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This paper investigates the short and long-term pernicious impact of armed conflicts on education and educational agents (students, teachers and students' parents), using a multivocal review by means of the integration and qualitative analysis of 60 research reports (voices) found in two databases: Web of Science and PROQUEST in the period between 1995 -date of the first founding paper- until 2014. Through the analysis of source data (voices) and taking the "multivocal review" as a method, the voices have been combined in nine categories, namely: a) Refusal and impediments to a return to education; b) Educational infrastructure damaged or destroyed; c) Cuts in or withdrawal of spending on education; d) Loss of the educational and protective functions of the family; e) Loss of the academic community; f) Non-qualified teaching staff; g) Drastic loss of skills; h) Abandoning school (population movements, destruction of networks and social environment); i) Behavioural problems: traumas, pedagogical roles and self-victimization. These categories have highlighted the serious consequences arising from conflicts, infringing as they do the most basic human rights and in particular the right to a sound education during childhood.

Latin American countries have evolved over the years. Still, after years of military reign, socioeconomicinstability, and civil wars, the region has been known for its anti-hegemonic economic growth (educationalpolicies) strategies. Central and South America's educational system has long been under investigation by researchers both theoretically and empirically. The transition of its education system through the introduction of centralized, liberalized, and populist ideology has sparked many researchers' interest. This paper aims to understand and compare 14 Latin American countries' education orientation. The study uses a matrix table to visualize the qualitative finding.

Purpose: This paper aims to determine the level of awareness and implementation of family-responsible parameters: policies, enablers, practices, and culture, in Spanish and Latin-American companies, and how they impact work-life balance. Design/methodology/approach: The study uses data from different national IESE's Family-Responsible Employer Index surveys in Spain (1,000 companies) and five Latin-American countries (1,155 companies), Brazil, Chile, Colombia, El Salvador and Peru, done between 2006 and 2008. This is a structured questionnaire that assesses the stage of development the organization is in regarding four main family-responsible parameters: policies, enablers, practices, and culture. Findings: Latin-American countries get a slightly higher number of companies that are fully supportive of work-family balance environment than Spain, but with lesser formal policies implemented and a stronger presence of enablers and practices. Policies are important but might not be as effective if not accompanied by the example of managers and staff as well as by a deep understanding of the cultural value placed by them on work, family and personal life. Research limitations/implications: The survey-based data used limits insight into causal relationships. Qualitative and longitudinal studies are needed in order to clarify motives for individual and organizational decisions regarding work-life initiatives. Data collected are from one source only: employer's management. Multi-source studies must follow and include the public sector. Originality/value: This is the first comparison between Spanish companies and companies from five Latin-American countries regarding work-family policies, enablers, practices and culture with such an ample number of companies. Findings will aid HRD practitioners in developing work-family initiatives and help researchers to address new questions in cross-cultural comparisons. (Contains 1 figure and 6 tables.)

The private sector plays a fundamental role in peace negotiations and in the implementation of agreements, as comparison between El Salvador, Guatemala and Colombia indicates. However, private sector involvement in peace negotiations varies: Conflict cost perceptions, degrees of unity of the pro-peace business faction, and varied access to the peace policymaking process account for important differences across the cases. Thus this article points to the need to tine-tune our understanding of private sector behaviour in the context of armed conflict and peace and underscores how private sector characteristics and business-state relations affect the emergence of peace negotiations and shape resultant outcomes. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]