Democratic and Republican National Conventions, alongside 180 campaign speeches delivered by Donald Trump and Hillary Clinton, I conduct a critical political discourse analysis. I find that invocations of ‘patriotism’ construct an in-group of citizens who are positioned as the heirs of an authentic national tradition, and an out-group of co-citizens who are attempting to hijack the national spirit. Further, despite its global aspirations, patriotism hardens the racialised distinction between citizens and non-citizens.

Marc Stears’ Out of the Ordinary: How Everyday Life Inspired a Nation and How It Can Again is an engaging and sincere work of political theory. In it, Stears explores how the work of a number of British writers and artists in the 1930s, 1940s and 1950s – Bill Brandt, Barbara Jones, Laurie Lee, George Orwell, JB Priestley and Dylan Thomas – can help us to overcome some of the lazy ideological conventions of our time which suggest it is impossible to simultaneously value tradition and progress, patriotism and diversity, individual rights and social duties, nationalism and internationalism, conservativism and radicalism. In this review, I highlight the timely and engaging elements of Stears’ book while also raising doubts about his treatment of the ‘everyday’ and his Blue Labour solutions to our political ills.

The COVID-19 pandemic has opened up futures for debate in an unprecedented manner and on an unforeseen scale. This article explores how ideas of immunity structured debates about pandemic management strategies as a means of securing a post-pandemic future during the first wave of the pandemic in 2020. Building on queer theorization of temporality, the article asks how ideas of COVID-19 immunity derive their affective appeal and cultural legitimacy, and what is at stake in the imagined futures that unfold from such visions of post-pandemic immunity. The analysis focuses on two affective figures that circulated widely in public discourse in March–May 2020: the figure of the soon-immune nation and the figure of the immune individual. I unsettle these figures by contextual- izing them through the histories of immunity politics around race, gender and sexuality. The analysis shows that the two figures have long affective histories entangled with nationalism, racism and discrimination. The article argues that these histories shape and curtail the kinds of post-pandemic futures that may be enacted and imagined through popular ideas of immunity.

This article describes the sociology of hate speech, contending that hate speech is a by-product of racism that dominates our world when homo sapiens occupy the universe. It analyzes ideas of national space by some race thinkers and points to contemporary media as the foremost promoter of Caucasian nationalism worldwide. The article shows how social media data and IT platforms advance anti-other sentiments and a particular egocentric pro-nationalist agenda among Caucasian groups in the Global North, especially Germany and America. Convinced by Sigmund Freud's argument that human behavior is motivated by unconscious conflicts almost always aggressive. The principles of reverse psychology and group communication explain how the media frames persons with different racial, ethnic, sexual, gender, or ethnic configurations. Presenting hate speech as a threat to world peace and demonstrating that counter speech is a better way of blocking hate speech's dignitarian harm [1], the paper identifies global efforts to curb hate speech and shows how media firms and governments can control hate speech.

This article examines the regulation of linguistic diversity in Spain from a combined empirical and normative perspective. Spain is a particularly interesting case due to the intersection of linguistic and national diversity and its peculiar combination of territoriality and personality. We first present a conceptual framework which draws on the personality and territoriality distinction as established by political philosophers. Second, we examine the way multilingualism is regulated in Spain. A dual system emerges in which Castilian is the only state language while four other languages – Aranese, Basque, Catalan and Galician – are co-official in six Autonomous Communities. We identify two models concerning the degree of institutionalisation of non-Castilian languages: co-officiality and limited recognition. Finally, we characterise and assess normatively the advantages and disadvantages of the Spanish linguistic regulation. We argue that the Spanish linguistic system may be characterised as an Unequal Personality Linguistic Regime. This regime offers several instrumental advantages related to the prevalence of a shared language as well as a significant degree of territorial accommodation for minority language groups, but it also gives rise to injustices related to unequal treatment and domination. This article contributes to the academic debate about the politics of language by analysing a paradigmatic case of multilingualism and plurinationalism, Spain, and considering the usefulness of the territoriality and personality framework to study specific cases.

This article discusses how state-organized, memory-cultural production drawing on religious signifiers contributes to a sacralization of Turkish public memory institutions and public space. This reinforces an Islamic-nationalist imagination of contemporary Turkey. The article explores state-led, disciplinary interventions in museal space (the Sacred Trusts exhibition of relics at Topkapı Palace Museum) and commemorative ritual in public space, display and education (the rise, fall and recalibration of Holy Birth Week (Kutlu Doğum Haftası). Drawing on theories of symbolic politics, nationalism, memory and space, the article elucidates the sacralization of Turkish memory production as a contesting yet malleable negotiation of nationalism. Innovative Islamic memory practice and ritualization requires careful discursive and disciplinary boundary drawing, catering to theological sensitivities and Sunni-orthodox mores. Then again, the spatial boundaries between various memory-cultural domains are becoming less distinct. Today, Islamic-nationalist imaginaries surface in the interstices of public memory institutions, public education and everyday public space.

Penelitian ini bertujuan untuk (1) mengidentifikasi peran, (2) mendeskripsikan tantangan dan (3) upaya mahasiswa aktivis BEM UNY dalam penguatan karakter nasionalis di era revolusi industri 4.0. Jenis penelitian ini yaitu deskriptif dengan pendekatan kualitatif. Teknik pengumpulan data penelitian ini wawancara dan dokumentasi. Subjek penelitian ini tujuh mahasiswa aktivis BEM UNY periode 2020 yang di tentukan dengan teknik purposive . Analisis data penelitian ini menggunakan analisis kualitatif yang terdiri dari pengumpulan data, reduksi data, penyajian data, dan kesimpulan. Hasil Penelitian ini sebagai berikut. (1) Mahasiswa aktivis BEM UNY berperan dalam penguatan karakter nasionalis di era revolusi industri 4.0, sebagai agen perubahan, kontrol sosial, stok pemimpin. (2) Tantangan yang dihadapi yaitu semangat dalam diri sendiri yang “naik-turun”, keikutpesertaan dalam setiap kegiatan, adaptasi dari kecanggihan teknologi, dan orang-orang yang memiliki paham radikal. (3) Upaya yang dilakukan yaitu membuat program kerja yang menarik dengan mengintegrasikan kecanggihan teknologi, membuat gerakan atau komunitas sebagai alternatif, adaptasi, menjadikan diri sebagai contoh yang baik, dan melakukan pendekatan secara personal. ABSTRACT This study aims to (1) identify roles, (2) describe the challenges and (3) the efforts of BEM UNY activist students in strengthening the nationalist character in the era of the industrial revolution 4.0. This type of research is descriptive with a qualitative approach. The data collection techniques of this research were interviews and documentation. The subjects of this study were seven student activists from BEM UNY for the period 2020 who were determined by purposive technique. This research data analysis using qualitative analysis which consists of data collection, data reduction, data presentation, and conclusions. The results of this study are as follows. (1) Student activists from BEM UNY play a role in strengthening the nationalist character in the era of the industrial revolution 4.0, as agents of change, social control, iron stocks. (2) The challenges faced are the “ups and downs” of enthusiasm within oneself, participation in every activity, adaptation of technological sophistication, and people who have radical views. (3) Efforts are made, namely creating attractive work programs by integrating technological sophistication, creating movements or communities as alternatives, adapting, making oneself a good example, and taking a personal approach.

This article examines the meaning of Western music performances in interwar Shanghai through the theoretical framework of performativity that originated in John Austin's speech act and Judith Butler's notion of identity as performed. The early concerts of the Shanghai Municipal Orchestra (SMO), I suggest, were an assertion of settler sovereignty in a treaty port such as Shanghai. Therefore, Chinese musicians performing Western music – propagated through the establishment of the National Conservatory of Music by Chinese elites in Shanghai's French Settlement in 1927 – was the embodiment of three contradictory ideals: colonialism, nationalism, and cosmopolitanism. Zooming in on four SMO concerts that featured Chinese musicians in 1929, I argue that they were sites of identity and power negotiation, the SMO and the Chinese musicians asserting quite distinct performative utterances. On the one hand, the performing Chinese body enacted the cosmopolitan outlook that the Municipal Council was eager to project, not only for the sake of ideology but also to increase SMO's concert revenue by appealing to the increasing number of Chinese concert attendees. On the other hand, it meant national glory to Chinese residents in Shanghai, marking Chinese musicians participating in a global musical network. Lastly, this study draws attention to the diverse geographies of Western music in the twentieth century and its coeval development beyond the West, testifying to the timely need for a global music history in which the musicking of Western music in so many Asian cities should be interwoven into its narrative.

This study provides a much-needed socio-political perspective on language teaching in Turkey and identifies key influences and orthodoxies past and present and their impact on current practices of language learning. The researchers provide a refreshing critique of successive cycles of policies and how they have variously sought to secure starting with imperial, nationalist, and contemporary populist ambitions of language teaching in the classroom and beyond. Almost 150 years of such efforts have frequently shoehorned teaching practices with inevitable consequences for language acquisition from primary education to university. Along with the contemporary educational changes before and after the foundation of the Turkish Republic, the researchers aim to shed light on the chronological records of language teacher education by drawing parallelism between general teacher education and language teacher education in Turkey. The paper concludes with suggestions for improving our understanding of present-day challenges in a field that remains fundamental to the future of the country.

В настоящей работе делается попытка концептуального чтения относительно поздней творческой обработки мысли представителей т.н. «первого русского национализма». Раскрывается контекст заметок, созданных в момент, когда до-модерная сборка романтического национализма входит в модерный порядок пореформенной России и операционализируется через интерес к практическим программам нациестроительства. Внутри этих герменевтически проблематичных текстов также прослеживается движение от романтического национализма — к модерному. Становление материалистической компоненты во внутренней обусловленности национализма славянофильской среды проходит через проявление материалистического измерения в соотношении народа, общества и государства. Если герменевтическая проблематичность текстов включает в себя по крайней мере (а) сложную переработку славянофильства, которую осуществляет Иван Аксаков, (б) его собственные суждения, неявно вплетенные в текст, (в) ориентацию на цензурную правку и «эзопов язык», то через понятие «стихии», лежащее на границе романтизма и модерна, Аксаков открывает возможность переописания отношений модерных компонентов нациестроительства в терминах, критических к модерну, близких формулировкам современной континентальной философии (в частности, Ж. Делезу и последователям). Взаимоотношения народа, государства и общества с «земской стихией» (Аксаков) незаметно становятся отношениями суверена, эстетического сообщества и интенсивностей, которые циркулируют между ними.

At a time of rising right-wing populism, the heightened political salience of immigration as an issue is linked to conceptions of ‘the national’. In this article, we analyse tweets from non-elites, defined as isolated users with low network influence, engaged in a ‘conversation’ about migration on Twitter. We investigate the values embedded in these attitudes, and what these tell us about constructions and contestations of the symbolic boundaries of the nation among ordinary people. Our corpus includes tweets posted in temporal proximity to the lifting of transitional controls on Romanian and Bulgarian migrants in the UK (1 October 2013 to 1 March 2014). Thematic analysis reveals a cohesive set of anti-immigrant or anti-immigration sentiments linked to UKIP and that express an exclusionary nationalism based on assumptions about race, ‘whiteness’ and entitlement. Also evident is a counter-narrative of pro-immigration sentiments that draw on multiple and sometimes contradictory values. Some of these values contest racialised understandings of the nation but do not coalesce in ways to disrupt the dominance of right-wing anti-immigrant sentiments on Twitter. Our findings demonstrate the importance of investigating values embedded in both anti and pro-immigration attitudes among non-elites and what these values indicate about the possibilities of re-framing migration debates among non-elites in ways that construct more inclusive symbolic national boundaries. In addition, in using the networked properties of Twitter engagement to identify non-elite users, we make a methodological contribution to scholarship on immigration attitudes.

There are two key limitations to the literature that explores the relationship between truth and closure in post-violence societies. The first is that this relationship has been assessed mostly as part of a larger debate focusing on the links between the truth and the seemingly related concept of reconciliation. The second is that to the extent that the literature has addressed the connections between truth and closure as such, it has focused almost exclusively on the operations and effects of courts and truth commissions. The article addresses both limitations by examining the relationship between truth and closure through the prism of a different institution, the Committee on Missing Persons in Cyprus. Relying on 34 in-depth interviews with key stakeholders, including relatives of missing persons on the island, it argues that the Committee's delivery of the truth has promoted closure in three distinct ways. At the same time it acknowledges that the type of truth and the way in which it is delivered can have detrimental consequences for the promotion of closure. A short video summarising the findings of this article is available here.

This article presents a comparative analysis of two ethnographic case studies conducted in local theatres in the Slovak town of Komárno and the British city of Coventry. These two locations are very different – one is a small town on the Slovak-Hungarian border and the other an urban centre in the Midlands region of Britain – and yet they are both characterised by the multiethnic and culturally diverse composition of their populations. The two youth theatres in question are also distinct in their genres: one bases its performances on folklore traditions, whereas the other is an avant-garde physical theatre. At the same time, the productions of both groups manifest a deep involvement in the representation of cultural heritage and the current social issues in their respective locations. Drawing on anthropological conceptualisations of theatre as a form of ritualised performance (see Turner, 1969, 1982; Schechner, 1985, 1993), this paper explores the processes and contexts of the enactment of past conflict and/or violence presented by the two theatrical groups in order to engage with traumatic events in local (and national) history. These processes, which embrace the values of cultural diversity and inclusion, are important for the construction of community identities. The liminality of ritualised performance enables actors and audiences to cross social (including ethnicity and class) and temporal boundaries. They reproduce memories of past violence to make sense of present tensions, such as growing nationalism and xenophobia, and to project their vision of the communal future. This often results in the contestation of the very meaning of place, community and belonging. Furthermore, the article demonstrates that such artistic interpretations of the local past and heritage are instrumental in shaping the identities of the participating youth. The comparison of the two cases also reveals noticeable differences between cosmopolitan and ethno-cultural discourses, which are prevalent in imagining the place, history and heritage of Coventry and Komárno respectively.