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After the formation of the independent state, the Ukrainian people's interest in their own history and events of the past has significantly increased. The shaping of national identity and preservation of historical collective memory plays an increasingly important role in these processes. This is to some extent true of the Cherkasy region which is one of the richest in Ukraine. Scientific research of historians and archival material which reflect the development of the workflow management systems in the society of the region is suffi- cient proof of this. Special role in the study of the region history is given to the State Archives of Cherkasy region, the leading experts of which during 1970-2013 period made a significant contribution to the implementation of recordkeeping standards and normative document regulation acts such as the Laws of Ukraine "On Electronic Documents and Electronic Document Management" and "On Electronic Digital Signature", dated May 22th, 2003, etc. As document management traditions are being produced during the centuries, investigation of electronic records management is practically possible from its initial formation stage. On the one hand, the main task of the electronic records keeping, as a relatively new phenomenon, is to adopt the best principles of traditional document management; on the other hand, it is no less important to develop new approaches to recordkeeping management, taking into account the use of electronic documents. Therefore it is important, in our opinion, to consider the main problems that accompany the practices of electronic document management as the investigated object, taking the example of Cherkasy region. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper delves into the ways in which art and cultural expressions have helped to preserve the memory of the Ukrainian Revolution and how the Maidan Museum contributes to this effort. Specifically, the study explores the significance of the Maidan event in Ukraine’s national memory culture and how it is being integrated into the country’s historical narrative as part of the decommunization and decolonization processes. Additionally, the text examines how the politics of memory, as expressed through the museum’s performances and aesthetics, can serve as a tool of collective and national resistance. Ultimately, the article argues that the Maidan event is not fixed but rather dynamic, and Maidan memory plays a critical role in Ukraine’s ongoing transition away from a shared historical past with Russia. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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This paper examines the politics of monument building and the "de-communization" of public space in Ukraine. It first introduces the conceptual categorization of societal-political interaction over memory in order to showcase permutations between between the two types of memory. It then proceeds to evaluate recent memory developments in the case study of the provincial town of Shyshaky in central Ukraine. I argue that official governmental memory politics is secondary to a broader social memory dynamics in re-structuring the local memory landscape in how it represents Ukraine's WWII experience and its Soviet past. Approaching the local memory developments as a case of permutations between social and political memories yields greater and more accurate insight. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Politologija is the property of Vilnius University and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Between the 1920s and the 1980s, Soviet Ukraine saw six large hydroelectric power plants constructed on the Dnipro River and one on the Dnister River. (1) The projects necessitated the creation of artificial water reservoirs, resulting in the destruction of a large number of old villages. The residents of these places were forcibly resettled. In the 1960s and 1970s, a time period that constitutes the main focus of this paper, the only form of protest to forcible resettlement was defiance: according to the state plan, while people were required to demolish their houses and build new ones in a specially designated place, many did not. Any other form of protest was dangerous in a totalitarian state. The weakening and further collapse of the Soviet regime altered the political climate, and Ukraine has since witnessed numerous expressions of discontent in the forms of strikes, rallies, collective statements, etc. These experiences led to a rethinking of the Soviet past and a search for protest where it previously had not existed. The present article focuses on narratives and social events that serve as creative responses to the forcible resettlement. It shows that these forms of protest have emerged as a result of changing perceptions of the feasibility of hydropower and an understanding of the losses caused by the flooding of forests, pastures, and farmlands. The present case study illustrates that protests, typically associated with immediate response to political events, can sometimes form retrospectively, and can be directly shaped by the processes of the formation and traditionalization of memory. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The paper examines the concept of instrumentalisation of history in today's Ukraine from the perspective of experts in history from Kiev, Southern and Eastern Ukraine. Based on interviews with historians, this instrumentalisation is described as a resource that is used by different actors and entities and cannot exclusively be attributed to the ultra-nationalist camp.Instrumentalisation is interpreted as a rather natural process. The following actors applying instrumentalisation were mentioned: individuals, families, NGOs/civil society, teachers, media, cinema/literature/art producers, academic historians, social movements, all political forces/parties, the Ukrainian Institute of National Memory, presidents, any group that has its own identity. The goals of instrumentalisation can vary from identity processes to trauma healing and prevention of violence and war. Inclusiveness of the regional and ethnic memories in the experience of history teachers is analysed as an example of non-nationalistic construction of a national narrative. Three indicators for the inclusiveness of a narrative in formal history education are proposed: the search for a common narrative and for including the memory of the ethnic "Other" into "our" memory," the recognition of regional history in the national narrative, the practical realisation of inclusiveness in the form of interregional exchange of memory.It was revealed that there is space for an inclusive narrative of ethnic memories, but the usage of it depends on several factors: the teacher's character, the access to historical sources, the possibility of cooperation with other institutions, such as NGOs, academia, museums, ethnic communities, etc. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper seeks to lay out certain critical reflections on social transformations, changes in memory politics and its representation in the Ukrainian museum narratives over the years of independence. In particular, it focuses on the challenges involved in constructing various forms of historical memory, it determines the ways of its representation in current museum narrative practices, illustrates memory politics controversy over the historical issues of the Holodomor of 1932 - 1933, World War II and the Holocaust and reveals the place they occupy in historical memory and museum narratives of different regions of Ukraine. Correlations between historical memory, identity and museum narratives of different regions of Ukraine are highlighted. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The implementation of legislative support for public policy on national memory in Ukraine is realised through the enactment of legislative acts, including the Constitution of Ukraine and Ukrainian laws. The country's prevailing political situation and social moods have primarily shaped it. This article aims to examine the legislative framework of Ukraine (1991-2024) that facilitates the formation and implementation of public policy on national memory within the state. The study demonstrates that active legislation has occurred over the past ten years and continues to the present day. It is established that the legislative base in the sphere of national memory comprises conceptual, organisational, and regulatory acts, which delineate the scope of their functionality. Significant achievements have been made in the legislative support of public policy on national memory in Ukraine. It is evident that the issue of adopting a special law that would define the fundamental principles of national memory policy in Ukraine, ensuring comprehensive regulation of its formation and implementation, still needs to be solved. The completeness of memory policy regulation at all levels of the administrative system is defined, and problematic issues are identified. The necessity for enhancing the legislative framework supporting public policy on national memory in Ukraine is revealed. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The purpose of this paper is to identify the key semantic emphases of the concepts of historical memory that are constructed by the libraries located on the temporarily occupied territories of Donetsk and Lugansks regions in Ukraine as a reflection of the official policy of memory adopted on these territories. Based on the results, the author provides the ways of the transformation of the collective memory and regional identity of the population on these territories. The methodology of the study includes such methods as document analysis, critical discursive analysis, descriptive, comparative, statistical and historical-genetic methods. The usage of the historical-genetic method allowed to identify the changes in the semantic connotations of the socio-cultural discourse provided by the leading libraries on the temporarily uncontrolled territories of Donbass region. As the result of the reserch the author provides the key characteristics of the semantic load, peculiar to the set of ideas and representations through which the libraries, as an actor of the socio-communicative process, participate in the formation of the collective memory. The key ideas of the semantic concept of historical memory emerged as a result of Russian intervention are revealed. It is shown that along with ethnographic, the sociocultural discourse of these libraries consists of Soviet, Russian, imperial, Orthodox and anti-Ukrainian elements. The socio-cultural discourse of the ORDLO's libraries, on the one hand, highlights the importance of the Great Patriotic War and the Great Victory, manifests the nostalgia for the Soviet past and the Great Russia (in the political and in humanitarian aspects), orientation to Russian Orthodoxy and the native Russian language. On the other hand, they promote the ideas of the state creation (as Luhansk and Donetsk People's Republics -- LPR and DPR) and nurture the idea of the Ukrainian-Donbas war. These meanings quite often overlap and mix, defining the trends of transformations of historical memory and regional identity towards visioning Donbass people as a part of the unified Russian nation, forgetting the shared history with Ukraine and visions of the «Russian Motherland» as the basis for the common future with the Russian Federation, and further ground for conflicts with Ukraine after the possible reintegration of these territories. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

A few months after its publication in North America, Erin Litteken's bestselling historical novel The Memory Keeper of Kyiv (2022) has already been translated into fourteen languages. Thus, it is plausible that for many readers the novel will be the first encounter with the complex topic of the Great Famine of 1932-1933 in Soviet Ukraine. This article examines the narrative techniques used in The Memory Keeper of Kyiv and demonstrates that the combination of romance and historical fiction enables Litteken not only to introduce readers possessing little to no knowledge of Ukrainian history to the Holodomor but also show the links between Ukraine and North America and those between the present and past genocides in Ukraine. After a brief introduction to the historical context of the Holodomor, the article shows that by using two timelines--one set in 2004 and the other during the Great Famine--Litteken showcases the intergenerational and transcultural character of individual and collective trauma. Finally, it points to the fact that the novel's present-day protagonist reflects the belated recognition of the Holodomor among the assimilated representatives of the Ukrainian American diaspora and their alleged responsibility to prevent the memory of the Famine from falling into oblivion. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The trajectories of public memory and memorialisation of the famines of the 1930s have been vastly different for Kazakhstan and Ukraine, despite the common causation of these national tragedies. Many of the disparities between memorialisation of these events emerge from these nations' different post--collapse trajectories. A not insignificant amount of vacillation on memory policy occurred as both nations grappled with the past, owing to the various orientations of national leadership and popular sentiment as contexts shifted. While Ukraine sought to forge an independent path quickly post--collapse, Kazakhstan maintained close relations with Russia until recently. Changes to Kazakhstan's foreign policy spurred, in part, by the Russian full--scale invasion of Ukraine have in turn prompted a revaluation of famine memory. This article seeks to illustrate the complexity of nations coming to terms with their Soviet pasts alongside new domestic and international concerns and illustrate the value of comparative analysis of famine memory through a post--colonial lens. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Amazonia Investiga is the property of PRIMMATE and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The study surveys instances of discursive normalization of the Russian attack on Ukraine across the Visegrád Four (V4) countries, examining political discourses in the Czech Republic, Hungary, Poland, and Slovakia. Following February 24, 2022, the strategies that expressed an open backing of Russia were mostly marginalized becoming morally all but impossible and thus politically too costly. However, other and more indirect ways of showing "understanding" if not support for Moscow's actions soon (re)emerged. These included presenting the war in "realist-geopolitical" terms, as a proxy for the (allegedly inevitable) competition between great powers and a "neutralist-pacifist" discourse that criticized the Western military aid to Ukraine. In a broader sense, both discourses can be viewed as anchored in collective memories of the tragic Central European past that have traditionally infused the national identities in the V4 with a sense of vulnerability. The grim "realist" image of the world also rhymes well with the regional rise of the populist political style that hinges on the stated need to protect the "underdog" people and replaces the imperatives of solidarity with those of "self-help.". [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

After the horrific experiences of ex-Yugoslavia, the tragedy of Ukraine reveals the terrible consequences of the memory conflicts radicalization. Anticipated by a constant mnemonic war led by the Russia particularly against its Eastern neighbors, it proves "what happens when memory wars turn into real wars". Since the end of Cold War, in the context of the re-nationalization of ideologies, the remythologization of national histories, and the reshaping of memory politics, the European memory games, as part of the struggle for recognition, have often became memory wars. This article provides some relevant insights about the political instrumentation of the "restorative nostalgia"/"retrotopia" in the (post-)Cold War illiberal memory games/wars, against the background of the growing crises connected to the rise of neo-nationalism. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Museologica Brunensia is the property of Masaryk University, Faculty of Arts and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Ukrainian Historical Journal / Ukraïnsʹkij Ìstoričnij Žurnal is the property of Institute of History of Ukraine, National Academy of Sciences of Ukraine and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

In this article, I focus on major trends in memory politics and the regional dynamics of collective memory in post-Euromaidan Ukraine. I argue that despite the ongoing military conflict and the radicalisation of memory politics, in its memory pluralism, the Ukrainian society preserves a potential and need for a more democratic and inclusive approach towards history and an active social dialogue around the complex issues of the past. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Russia's and Ukraine's common and contested past(s) became fundamental in the development of the Ukraine crisis. Not only did the complicated history of Russia-Ukraine relations become a fertile ground for the crisis to break out. Russia's and Ukraine's shared and disputed past(s) appeared crucial during the crisis itself: it played a key role in the attempts of Russian political elites to legitimise and to consolidate the society's support for Russia's annexation of Crimea and its military intervention in Eastern Ukraine. The fact that World War II became particularly important in this respect is widely acknowledged. However, what about the other pages of Russia's and Ukraine's (Soviet) past(s)? Were they also reconceptualised during the Ukraine crisis and employed in order to legitimise Russia's involvement? Trying to answer these questions, this article focuses on Stalinist repression, and on the specific ("official") memory of it, as was forged in Russia before the armed conflict in Ukraine broke out and as it developed during the evolution of the conflict. Questioning the concept of re-Stalinisation which is often used to analyse the memory of the repression in contemporary Russia, this article argues that in the wake of the Ukraine crisis - much like in the run-up to it - Russia is moving towards forgetting the repression. The pursuit of (national) unity - at the expense of memory of the repression - remains characteristic for Russia's "official" account of Stalinism. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article is dedicated to the reconstruction of national historical narratives in light of national stamp publishing. The research is based on the study of the pictorial aspect of the postage stamps of the Ukrainian People's Republic in 1918-1920 as an expression of state policy towards the development of the national postal service that played an important role in the process of statebuilding. The diachronic analysis method gives an opportunity to study the process of transformation of postage stamps from the philatelic material to the state of cultural and historical monument. Analytical study of catalogued postage stamps with the general narrative of the past state postal structure of the Ukrainian People's Republic is defined as the Ukrainian philatelic heritage. Postage stamps as an element of the statehood of Ukraine in the first half of the twentieth century formed the basis of modern national stamp publishing in contemporary narrative of historical memory. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article focuses on cultural representations of the rank-and-file perpetrators of the 1932-1933 famine in Ukraine, known as the Holodomor. While it is generally accepted that most perpetrators of mass violence are ordinary people with rather banal motives, the rank-and-file perpetrators of the Holodomor remain on the margins of cultural memory in Ukraine. When they become the focus of artistic expression, perpetrators are often framed according to several distinct modalities based on the vesting of agency. In samvydav novels this agency dispersed: some perpetrators are indoctrinated, some settle scores, many simply follow orders, whereas authors in post-Soviet Ukraine and in the diaspora tend to displace agency by locating it with the savage, ethnically different Other or locals influenced by the Other. In the Soviet novels, by contrast, the agency is embraced. The article traces and analyses these modalities following a sequential chronological trajectory. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This study deals with urban identity in Vinnytsia, one of the most economically vibrant Ukrainian cities, arguably known as a fiefdom of key Ukrainian power holders since the Euromaidan. Assuming that urban space may be treated simultaneously as a mirror and a factor of urban identity, the authors tried to look at urban identity under the lens of urban space transformations. The sociological survey conducted in 2016 and covering 168 respondents was focused on public representations about the city in whole and particular places in the city as well, including important recent changes of urban landscape. We came to conclusion that Vinnytsia represents an inclusive model of urban identity growing from additional actualized strata of historical memory. However, there is a stable core of identity, requiring a great deal of effort to be changed. We confirmed our hypothesis that identity-related discussions in Vinnytsia are centred on the issue of leadership, caused by current privileged position of the city and successful municipal reforms implemented by the local administration, and the issue of modernization, including aggressive commercialization, threating the historic urban landscape. The survey revealed the re-assessment of the role of industry as an element of local identity and demonstrated that the public requirements to the urban space experienced a strong shift towards human-friendliness, aesthetics, safety and diversity instead of political or ideological symbols. We observed pronounced shift to the local and regional values, although the connection with the national identity remains important. Finally, we came to conclusion that the success of transformation is largely defined by the possibility to painlessly combine new senses and connotations of places with the already existing. Thus, local identity may be considered as one of the key factors determining the perception of the urban space transformation, making urban landscape more resilient to the possible harmful impendences. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]