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Copyright of Canadian Journal of Economics is the property of Wiley-Blackwell and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Canadian Journal of Economics is the property of Wiley-Blackwell and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Trade facilitation is essential to lowering overall trade costs and increasing economic returns on both the multilateral and regional levels. Trade facilitation is also an integral part of trade agreements and has become an important component of the Belt and Road Initiative (BRI). This paper adopts a time-varying stochastic frontier gravity model and a trade inefficiency model and assigns values to different trade facilitation provisions to construct relevant indicators to assess the impacts of the trade facilitation provisions of the World Trade Organization Trade Facilitation Agreement (WTO TFA) and regional trade agreements (RTAs) on trade efficiency between China and BRI countries, as well as on the current conditions and challenges of fresh agricultural product trade between China and countries of the BRI, using data from 2011 to 2020. The results show that the size of domestic markets and population positively affect agricultural trade between China and BRI countries, while geographical distance has a negative impact on their scale of trade. Moreover, this study finds that the obligations set out in trade facilitation provisions of RTAs play an important role in improving trade efficiency, and among these trade facilitation obligations improving the legal provisions of "information transparency", "customs cooperation" and "advance ruling" can significantly improve trade efficiency, however, some measures relating to "formalities" could potentially constitute barriers to trade. This study innovatively carried out an analysis of the impact of trade facilitation provisions on agricultural trade flows and efficiency from the perspectives of international trade law and economics and provides new policy recommendations for BRI countries to support agricultural trade. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Cuadernos Europeos de Deusto is the property of Universidad de Deusto and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Journal of International Relations / Medzinarodne Vztahy is the property of University of Economics in Bratislava, Faculty of International Relations and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

This paper analyzes empirically what determines the choice of countries signing an RMB-denominated Bilateral Swap Agreement (BSA) with China. The gravity motif is predominant (both in terms of country size and distance from China) but so is the trade motif, in terms of both exports to China and the existence of an FTA with China. Institutional soundness also matters since countries with better government and less corruption are more likely to sign an RMB-denominated BSA. This contravenes the view that China has used RMB BSAs as a soft power tool in more corrupted countries. However, the fact that China has a preference for countries with a default history and a closed capital account calls for caution. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper provides a diversification explanation in order understand the development of PTAs in Southeast Asia. I argue that an important reason why ASEAN states participate in PTAs has been to diversify existing trade ties and to reduce overdependence on a narrow range of export markets. Southeast Asian countries have formed PTAs with markets with which they had weak or unexplored economic relations, as demonstrated by three case analyses: the ASEAN Free Trade Area (AFTA), the ASEAN-China Free Trade Agreement (ACFTA) and the ASEAN-Japan Comprehensive Economic Partnership Agreement (AJCEP). To maximise the economic gains and the diversification effects of PTA participation, ASEAN countries have pursued a strategy of strengthening economic unity while keeping external economic linkages as diversified as possible. Although East Asia, and especially China, was an important alternative market to reduce ASEAN's dependence on trade with America, ASEAN countries have also pursued PTAs with a number of other trading partners. This paper explains how PTAs have helped ASEAN states to develop more policy autonomy in their trading environment. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper evaluates agricultural trade creation and diversion effects of the most important free trade agreements (FTAs). Trade creation and diversion effects are estimated using a Poisson Pseudo-Maximum-Likelihood (PPML) estimator with various fixed effects to deal with heteroskedasticity and zero trade observations. The analysis finds that PPML estimation is preferred to OLS and the estimated impacts of FTAs are different if zero trade observations are considered. The ASEAN-China preferential trade agreement, EU-15, EU-25, and Southern African Development Community agreements have generated large increases in agricultural trade among their members. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Asia –Pacific Trade Agreement (APTA) is one of the major Preferential Trade Agreement integrating two major markets of India and China in the Asia-Pacific region. The textile industry is one of most important industry that requires APTA trade liberalisation to promote intra-regional trade. The present paper highlights how the export and import share of the select economies within APTA have changed and it provides a scenario analysis with a commitment to expand the sector. The paper also brings out significant improvement which India may focus on to improve the trade scenario of the textile industry and how APTA may provide a direction in this regard. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

China is a large trade surplus country and could potentially become involved in bilateral trade retaliation. This paper uses a numerical simulation method to empirically explore how Chinese involvement in bilateral trade retaliation could affect both China and other countries. We analyze four different country groupings using scenario solutions of numerical global general equilibrium models to simulate trade retaliation equilibria and calculate their impacts. Our simulation results suggest that China will be hurt by trade retaliation sequences with other countries, but impacts depend on who is involved. Trade retaliation with large countries and major trade partners will hurt China more. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

With the deepening of regional industrial transfer, traditional trade data cannot fully explain the real level of trade in a region. This paper aims to reveal the changing pattern of real trade along the "Belt and Road" by establishing a value-added trade (VAT) network of the "Belt and Road" countries and comparing it with the trade network. Applying a network method, we analyze and compare the structures, characteristics, evolutions, and underlying dynamisms of both networks. With a thorough interpretation and visualization of the network density, network centrality, trade communities, and influencing factors of both networks in the three time sections of 2005, 2010, and 2015, we come to the following findings: (1) the connectivity of both networks has been greatly enhanced, reflecting a more integrated regional economy. (2) The center-external structure of both networks has been further strengthened and the polarization of the VAT network is more obvious than that of the trade network. (3) The organizations of trade communities and VAT communities are largely different. Specifically, China rapidly increased its core position in the VAT network and incorporated more and more countries into its VAT community. (4) The underlying factors have similar impacts on both networks. While the growth of regional economic size and free trade agreements will enhance both trade and VAT, the economic gaps and population differences among the "Belt and Road" countries will prohibit regional economic ties. Based on these findings, we propose suggestions on further regional economic cooperation by taking advantage of China's core position to promote regional VAT, construct broad trade channels, and enhance trade governance. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper studies the ex-post trade effects of China's multilateral, regional and bilateral trade liberalization using augmented gravity and panel data estimation methods for the period 1995–2016. China's accession to the WTO was revealed to have had a significant impact on the volume of trade as well as on bilateral exports and imports. Regional trade agreements and the majority of bilateral trade agreements were found not to be effective in increasing China's foreign trade. Only the agreements with Chile, Costa Rica and Switzerland were effective in increasing China's trade volume. Moreover, the results for Chile were driven by increases in both exports and imports, while for Costa Rica and Switzerland only by increased imports from these countries. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The China-ASEAN (Association of Southeast Asian Nations) Free Trade Agreement (CAFTA) has been recognized as a significant progress in regional economic integration for member countries. While the existing literature has widely studied the trade effects of Free Trade Agreements (FTAs), it remains unclear how it affects environment-related input use. This paper examines the impacts of agricultural trade liberalization on the domestic fertilizer use following the CAFTA. Using a combined dataset consisting of country- and product-level fertilizer use and predictors over the period 1995–2015, this paper empirically examines the impact of CAFTA on the domestic fertilizer use for the exported fresh fruits and vegetables (FFV) from China to ASEAN members. We use the synthesis control method to identify the aggregate impacts of CAFTA on the domestic fertilizer use, followed by the propensity score matching difference-in-difference (PSM-DID) method to examine the mechanism through which fertilizer use is increased. We find that the total volumes of the domestic fertilizer use for Chinese exported FFV increased significantly following the implementation of the Early Harvest Program under CAFTA in 2004. This impact is more evident for exports to the initial ASEAN members compared to the new members. The PSM-DID results suggest that CAFTA increased the degree of export concentration on ASEAN members. The evidence is consistent with the export diversion effect of a customs union instead of the export creation effect due to trade liberalization. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Estudios Gerenciales is the property of Universidad ICESI and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The governments of Australia and China are presently proceeding through a process with the objective of agreeing to a bilateral Free Trade Agreement (FTA). There is little information available on the attitude of the Chinese to the proposal. This paper reports and analyses research findings from business students and senior academics in a Chinese university with a view to identifying some of the qualitative judgements on the FTA issue. Findings of the survey suggest that the Chinese respondents were clearly in favour of foreign trade agreements, foreign investment and new technologies. A limiting factor is the lack of detailed knowledge of Australia. They generally considered that it would be beneficial for Chinese companies to associate with their Australian counterparts. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The Sino-US agreement regarding China's accession to the World Trade Organization (WTO) in late 1999 came as a surprise to many observers. How and why did the Chinese reach the agreement in view of the impasses in the negotiation that occurred earlier in the year? These impasses included the collapse of the WTO talks during Zhu's visit to the USA in April, the NATO bombing of the Chinese embassy in Belgrade in May, and the deadlock between the Chinese and US negotiators in November. Drawing on published sources as well as experts' insights, this paper examines the Chinese leadership's decision-making process and its reasons for concluding the agreement. It suggests that the exclusive decision-making circle of top Chinese leaders circumvented the opposition to the agreement and facilitated the negotiations. These leaders, especially Jiang and Zhu, favoured an agreement because they believed WTO membership could improve China's international relations, trade conditions, the outcomes of reform at home, and China's leverage over Taiwan. The closed decision making on the WTO also left the Chinese leaders with a challenging task: educating officials and the population about the WTO rules and possible impacts while ensuring that they abide by the rules. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In the climate–trade debate, moderate attention is dedicated to the role of trade agreements on climate. In turn, trade agreements could help countries meet climate goals by removing tariffs, harmonizing standards on environmental goods, and eliminating distorting subsidies on fossil fuels. This paper aims to provide an overview of the role of trade agreements on climate-change mitigation. This systematic literature review is based on the international economic literature published between 2010 and 2020. This literature review underlines that the effectiveness of the trade agreements and WTO negotiations on emission reduction is weak. This is due to different national interests and protectionism. The elimination of trade barriers stimulates trade, but this may also raise greenhouse gas emissions and cause other environmental problems (e.g., deforestation). Furthermore, this article points out that emission leakage is also a crucial issue hindering the success of global climate agreements on greenhouse gas reduction. The greatest beneficiaries of the trade agreements are usually the largest GHG emitters, such as China, the US, and the EU. By contrast, developing countries are in a weaker position regarding climate–trade negotiation. The literature review offers policy solutions which can contribute to emission reduction and tools for stimulating a trade-related climate-change abatement policy. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The signing of an eight-year private trade agreement between the People's Republic of China (PRC) and Japan on 16 February 1978, envisaging exchanges between 1978 and 1985 of goods worth US$10 billion each way, and the conclusion of the Sino-Japanese treaty of peace and friendship on 12 August 1978, laid the foundation for the PRC's Japan policy in the period after the fall of the Gang of Four.[1]
Under its present pragmatic leadership, the PRC appears to have been relying more and more heavily on the West and on Japan for capital and advanced technology for the realization of its 'four modernizations'. Japan's role in the PRC's modernization programme is certainly significant. After the first loan of 300 billion yen for 1979-83, the Japanese Prime Minister Yasuhiro Nakasone promised in his PRC visit in March 1984 a second loan of 470 billion yen ($2.08 billion) for 1984-90.[2] Similar perceptions of the Soviet threat have also contributed to the development of Sino-Japanese relations. It was reported that when Hu Yaobang, general secretary of the Communist Party of China (CPC), visited Japan in November 1983, he compared the PRC and Japan to rival heroes in a Chinese classic tale and stated: 'When they fought, both sides were weakened. But when they were united, they were invincible.'[3] Invincibility may be an exaggeration, but the complementarily of the two economies and the vast potential of their cooperation will obviously affect the power balance of the Asia-Pacific region, and in the future perhaps that of the world. This article intends to trace the evolution of the PRC's Japan policy since the fall of the Gang of Four, analyse the achievements and problems of the bilateral relationship, and assess the implications for the Asia-Pacific region. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

China's government has pledged to attain net-zero emissions by 2050 and aims to create the world's most resilient and forward-looking border by 2025. It has outlined a high-level vision for digital trade and a freeport plan and guarantees to implement new free trade agreements, develop infrastructure, and equalise the economy. Therefore, this study explores the dynamic impact of digital trade and financial development on ecological sustainability from 2000-Q1 to 2020-Q4. We apply the Bootstrap ARDL model for empirical analysis and found that digital trade in goods and services, financial development, and green innovation are conducive to long-term environmental sustainability. Similar results are also observed in the short run; however, the influence of short-run parameters is relatively lower. Moreover, the error correction term endorses convergence towards stable equilibrium with a 32.7% quarterly adjustment rate. Granger causality test report uni-direction casualty in all variables, except green innovation and carbon emissions. These findings recommend an inclusive policy for promoting digital trade, financial integration, and green innovation in China. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

China's once geometrically expanding investment treaty regime is increasingly beset by unstable investment markets, politicized trade sanctions, and conflicting domestic demands on its financial reserves. A dilemma facing China is how to manage its relationships collaboratively with its treaty partners. At stake are treaties concluded by competitors like the EU with both developed and developing states that provide access to foreign markets previously serviced largely by China and its outbound investors. This article scrutinizes China's likely responses to these formidable obstacles. One reaction is for China to selectively extend the policies underlying its planned domestic economy to global investment markets. In doing so, China risks being typecast as an investment overlord that turns developing states into dependencies rather than fully participating investment partners. A reconciliatory approach is for China to champion profitable dealings with shared benefits for its bilateral treaty partners and their investors. To redress these obstacles effectively is a key challenge for China. This Article explores that challenge in assessing how China is likely to protect both its national interests and the interests of foreign investors, consistently with its planned economy and the liberalization investment law. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Much ink has been splashed on the ideological, conceptual, and practical challenges that China's state capitalism has posed to global trade rules. There is a growing perception that the current international trade rules are neither conceptually coherent nor practically effective in tackling China's state capitalism. This perception has not only led to the emergence of new trade rules in regional trade agreements, but also culminated in the US-China trade war, only further aggravated by the Covid-19 pandemic. This Article contributes to the debate of what trade rules may be needed to counteract China's state capitalism by unpacking the black box of China's state capitalism. Based on an analysis of the nature of China's state capitalism, this Article provides a preliminary evaluation of current trade rules taken to counteract China's state capitalism, in particular the new rules in the Comprehensive and Progressive Agreement for Trans-Pacific Partnership, and explain why they are unlikely to be successful. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Economic strategies and planning are critical to a country's growth and development. China, like many other countries, is seeking the most cost-effective trade deals. Using the Global Vector Auto Regression (GVAR) model, this study examined the impact of a shock to China's macroeconomic factors on trading economies. The major findings reveal that there is no co-movement between the shock in Chinese gross domestic product (GDP) and German macroeconomic indicators; however, the shock has a positive and substantial influence on Japan's GDP and Unites States (US)' exchange rate. It is also worth noting that a shock to Chinese trade volume is more susceptible and more disturbing than a shock to US trade volume since it reduces trade volume and causes the Ren Min Bi (RMB) to devalue permanently. Furthermore, the analysis shows that Chinese stock prices have a major influence on German economy since China's GDP, trade volume, and currency appreciate over time when its stock price rises. Finally, the exchange rate shock is beneficial to Germany as it boosts GDP and trade volume but has a negative influence on US stock prices. The current study is, therefore, expected to be a suitable beginning point for the governments and policymakers of trading partners to design an effective trade policy to minimize the impact on major economic variables. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper examines the current status of Pak-China commercial cooperation, the convergence of this cooperation towards the realisation of China-Pakistan Economic Corridor (CPEC), and the challenges and opportunities envisioned for this relationship. Constructivism is the best possible characterisation of the nature of Pakistan's commercial relations with China, as these do not amount to a zero-sum regional game that would seek maximisation of power at the cost of their Asian neighbours. The current trajectory of Beijing-Islamabad relations transcends the geopolitical and geo-economic expediencies that could beckon prosperity and economic cooperation. Both countries have an interest in creating an enabling security, political, and trade environment for the envisioned growth and sustainability of their commercial relations. An environment of peace and stability will not happen in a vacuum, especially if other regional and extra-regional powers are not willing to tango. For the first time in Pakistan's history, its territory shall set a course of economic cooperation rather than geopolitical competition. The CPEC is not only the pivot of Pakistan-China politico-economic relations, but holds similar promise for the region and beyond. In the aforementioned context, the paper explains multifarious economic and trade linkages between the two countries, and proffers recommendations for deepening commercial cooperation through optimisation of trade balance, export diversification, and foreign direct investment (FDI) inflows. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The paper frames the trade relationship between China and Malaysia within the context of ASEAN and the impending RCEP. Specifically trade potentials are derived for the bilateral partnership within the two structures to identify whether China's external options under the RCEP affect her relationship with Malaysia. Potentials for trade expansion between China and Malaysia, estimated through a three-dimensional panel gravity model, are found to be marginally lower under the RCEP structure relative to ASEAN. More importantly, trade potentials appear exhausted for major products traded under both contexts. This suggests a change (decline) in the trade posture of the China-Malaysia partnership, as relative advantages are most likely to be altered under the expanded matrix of Chinese relations with RCEP members. In coping with the larger matrix structure, both nations should innovate new forms of bilateral cooperation, beyond trade, to enhance their strategic partnership. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The decades-long history of friendly relationship in both countries bore the fruits in the form of Pakistan-China free-trade agreement (PCFTA) in 2006. This paper aims to estimate Pakistan's bilateral trade potential with China by employing gravity model of trade in a panel data set covering the period 1992-2015. In an attempt to obtain unbiased results we have utilized various estimation methods as suggested by the recent empirical literature on gravity equation to acquire the maximum variation in results. The results from EGLS, REM, two-stage EGLS, GMM, Tobit and PPML have shown that Pakistan' bilateral trade with all FTA partner countries is positively affected by GDPs, religion, WTO, trade openness in both countries and the common border; whereas negatively affected by geographical distance and inflation. It is also stated that common language and (Trade Agreements) PTA found to be pessimistically exaggerated bilateral trade of Pakistan with FTA partners. The overall PTA effect is negative and highly significant albeit we have found immense trade potential of Pakistan in case of China by most of the estimation techniques. The industry of Pakistan and exporters should adopt new measures to boost and diversify the exports to China and to bring about a reasonable equality in mutual trading relations. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

An introduction to a discussion paper on what determines the choice of countries signing a renminbi (RMB)-denominated bilateral swap agreement (BSA) with China as of 2013.

This paper argues that a China-Korea-Japan Free Trade Agreement (CJK FTA) will have large benefits to the three Northeast Asian countries and significant implications for global multilateral trade. However, several hurdles seem to make an expeditious completion of a CJK FTA, or even bilateral FTAs between Japan and China or between Japan and Korea extremely difficult. Thus, a pragmatic approach would be to follow a dual-track approach in which China and Korea fast-track the completion of a bilateral FTA between them and the three countries continue their negotiations for a trilateral FTA on a steady track. Neither of these attempts should, however, deter these countries from joining the larger multilateral deals they are pursuing such as the Regional Comprehensive Economic Partnership (RCEP) or the Transpacific Partnership (TPP). [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In November 2001, China finally acceded to the World Trade Organization after a marathon accession negotiation that lasted 15 years. As China's accession coincided with the launch of the Doha Round, many commentators predicted that China's participation in the trade negotiations would have significant impacts on the Round. However, this has not proven to be the case. What have been the approaches taken by China in global trade negotiations? Why did China adopt these approaches? How did China's different negotiating approaches affect the dynamics of trade negotiations? These are the questions addressed in this article. The paper argues that China started as a reluctant player in the negotiations, and only gradually made its way into the core decision-making group of the WTO rather late during the round. Even though China has now been accepted as a member of the G-7, the most powerful group in the WTO, it has been playing only supportive rather than leading roles. The article explains the reasons for such low profile approaches, and also examines the value of Chinese proposals from both quantitative and qualitative perspectives. The article concludes with some thoughts on the broader implications of China's growing power in the WTO as a whole. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Colombia Internacional is the property of Universidad de los Andes and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The article traces the relationship between the price of silver and the Chinese purchasing power. There are several reasons why the silver movement has acquired an even greater importance in recent times. One of the most important reasons is the provisional agreement signed by India, China, Spain, Australia, Canada, Mexico, Peru, and the U.S. According to this agreement, during a four year period beginning in January 1934, the first three countries named will limit their sales of silver, and the rest guarantee to buy or withdraw from the market a minimum of 35,000,000 ounces per year. The U.S. absorbs 70 percent of that amount. The article gives a brief description of the reasons why silver interests have a considerable amount of power in the U.S. A common observation is that the recent decline in the price of silver has reduced the purchasing power of the Orient. This observation is based on the fact that the users of silver, e.g., the Chinese, purchase their imports and pay their debits not with the proceeds of their exports and their credits but proximately with gold and ultimately with silver. The supposed reduction in purchasing power can lead to dire consequences not only for the Orient but for the U.S.

The article explores the negotiation of the Taiwan-Panama free trade agreement (FTA) and Panama's switch of diplomatic relations from Taiwan to China. It explains why Panama's revocation of recognition of Taiwan as a state does not mean the end of the Taiwan-Panama FTA. Topics discussed include Taiwan's abandonment of the claim to be the legitimate government of China, the country's international legal personality, and its World Trade Organization (WTO) membership.

The carbon-emission transfer between two representative developing economies - China and Africa - behind the international trade has aroused quite a few controversies, which have not been fully estimated and understood yet. In this paper, the Multiregional Input-Output (MRIO) method is applied to the participants of Forum on China-Africa Cooperation (FOCAC) from the global perspective to reveal the roles both China and Africa have played in the global supply chain as either the original emitter or the final consumer, and to depict the evolution pattern of carbon transfer via Sino-Africa trade from the year 2000–2015. The findings are as follows: 1) China has played the role of net exporter of embodied carbon-emission in Sino-Africa trade, for the amount of emitted carbon China had born yet resulted by consumption in Africa well surpassed that vice versa. 2) Compared to the carbon-emission flows embodied in EU-Africa and US-Africa trades, China has shouldered more carbon-emission derived from Africa's consumption. 3) The sectoral contribution and intensities of embodied carbon-emission correspond to the trading pattern between China and Africa, which stems from the two parties' comparative advantages and economic complementarity. 4) The intensities of embodied carbon-emission on both sides are declining towards a rosy prospect, which indicates an improving carbon-emission efficiency of both economies. From a global perspective, both China and Africa play a positive part in carbon-emission reduction. The results in this study can facilitate low-carbon and high-efficiency trading link between the two economies. • Historical trend of embodied carbon transfer between China-Africa Forum participants is explored. • Carbon-emission in China related to Africa's consumption well surpassed that vice versa. • Sino-Africa trade has relieved the carbon-emission pressure on Africa's economic development. • Sectoral contribution of embodied carbon-emission reflects the complementarity between China and Africa. • Embodied carbon-emission intensities of both China and Africa have declined. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Trade volume between Pakistan and China largely remained insignificant. It did not constitute a viable economic partnership between the two countries until the first decade of the present century. Bilateral trade could further strengthen Pakistan-China relationship. China-Pakistan Free Trade Agreement (FTA) in effect from July 2007, introduced a new dimension in the promotion of the bilateral trade. As Pakistan could not devise a dynamic trading policy toward China, this resulted in a huge trade deficit with China after 1984. Pakistani industry and exporters should adopt new measures to increase exports to China and to bring about a reasonable equality in mutual trading relations. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

An appendix is presented which shows the definitions of variables used in a discussion paper on the determinants of the choice of countries for China's renminbi (RMB)-denominated bilateral swap agreements (BSAs).

The article presents the results of a logistic regression analysis conducted to identify the reasons behind a country signing a renminbi (RMB)-denominated bilateral swap agreement (BSA) with China as of 2013. The findings suggest that a larger economic size and the proximity to China raises the likelihood of a country's signing an RMB BSA with China. The authors explain why a country's exports to China contribute to the signing of such an agreement.

The article presents a background on China's renminbi (RMB)-denominated bilateral swap agreement (BSA) with other countries as of 2013. The internationalization of the RMB began in 2009 when the Pilot Program of RMB Settlement of Cross-Border Trade Transactions was launched. The percentage of RMB-settled trade in China's total trade rose to 16.3% in the first quarter of 2013. It discusses the other forms of bilateral financial agreements entered into by China for cross-border SMB settlements.

The article presents an analysis of the developments in the implementation of the Sicomines "minerals-for-infrastructure" agreement between the Congolese government and a consortium of Chinese companies in 2007. It is inferred that the agreement demonstrates that Chinese companies are risk-takers as well as are no monolith in its their overseas activities. A brief historical overview of the establishment of the agreement is given, which is said to have taken place during the Chinese presence in Congo in various forms including consumer goods, migrants, and larger companies. The growth of the Chinese presence in Africa at the turn of the twenty-first century is explored.

Has the growing pro-environment rhetoric in ASEAN-China relations resulted in the effective mainstreaming of environmental issue into trade agreements and multilateral cooperation frameworks? The article discusses the cases of the ASEAN China Free Trade Area (ACFTA) and the Greater Mekong Subregion (GMS) and argues that there is no shortage of national and regional policy agendas that visibly link trade growth and environmental considerations. However, this nexus is still a weak one in terms of implementation and effectiveness. The most promising initiatives towards an effective reconciliation of trade growth and environmental sustainability are promoted and often driven by foreign donors, most prominently the European Union (EU). [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

An increasingly visible facet of China's commercial diplomacy has been its pursuit of preferential trade agreements (PTAs) with small and medium-sized economies outside Asia. China's PTAs, completed or under negotiation, have indicated both a conservative approach and an increasing comfort level with cross-regional trade negotiations. The China-Iceland PTA negotiations since 2006 illustrate this new thinking. Although the island state has a considerably smaller economy, China has perceived the negotiations as being undertaken between equals as well as an important bilateralism model. A successful deal will further demonstrate a new stage in Chinese commercial diplomacy and its approach to bilateral trade as well as a determination to engage the European economy even through a "side door" approach. However, in light of Iceland's banking crisis and deep recession in late 2008, Beijing has also had to address the uncertainties of negotiating with small states in a time of global economic uncertainty. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article expresses the views of the author on the proceedings of the Sixth Ministerial Conference of the World Trade Organization held on December 13-18, 2005 in Hong Kong, China. The author believes that the said conference was a great disappointment from the perspective of trade and development concerns. She has seen unfairness about the Uruguay Round Agreements and cites multiple areas which she thinks evident for such imbalanced.

This article traces the history of the United States' first trade treaty with China in 1844 to show how the U.S. became the leading practitioner of extraterritorial imperialism throughout the Asia-Pacific region. It gives the imperial character of the American exercise of law and the claim that the American exercise of imperial power has also involved a disclaiming of sovereign power over territory that it in fact controls.

China finds itself in a unique situation on antidumping and safeguard issues. It is by far the main target of antidumping measures, but (so far) one of the smallest users of such measures. China's World Trade Organization (WTO) accession protocol includes stringent antidumping and safeguard provisions that its trading partners may use against its exports. The article examines three related concerns: how quickly large developing economies can become intensive users of antidumping measures, an evolution raising concerns about China's recent antidumping enforcement; how China could minimize its exposure to foreign antidumping cases, a recipe for both improving trade outcomes and for China's taking a leading role in reforming wro antidumping; and the opportunities that the Doha Round of trade negotiations offer to China for negotiating stricter disciplines both on wro contingent protection and on the use by China's trading partners of the special provisions included in China's accession protocol. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Tang, L.; Jin, C.; Tian, Y., and Li, L., 2020. Effects of free trade agreements on Chinese forestry industry: A context analysis with the 21st-Century Maritime Silk Road countries. In: Gong, D.; Zhang, M., and Liu, R. (eds.), Advances in Coastal Research: Engineering, Industry, Economy, and Sustainable Development. Journal of Coastal Research, Special Issue No. 106, pp. 290–294. Coconut Creek (Florida), ISSN 0749-0208. With the deepening of economic globalization, signing trade agreements has become the most important way to promote trade cooperation among countries. With the implementation of the 21st-Century Maritime Silk Road initiative, China is committed to continue expanding the opening and deepening of regional economic and trade cooperation in this region. Using the data of 58 countries along the 21st-Century Maritime Silk Road from 2003 to 2017, this study uses the propensity score matching and difference-in-differences method to explore the free trade agreement (FTAs) impact on Chinese forestry industry. The results show that FTAs have a significantly positive impact on exports of Chinese forestry industry. After controlling for the impact of the global financial crisis in 2008 and removing the extreme values in the sample, FTAs still have a significantly positive impact on exports of Chinese forestry industry. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]