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The paper investigates the effect of active civic education using project-based learning (PBL) on attitudes towards civic engagement in a heterogeneous society. The study used a qualitative research approach involving a content analysis of responses to open-ended questionnaires, students' reports and weekly discussions with the students. The study examines whether the PBL teaching approach, which was developed in medical schools, can be an effective tool for use in civic studies to promote civic engagement of college students in a multi-ethnic society. Active civic education matters; it prompted non-Jewish minority students in Israeli society to consider future civic engagement, and improved their understanding of the concepts of accountability, transparency, civil and human rights, and the ability of individuals in a democracy to obtain answers from their government. It also underscored their ability and obligation to contribute to their communities.

Patriotism is an important and well-accepted value in educational institutions. As a civic virtue, it has always been included in education/training programs. This study aims to compare research articles on teaching of patriotism that were conducted in the last 20 years. The document analysis method was employed in the study for this purpose. The data were collected through the international databases e.g. Wiley, Jstore, Elsevier, Taylor & Francis. 218 articles were found by searching the keywords "patriotism", "patriotic education", and "teaching of patriotism". Upon initial analysis, it was decided that 110 articles would serve the purpose of this study. Content analysis technique was employed to reveal patterns of the selected articles. The number of articles published on patriotic education in each countries, the publication dates of these articles and the comparison of these articles according to countries, purposes, is presented in this study. The paper at hand shows that only some articles have a critical perspective on patriotism. Implications are made based on results.

In this paper the author wishes to shed light on some methodological aspects of documenting civics classes as part of educational research. Rooted in the research traditions of grounded theory and the use of ideal types, this study concentrates on one case of a civics course taught in an Israel high school. Touching on the empirical and theoretical aspects of this case, this study will present the contributions of using such methodologies, particularly regarding the ways in which contextual factors such as the students' academic level and socio-economic factors influence the teaching of this subject-matter. Practical pedagogical implications that were identified as a result of this study will also be presented.

Education in Israel is often described as caught between two ends: state-formation and nation-building. In the last decade civic education in Israel has been undergoing some changes. The civic compulsory curriculum for state high schools was unified across all educational sectors in Israel with the aim of creating a more inclusive, universal civic curriculum that would be used as a platform for creating a common civic culture. The tension between state-formation and nation-building, between universalism and particularism, thus, has become even more prominent where civic education is concerned. To a significant extent, civic education in Israel is one place where contesting messages about the meaning of membership in the Israeli collective are negotiated and debated. This paper explores the tensions between inclusion and exclusion and between universalism and particularism as they emerge from the official civic education curriculum in Israel. It does so by examining the representations and positions of the Palestinian citizens in the official discourse of civic education. The analysis suggests that civic education in Israel at best represents an ambivalent stance that is caught in the tension between inclusion and exclusion. But more often than not, it still reproduces the marginal position of the Palestinian minority in Israeli society. In light of this, this paper concludes by discussing the possible implications these dual messages might have for Palestinian students. (Contains 1 table and 15 notes.)

Civic education, democratic principles, peace and war are tangled together in many ways. When teachers teach children to be citizens, they inform them of processes and practices in which they can and should engage; they inform them of the relations they are to have with their state through its proper institutions; they teach them what they can expect of their country, and what it can expect from them. When democratic stability is threatened by external perils such as terror attacks and conflict, and by the correlating internal responses such as suspension of rights and the narrowing public agenda, civic education becomes an even more crucial factor for the preservation of a stable democracy. In times of war, the boundaries of the political are redrawn. The conceptualization of citizenship is reformulated, and the relations between individual and state change their contents to express different expectations. The education system, with its teachers, administrators and other stakeholders representing the widest range of social actors, cannot evade this fate. As a public institution responsible for preparing future generations to becoming active members of society, schools are bound to undergo change during conflict. The author suggests that the proper response of the public education system to the social circumstances of wartime should be designed to balance the demands of belligerent citizenship with an ongoing commitment to democratic principles. As a teacher in conflict-ridden Tel-Aviv, the author shares that as he encourages his students to express their (mostly grim) views of the governing institutions, he tries to weave into their classroom discussion an awareness of what it means to be a citizen, what it means to be governed and represented, and what it is that they as active, engaged participants in the ongoing construction of their society can do to contribute to the discourse that envisions this society as it is, and as it should be. (Contains 2 endnotes.)

This paper explores the ways in which Arab/Palestinian high school students in Israel negotiate their civic and national identities. The paper draws upon qualitative data that included semi-structured interviews and focus groups with 20 students in an Arab Muslim high school. It focuses on the ways in which they make sense of the notion of citizenship and negotiate their position as Arab/Palestinian Muslim citizens in a Jewish state. The paper attempts to go beyond common conceptualisations of political identities of the Arab/Palestinian minority in Israel. It suggests that Arab/Palestinian students are aware of the politics of citizenship in Israel and draw upon different discourses of citizenship and meanings of inclusion in defining their belongings. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In recent decades organizational politics (OP) has become a growing field of interest in managerial studies. To date, the major scholarly effort has been dedicated to the exploration of intraorganizational politics based on employees' perceptions. However, one of the important aspects of this phenomenon is the way in which it is viewed by the external organizational environment-by customers, clients, and as far as governmental agencies are concerned, by the general public as well. This article examines citizens' perceptions of organizational politics and ethics in public administration systems. It focuses on the relationship between these perceptions and several key outcomes of modern bureaucracy such as satisfaction with services, trust in governmental institutions, and the resulting voice orientations and actions by the public (i.e., political efficacy, political participation). The data for the study were gathered from a half decade's worth of national surveys in Israel. The results point to meaningful direct and indirect relationships between organizational politics and ethics in the public sector, satisfaction, trust, and voice orientation. The article ends with a discussion of the theoretical and practical implications of the findings and suggestions for future studies. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Israel as a unique country composed of a religiously heterogeneous society of native-born Israelis whose parents arrived in the country before the declaration of Israel as an independent state in 1948 and immigrant Jews coming from countries spread throughout the world, mainly from the early 1960s until the present time, as well as Arab Moslem, Arab Christian, and Druze citizens born in the country. The Jewish population consists of secularized Jews who are almost totally estranged from the Jewish religion; traditional Jews who identify with the Jewish religion; religious modern orthodox observant Jews who share common societal goals with members of secular and religious Jewish society; and religious ultra-orthodox observant Jews who are rigid in their faith and oppose absorption and assimilation into general society. The Israeli Arab population comprises Moslems who are generally more religious than Israeli Jews, but are less religious and more flexible in their religious beliefs than Moslems living in many other countries in the Middle East. Christians who identify with their religion; and a moderately religious Druze community. Because of the heterogeneity of Israeli society, mandatory religious and heritage education presents each sector with a unique curriculum that serves the particular needs considered vital for each sector be they secular, traditional, or religious. In order to offset the differences in religious and heritage education and to enhance common social values and social cohesion in Israeli society, citizenship education, coupled with religious and heritage education, is compulsory for all population sectors. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]