Search

Copyright of International Political Science Review is the property of Sage Publications Inc. and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

With the extinction of the communist regimes in Central and Eastern Europe and the vacuum left behind by them, states have entered a stage of political crisis and establishing future trajectories in terms of governance. In this paper we propose to discusses several aspects concerning different trajectories of post-communist states and the factors that influenced their journey [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Cultural landscape, as compilation of forms, functions and meanings, always reflexes the relationship of power and control out of which it has emerged. Major landscape transformations follow principal social revolutions. One of the recent major political transformations had been started in Central Europe in 1989 with the collapse of the communist regimes. Cultural landscape of Central and Eastern Europe has been carrying many communism related features, structures and procedures, represented by variety of landscape icons. The former symbols of the regimes and Soviet dominance had been undergoing liminal transformations since then. Some icons had been forgotten and disappeared, while some others have been incorporated into contemporary cultural landscape, usually thanks to transformed function and/or meaning. The former icons are left between oblivion and assimilation and can represent the application of the post-socialist memory policy, and readiness to accept or deny the traumatic past. The liminal societies of Central and Eastern Europe choose, sometimes unconsciously, what to remember and what to forget. Transformation of the former communist icons represents the cultural interaction of the place, time and society and can be seen as a litmus paper of the transformations. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article examines the position of the industrial working class in Romania before 1989, its role in the overthrow of the communist regime during the December 1989 revolution, and its status during the postcommunist transition to democracy after 1989. The subordination of labor interests by both communist and postcommunist regimes to ideologies that underestimated the issue of class differentiation is emphasized throughout the paper. This analysis is undertaken at two levels, namely, the rewriting of the history of communism after 1989 and the obstacles encountered during the process of democratic transition. The later aspect refers to the problematic relationship between the intellectuals and the working class and labor's lack of involvement in shaping the post-1989 economic and political reforms. The argument that I pursue is that many of the setbacks experienced during the democratization process are partly rooted in the status of labor as an important absentee from the discourse and agenda of both incumbent governments and intellectual elites. It has been a significant factor in pushing the working class towards an illiberal right-wing politics and ideologies of a populist, xenophobic, and anti-intellectual nature. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In light of the fact—despite a widespread impression to the contrary—that the collapse of Communism in the fall of 1989 did not happen overnight, the paper explores the kind of gradual societal work that had led to the emergence of democratic polities in Central Europe but that had generally escaped the notice not only of policy makers and the leaders of the “free world” but also of theorists. The concept and practices of performative democracy as it manifested itself in the period of late Communism (1970s–1989), but also in South Africa at the dusk of apartheid, and the conditions for political performativity, as well as its main features, are then discussed. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper discusses factors and dynamics underpinning the impact of trade unions on transformation processes in Central Europe. Although the authors focus on the situation in Poland, an attempt is made to contribute to a general analysis of, and conceptualisations about, relationships between government and unions in countries undergoing transformation. The basic assumption of the paper is that economic transformation is viewed as a process of interaction rather than a system of implementing decisions taken at the top. It is noted that post-communist trade unions operate in quasi-market conditions. This leads to externalisation and politicisation of industrial conflicts, which are considered as significant factors in modifying transformation programmes. The paper attempts to demonstrate that the current economic conditions and policies encourage unions to take an attitude of confrontation-and-claims rather than to support enterprise management in its improvement efforts. Finally the paper identifies three broad approaches to trade unions in Poland: anti-union fundamentalism, neo-corporatism and strategic pragmatism. In conclusions, it is noted that which of these approaches may prevail will depend partly on the unions' capacity to work with the government and management, and partly on the government-of-the day's policy as driven by a particular view of trade unionism. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Amazement and surprise were the common reactions of Western political scientists to the fall of communism; they did not foresee, nor could they explain, the collapse of the regime. This paper argues that the reason why Western political scientists could not foretell the fall of the communist system was their overcommitment to artificial models of society and their lack of concern with economics. Western political science, especially, overlooked how the concept of privatizing the economy affected the devolution of the communist order, in contrast, I examine the question of the "sudden revolution" in the historical context and in the context of the privatization of the economy. The privatization of the economy, or rather, the specific ways privatization is conducted, is the main factor that explains the "peaceful collapse" puzzle and the newly emerging tensions as well. The paper consists of two parts. In the first part, "Trismus," I argue against the picture of Central Europe painted by Western political scientists. The question "Why did the communist order, a regime that defended itself stubbornly for a long time, at last collapse peacefully?" concludes the first part and opens the second, "Transformation." The point "Nomenklatura Chrysalis" is crucial for solving the puzzle of the "sudden" and peaceful fall of communism. In the conclusion, I refer to the current, and probably future, economic and political tensions that are likely to emerge in countries undergoing ownership transformations. Eventually this involves me in Fukuyama's proposition of the "end of history." Amazement and surprise were the common reactions of Western political scientists to the fall of communism; they did not foresee, nor could they explain, the collapse of the regime. This paper argues that the reason why Western political scientists could not foretell the fall of the communist system was their overcommitment to artificial models of society and their lack of concern with economics.... [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

DEMOCRATIZATION TERM IS USED IN SOCIOLOGY IN A VAGUE SENSE, IGNIFYING THE PASSAGE OF A STATE AWAY FROM NON-DEMOCRATIC REGIME TO A DEMOCRATIC ONE. IN THE PRESENT PAPER WE WANT TO PRESENT MEANING OF THE WORD DEMOCRATIZATION, STARTING FROM ITS ORIGINS AND REACHING MEANING OF THE TERM TODAY. OUR SCIENTIFIC APPROACH FOCUSES ON THE COLLAPSE OF COMMUNISM AND THE TRANSITION COUNTRIES OF CENTRAL AND EASTERN EUROPE TO DEMOCRACY. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In Central European cities memories and material histories of socialist regimes remain particularly difficult to address and incorporate into the new democratic present. After 1989, city authorities in the region have chosen to emphasize some pasts and neglect others and, thus, (re)write their own versions of (urban) history and (re)shape their (urban) identities. In my paper I inquire into how post-1989 Central European urbanities are shaped by and communicated through various designations including signs and symbols on city streets, monuments, and buildings. Predictably, many material remnants of the socialist regimes have been destroyed or hidden from the public eye - my interest lies not only in which various designations on buildings and which monuments had to go, but also in why and how they disappeared. I discuss the most popular methods of hiding and/or effacing the remnants of socialism that range from subtle (surrounding of communist landmarks with tall buildings) through the obvious (renaming of streets, squares, metro stations; giving old communist buildings new names and functions) to the irreversible and, thus, most controversial (the razing of socialist architecture and monuments). The disappearance of the material capital of the socialist past has been accompanied by intense commemoration practices verging on memorial obsessions. New monuments, plaques, street names, and museums appeared almost as quickly as the old "disposable" ones were forced out from the urban landscape. The complexity of an urban identity as communicated through city streets, monuments, and buildings not only invites, but necessitates an interdisciplinary approach and, thus, my analysis includes elements from such diverse areas of knowledge as aesthetics, architecture, communication studies, comparative cultural studies, economics, history, and political science. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The authors present a comparative analysis of employment determination in four transition economies as they moved from central planning to a market economy in the early 1990s. They use firm-level panel data sets from the Czech Republic, Hungary, Poland, and Slovakia to estimate dynamic employment equations for the period from immediately before to immediately after the start of transition. For the most part, firms appear to have been quick to adjust employment to wage levels, and there is little evidence of labor hoarding. There were important cross-country variations in the determinants of employment during the reform process, however. Hungarian and Polish firms started the transition already substantially reformed, and became even more responsive to market signals as transition proceeded. In contrast, firms in the Czech and Slovak Republics started in the completely unresponsive mode characteristic of central planning, but rapidly caught up with their counterparts in Hungary and Poland. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

What is the best set of privatization policies to release entrepreneurial endeavors in transition economies? Policies of mass privatization in Central Europe were predicated on the belief that private ownership through securitization of property rights would provide powerful incentives for efficient restructuring. In retrospect, the more radical privatization programs not only failed to achieve the expected restructuring but also hindered the development of entrepreneurial activities. In this article the authors develop four propositions, arguing that entrepreneurship is better fostered through gradualist policies permitting negotiated solutions to restructuring, as opposed to market-driven reforms. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Background: The city of Wrocław in Poland represents one of Central Europeans oldest capitals of science with numerous Nobel laureates. Due to a long history of political suppressions with Nazi Germany and Communism from 1933 until 1989, its scientific community was suppressed for more than half a century. Methods: The present study assessed scientific activities in the field of social and neighbouring sciences using density equalizing mapping. On the basis of the NewQIS (New Quality and Quantity Indices in Science) platform and the Social Sciences Citation Index (SSCI) of the Web of Science database, a total of 1787 articles originating from Wrocław were identified between 1966 and 2017. Results: In total, 549 research collaborations of Wrocław with 96 different countries were present (30.7%). Among the 107 research areas the highest activity was found for the field of Business and Economics with n = 272 articles (average citation rate (AVR) of 12.54), followed by Psychology (n = 252 articles, AVR = 9.06), Psychiatry (n = 205 articles, AVR = 4.74) and Public, Environmental and Occupational Health (n = 145 articles, AVR = 7.96). The highest AVR was found for Operations Research (25.36 with n = 87 articles). Density equalizing mapping procedures revealed a global pattern of social sciences research collaborations with scientists from Germany, the UK and the US as the primary cooperating partner of Wrocław. The different countries had major differences in the area of research collaborations. Conclusions: This is the first study that depicts the global network of Wrocław scientific activities in the field of social sciences. The exorbitant increase in research activity from 2006 onwards can lead to the assumption that Wrocław social sciences encounter a fruitful future. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

More than twenty years after the fall of the Soviet Union, Central Europeans are past their transitions and have well-functioning economies. Yet, judging by their lingering communist nostalgia, they have failed to notice. Neo-liberal economists argue that transition results in higher inequality, and that economic liberalization widens the gap between the losers and the winners. Through a comparative analysis of Czechoslovakia and Slovakia, this article suggests that it is not inequality per se but a perception of inequality - whether accurate or skewed - that may aggravate domestic tensions in post-communist Central Europe. I propose two factors through which such perception may arise: 1) the nature of domestic political institutions, and 2) the growth of information and communication technology associated with globalization. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

There is some ambiguity in approaching the concept of democracy wave, especially when we talk about the period of the third wave and the beginning of a possible fourth one. We will try to underline the main views related to the extent of the third wave of democracy and the possibility of the occurrence of a fourth one which, although it does not comply with the classical theory of the waves, must be evaluated separately because of some special features, distinct from those of democracies included in the previous wave. We consider it is necessary to refer to the fourth wave, as represented by the countries from the Central and Eastern Europe that have followed a common line of action during the transition and which, with inherent peculiarities, have established some very important goals: building democracy, restoration the freedom of the citizens, the adoption of a market economy and the integration into the European and global structures.As we have shown, there are enough arguments to hold up this view. There are also some counter-arguments, which could challenge the assumption that the fourth wave was triggered by the transitions of the Warsaw Pact countries. The main problem is that there wasn't clearly defined an opposite wave able to show a regression in the democratization of the third wave [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article reviews the state’s role in the transition economies of Central and Eastern Europe. Among the countries, Poland is perceived as the leader because it was the first economy to emerge from the decline following the transition, as well the only EU member state to survive the crisis without a recession. This success is often attributed to the high quality of government. However, we show that this popular perception is false and that state malfunctions on numerous fronts may soon impede Polish growth prospects. In Poland, the only bright spot is the quality of the financial supervision, which should serve as a role model for other countries. We attribute the malfunctions to the EU accession period that resulted in an unchecked growth of the government and contributed to the weakening of political and legal institutions. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

Copyright of Politologija is the property of Vilnius University and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

As in most parts of Central and Eastern Europe, there is a tradition in Hungary of changing street names and memorials in the wake of major political transitions. This article focuses on the change of street names and memorials, i.e. the city-text, in Hungary’s political capital, Budapest, between 1985 and 2001. The city-text in Budapest became a locus of dispute between different political authorities, including the nation state, the metropolitan municipality, and the district, each bearing different political ideals during and after the fall of communism. Discursive changes in the post-communist city-text emerged expressing specific conceptions of national sovereignty, but the direction of the changes were debated. Different levels of administration in Budapest and Hungary had divergent visions of what the new discourse on national sovereignty should be. The changes, therefore, did not express a simple transition to an agreed-upon post-communist value system, but were the result of a symbolic struggle between different levels of administration over what should be commemorated in the city-text. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article gauges how plausible deep historical explanations are in accounting for the emergence of particular types of parties in post-communist Poland, Hungary, and the Czech Republic. Generating and testing hypotheses from the centuries-long historical logic of Lipset and Rokkan's model of cleavage and party development, it finds that the historical foundations of post-communist parties may be deeper than most analyses assume and that the influence of the communist era may be less than is often believed. While a full understanding of the emergence of post-communist party types requires both historical and non-historical explanations, historical ones should not be underestimated. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]