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When people learn that demonstrators are being subjected to harsh treatment by the police, sometimes their reaction is to join demonstrations. What explains the potentially mobilizing power of repression? Information-oriented theories posit that repression changes people's beliefs about the likely success of the protests or the type of the government, thus encouraging them to join. Social-psychological theories posit that repression provokes a moral and emotional reaction from bystanders, and these emotional reactions are mobilizing. Our research offers a rare opportunity to test these theories, empirically, against one another. We offer experimental evidence from Turkey after the 2013 Gezi uprising. In this setting, emotional reactions appear to be the link between repression and backlash mobilization. Information-oriented theories of backlash mobilization may be less germane in democracies, in which people already have access to information about their governments, and in highly polarized polities, in which few people's political affinities are up for grabs. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article discusses the prospects of Turkey moving toward authoritarian form of government under Turkish political party Justice and Development Party (AKP) leader and Turkish President Recep Tayyip Erdoğan, referencing the country's political history and nationalism from 2002 through 2014. The Turkish government's response to the protests at Gezi Park in Taksim Square, Istanbul, Turkey in 2013 is discussed. The relationship between Islam and state in Turkey is also discussed.

The article discusses efforts by Turkish prime minister Recep Tayyip Erdogan to suppress and criticize the Turkish media as of late 2013. It examines television network CNN Turk owner Aydin Dogan and CNN Turk's lack of coverage during demonstrations known as the Gezi Park protests in Turkey in June 2013. The article discusses Dogan's career, Erdogan's public denunciations of the media during weekly speeches in the Turkish General Assembly, and the propaganda of the Turkish political party the Justice and Development Party (AKP). It also discusses Erdogan's political success, the fundraising entity known as Deniz Feneri, and sympathetic journalists close to Erdogan.

The anti-government protests in Turkey emerged as a legitimate and even necessary reaction against police brutality to evolved into violent revolts targeting Prime Minister Erdoğan. Since the initial protests, commentators sought to make sense of the phenomenon with reference to the Gezi youth. A closer examination, however, would reveal the Leftist-Kemalist aura of the protests that came under the tutelage of Taksim Solidarity, an umbrella organization of left-wing associations, and the Republican People's Party. Meanwhile, the general public kept its distance from the violent demonstrations. Not only AK Party supporters but also many liberals and secular-minded democrats found the developments alarming. While the protests marks a step forward for Turkey's once-apathetic opposition groups, their failure prevented a revival of authoritarianism. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article presents information on the role of democracy in 21st century Turkey with special attention to demonstrations at the Gezi Park, Istanbul, the relationship between the media and democracy, as well as protesters. Other topics mentioned in this article include social mobilization, the economic situation of Turkey, and the role of new media.

The article reports on protests at the Gezi Park in Taksim Square in Istanbul, Turkey beginning in 2013. Topics include the protesters' objections to the removal of trees in the park for the construction of a military barrack, international perceptions of the protests, and the response of the Turkish government to the protest. Attitudes of the ruling Turkish political party Justice and Development Party (AKP) towards opposition and legal means of addressing protesters' demands are also noted.