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In the recent "National Youth White Paper on Global Citizenship" (2015), a selection of Canadian youth identified their vision for global citizenship education (GCE). The document articulates the Canadian youths' vision for global citizenship and outlines changes that need to be implemented in order for that vision to be achieved. Drawing on critiques of modernity and of liberal multiculturalism coming from postcolonial, decolonial, and feminist anti-racist scholarship, this article explores how young people imagine their positionalities as Canadian citizens and agents of change in the world. We aim to describe how the White Paper can be used both as a call for deepening critical engagements in education as well as a bridge for discussions of GCE in ways that move conversations into new realms. This paper is divided into four sections. In the first section, we analyse the 2015 White Paper, written collaboratively by Canadian students. It is the first document to focus exclusively on youth perceptions of what action is needed and what problems need to be addressed. We summarize the Canadian youths' articulation and understanding of GCE and identify the major themes addressed. The second section articulates the calls for action that the Canadian youth deem necessary for their vision of global citizenship. As they demand an emphasis on criticality in their formal education, we consider how we can listen to and respond to these calls. The third section presents a critical analysis of the document with a view to paving the way for collaborations to push discussions even further. The fourth section highlights how we can build on the White Paper to move discussions about GCE in new and different directions. We aim to address how the White Paper can be used to further the conversations in ways that explore how the youths' calls for actions can open up the possibilities for critical GCE.

This article examines the processes of youth engagement in an "invited space" for Canadian secondary school students. The organizers created a participatory citizenship education space in which Canadian students discussed their views and visions and developed their policy position on global citizenship and global citizenship education. The content and process of "The National Youth White Paper on Global Citizenship" (2015) demonstrated that youth have important policy knowledge and understand they live in a globalized world that includes unacceptable inequalities and oppressions. They also understand that, through acts of citizenship, these conditions can be changed. The article discusses how students were engaged in developing public opinion and working in the public sphere while developing the policy paper on the topic of global citizenship.

Purpose: In 2017, the Government of Québec made a high school financial education course compulsory. Anchored in the social studies, it tackles themes like consumer rights, savings, and employment. This paper strives to understand the types of citizenship education they promote. Design/methodology/approach: Our research is based on a content analysis of Québec's financial education curriculum and its textbooks. Findings: This paper reveals that Ministry approved educational materials focus on issues of personal finance and information retrieval tasks at the expense of a critical approach and tasks of a higher intellectual value. Québec's financial education materials therefore seems to foster personally responsible citizens. Research limitations/implications: To understand the use teachers and students make of financial education materials, we must now conduct individual and group interviews with teachers and students, but mostly authentic classroom observations.

In narrative style, this paper looks at how a particular teaching-learning event, a meeting in 2003 between Canadian high school students and their Costa Rican host families in Pedrogosso, Costa Rica, unveils pedagogies of global citizenship. By interweaving insights obtained from scholars of education, experiences of students, and reflections by teachers, the author shows how learning for world citizenship often happens in unexpected and unscripted circumstances, when teachers are absent--although, not without responsibility.

Canadian school jurisdictions have taken steps to accommodate objectives to advance cosmopolitan education reflecting principles such as global citizenship, compassion, tolerance, responsibility, and respect within school curricula and educational practice. At the same time, a parallel set of reconciliation-related educational reforms, aligned with the Calls to Action that accompanied the 2015 Truth and Reconciliation Commission final report, have also gained urgency. Elements of reconciliation processes complement visions of cosmopolitanism, including objectives to foster dialogue and understanding between groups and advancements towards more holistic orientations to pedagogy and knowledge. However, conceptually and in practice, several tensions emerge, especially in a context in which educational priorities are contested. In this paper, we explore these connections and tensions with reference to findings from our research examining public perspectives on educational reforms to support reconciliation.

The current political climate is characterized by an alarming pattern of global democratic regression driven by authoritarian populist leaders who deploy vast misinformation campaigns. These offensives are successful when the majority of the population lack skills that would allow them to think critically about information in the political sphere, to identify misinformation, and therefore to fully exercise democratic citizenship. Political science has theorized the link between information and power and information professionals understand the cognitive decision-making process involved in processing information, but these two literatures rarely intersect. This paper interrogates the links between information literacy (IL) and the rise of authoritarian populism in order to advance the development of a new transtheoretical model that links political science (which studies power), information science, and critical pedagogy to suggest new paths for teaching and research. We call for a collaborative research and teaching agenda, grounded in a holistic understanding of information as power, that will contribute to achieving a more informed citizenship and promoting a more inclusive democracy.

Digital citizenship indicates one's place in digitized society; however academics have not established a cohesive understanding about how digital citizenship is characterized. The Ontario Ministry of Education also does not provide a central conceptualization of digital citizenship and instead encourages Ontario school boards to construct and communicate ideas of digital citizenship. Accordingly, Ontario policymakers, educators, and students use differing understandings of digital citizenship, which ultimately impedes educational initiatives and hinders the overall development of the concept. For this paper, therefore, I inquired as to how Ontario public school boards portray digital citizenship. Using concept analysis, I examined digital citizenship documents from the 10 largest English Ontario public school boards. The results suggest that digital citizenship is predominately characterized by responsible and ethical technology use. I conclude with a discussion about how this representation relates to democratic citizenship more broadly and the implications this may have on youth civic engagement.

This paper, informed by a critique of traditional understandings of citizenship and civic education, explores the use of social media as a means of fostering activism and dissent. Specifically, the paper explores the ways in which the Idle No More Movement, which began in Canada in 2012 marshalled social media to educate about and protest Bill C-45, an omnibus budget bill passed by the Federal Government. The paper argues that Idle No More is demonstrative of young people's commitments to social change and willingness to participate in active forms of dissent. As such, it presents opportunities for fostering ethically engaged citizenship through greater knowledge and awareness of Indigenous issues in Canada, which necessarily requires an understanding of the historical and contemporary legacies of colonialism that continually position First Nations, Métis, and Inuit peoples as "lesser" citizens. Finally, the paper suggests that the example of Idle No More stands in contrast to the notion of a "civic vacuum" that is often used to justify the re-entrenchment of traditional civic education programs in schools and as such, can be used as a pedagogic tool to teach for and about dissent.

This paper interprets comments associated with an open-response item on an online survey of college students in the United States, Japan, and Canada. The item inquired about their interpretations of financial morality. The paper describes student understandings of appropriate behaviors in relationship to financial practice. The authors claim that the distinction between social convention and moral behavior represents a critical understanding for citizenship education. The value of this research lies within the importance of being cognizant of cross-cultural differences about perspectives of financial ideas in global communications and in educational processes.

Building durable peace through education requires addressing the gender ideologies and hierarchies that encourage both direct physical aggression and indirect harm through marginalization and exploitation. Although formal education systems are shaped by gendered patterns of social conflict, enmity, and inequity, schools can help young people to build on their inclination, relationships, and capability to participate in building sustainable, gender-just peace. In this paper, we draw from focus group research conducted with youth and teachers in public schools in Mexico, Bangladesh, and Canada to investigate how young people understood the social conflicts and violence surrounding them and what citizens could do about these issues; and how their teachers used the school curricula to address them. The research revealed that gender-based violence was pervasive in students' lives in all three settings, yet the curriculum the teachers and students described, with minor differences between contexts, included few opportunities to examine or resist the gender norms, institutions, and hierarchies that are the roots of exploitation and violence.

Literature classrooms hold great potential to educate students for critical global citizenship through serious engagement with marginalized stories that test or subvert mainstream knowledges and structures, including the familiar humanitarian framework that dominates Western thinking about the Global South. Unfortunately, much existing literary curriculum in the Global North often does just the opposite. Instead, Western-oriented texts and safe, traditional reading practices contribute to a form of global citizenship that perpetuates Western hegemony and limits expressions of citizenship to benevolent actions. This is especially the case where global citizenship curriculum is developed by NGOs and humanitarian organizations, such as Me to We, a popular social enterprise with increasing influence over education in Canada, the U.S. and the U.K. Using the frameworks of critical global citizenship education, Slaughter's (2006) theory of humanitarian reading, and Stone-Mediatore's (2003) notion of reading for enlarged thought, this paper will undertake a close reading of the unit materials for "Free the Children," a unit developed by Me to We, which aspires to educate for global citizenship. Unit activities problematically appropriate the voices and viewpoints of child laborers in South Asia by establishing dichotomies between readers and the populations that Me to We aspires to help. This unit provides a means by which to examine the effectiveness of reading a memoir by an exemplary humanitarian, particularly when unit activities are framed by an organization with a particular humanitarian agenda.

This paper presents a multi-voiced examination of educating for global citizenship from critical, interdisciplinary perspectives. The paper explores how insights from theoretical work on multiculturalism, race, religion, gender, language and literacy, and eco-justice can contribute to a critical global citizenship education practice. It reports the learning of a group of six Canadian PhD Candidates, who engaged in a year-long collaborative process to explore critical approaches to global citizenship education by focusing on key intersecting concerns, particularly critically understanding globalization. Drawing on theoretical considerations and discussions, the authors consider pedagogical implications for classroom teaching and learning. (Contains 1 figure.)

This paper looks at the changing nature of international development nongovernmental organizations' development education programming in England and Canada. A documentary analysis of the changes in Save the Children Canada and Save the Children UK's development education materials illuminates the shift in international development agencies' education programmes since the late 1990s. A review of a selection of materials produced by Save the Children UK and Save the Children Canada between 1999 and 2007 illustrates the trend of international development agencies moving away from programming that is longer-term, participatory, and dialogical with an emphasis on collective social change towards programming that is shorter-term, individualistic, and didactic, and which reinforces the status quo.

Many ministries of education focus on twenty-first century education but unless they are looking at this topic through a sustainability lens, they will be missing some of its most important elements. The usual emphasis on developing skills for employability in the current global economy begs the question whether the global economy is itself sustainable over the course of this century. According to the World Business Council on Sustainable Development (WBCSD) whose membership comprises 29 of the largest, most important companies on the planet, it is "not". Continuing on the current development path would require approximately 2.3 planet Earths to support existing levels of resource and energy use, and waste production, projected out for a global population which will reach 9 billion by 2050. And yet most discussions of 21st century education are premised on servicing, rather than transforming, the current global economy. This paper explores the opportunities and benefits of connecting the discourse on twenty-first century education with Education for Sustainable Development (ESD) which seeks to prepare learners for the varied and interrelated environmental, social, and economic challenges they will meet as they confront a changing world. ESD emphasizes futures thinking and strategic planning that will enable learners to help create and flourish in a more sustainable economy. Conventional teaching models must also shift to a "transformative" style of education for the twenty-first century in order for humankind to learn how to live more sustainably on this planet.

Videoconferencing activities hold particular promise for social studies educators hoping to mediate humanizing experiences that will help students grow as citizens of the world. In this paper, we review literature on videoconferencing for global citizenship education and analyze those efforts towards cosmopolitan citizenship. Through our analysis of scholarly, popular, and practitioner sources, we present three general, and often overlapping, purposes for videoconferencing--intercultural experiences, intercultural projects, and learning about cultures--while providing a variety of examples and options from elementary to higher education. Educators encourage intercultural experiences when the primary purpose for participants' videoconferencing activities is to learn about the people, communities, and cultures with whom they engage. The primary aim of intercultural projects is for participants to utilize videoconferencing to complete some task together. Educators can help students learn about cultures by bringing in people from different countries or cultures to share their expert knowledge or perspectives. We hope educators can glean insights from the videoconferencing cases provided in the text so as to make decision appropriate to their unique students' needs. None of these approaches is necessarily superior to the others, but they may require different time and energy commitments. We also share technology requirements and common problems with videoconferencing. Finally, we conclude with implications for educators and researchers.

Canadian higher education has long been involved in international education, partnerships, and research and development projects; however, recent framing of international education as an industry generating revenues to prop up underfunded institutions is troubling. This approach is endorsed by provincial government strategies and bolstered by the federal government's recent International Education Strategy, which promotes doubling the recruitment of international students by 2022 (Canada, 2014). While it is true that international students bring economic benefits to the institutions and communities that host them, we should also consider the challenges that this numbers game potentially presents for education. Many institutions now strive to internationalize; although this can encompass a broad range of activities, for many, the focus has been on increasing international student enrolment. This paper argues that there is a need to reframe internationalization in Canada in a way that would acknowledge the economic rationales, yet balance them with the social and academic outcomes necessary for all students to develop the knowledge, attitudes, and skills necessary for effective participation as professionals and citizens in increasingly multicultural and global contexts. For internationalization to fully reach its potential, a reframing of internationalization at home, informed by critical global citizenship education, may offer a way to realize the social and academic outcomes that would support an ethical, inclusive, and equitable approach moving forward.

This paper reports upon the findings of a research study conducted with British Columbian university youth in Canada, investigating youth beliefs about, and actions towards, civic life and the connections between these factors and youths' personal conditions and surrounding contexts. The findings illustrate the complexity of connections between youth civic views and behavior. Paying more attention to the dynamic interaction between individuals and their lived experiences and considering citizenship education curricula and teaching practices in relation to this complexity may help to improve citizenship education.

This paper examines citizenship learning and identity construction of new Chinese immigrants in a Canadian immigration settlement organization (ISO). I address the gap between the concept of "settlement" and "citizenship" generated by government-funded ISOs and new immigrants' actual practices in these programs. I adopt Dorothy Smith's approach of examining the social organization of people's everyday lives (Smith 2005) in order to unpack the ruling relations behind the immigrant settlement services and to take the standpoint of Chinese new immigrants. Under this framework, I analyze a Canadian federal government's funding criteria for ISOs and a settlement program's annual report to unpack the ruling relations behind the texts. I further conduct in-depth interviews with two Chinese new immigrants in a Canadian ISO to understand the ruling relations behind citizenship learning and brokering activities in Canadian ISOs from the immigrants' standpoint.

This paper examines the mediating role that education plays between religion and democratic community. The paper is situated in the Canadian context and examines this mediation through two questions: First, what is the relationship between religion and education and what is the contribution of this relationship to and within a pluralist society? And, second, do schools have a responsibility in developing a unified model of who the citizen is as a person? Both questions are founded upon the premise that citizens are more than citizens; they are also persons.

Reflecting on our efforts to provide Canadian university students with a transformative learning experience in Cuba, we were surprised to find that dominant forms of liberal thinking were more difficult to challenge than was anticipated. This paper explores this phenomenon and offers deliberation as a means toward lessening the stronghold of such beliefs. It begins with a sketch of our group participants and an explanation of our methodology, alongside the theory of cultural liberalism that frames the study. This is followed by a two-part description of our findings, suggesting that the liberal ideologies accompanying such innocuous practices as facilitating group harmony filter into understandings of democratic citizenship well beyond such parameters. We end with a tentative conclusion about the possibilities for democratic education in the increasingly complicated space of global interdependence and Cuban transformation in that space.

This paper aims at contributing to new ways of thinking about democratic education. We discuss how revisiting this concept may help raise fresh questions in relation to non-formal fora grappling with intricate sustainability issues that span international borders. Starting from Rancière's ideas on democracy, we first examine a conception of democratic education derived from these ideas. Next, we turn to a complexity informed notion of education as proposed by the two strands of emergence and enaction. We discuss how, in introducing additional dimensions, these strands might fruitfully complement the Rancierian conception of education. We conclude our discussion by proposing to reposition democratic education as a process of (co)-emergence afforded by a series of critical moments which, we suggest, can call forth radically novel visions for governing the commons.

This article presents the Quebec ministry of education's (MELS) strategy for diversifying the national historical narrative that is transmitted in the province's History and Citizenship Education program as well as the manner in which Francophone national history teachers put this strategy into practice. In bringing research on their social representations and historical consciousness together, this paper looks at some of the main challenges that these teachers face when specifically harmonizing two of history teaching's central social functions for catering to narrative diversity. When seeking to adequately balance the transmission of a national identity reference framework with the development of autonomous critical thinking skills, it becomes clear that these teachers' general quest for positivist-type, true and objective visions of the past as well as their overall attachment to the main markers of their group's collective memory for knowing and acting Québécois impede them from fully embracing the diversification of the province's historical narrative. The article ends by raising some important questions regarding the relevance of assisting teachers to authentically develop their own voice and vision for harmonizing the two aforementioned functions of history teaching and for being answerable to the decisions they make when articulating and acting upon such beliefs in class.

Despite decades of efforts to achieve gender equity in political life, women remain underrepresented in nearly all levels of government. In this paper, we explore the experiences offered by women who have been elected to local government in the province of British Columbia, Canada, to illustrate the persistence of gendered discourses and patriarchal practices within political systems. Drawing upon Bashevkin's (2009) recent discussion of how women's political roles are undermined through the "discomfort equation", we consider how feminist, adult education offers the potential for creating critical spaces that will support women's greater inclusion in local government. (Contains 2 footnotes.)

In democratic societies the level of citizens' civic engagement and inclusion in all forms of democratic participation is crucial in maintaining social cohesion and a vibrant democracy. In the historical development of Canada's demographic, political, socio-economic and cultural systems, immigration continues to play an influential role. Our paper presents conceptions of civic participation held by, inclusion and integration of recent African immigrants to Canada. We focus on volunteerism as one form of democratic participation. The findings show immigrants volunteer for the common good of society, making a difference, personal self-service gaining experience for advancement in their host society. Some are coerced into volunteering. Some of these findings concur with theoretical literature that positions various volunteering motives, bringing up implications for federal agencies involved in the settlement, adaptation programs for newcomers and educational curriculum planners attempting to widen conceptions of volunteerism, fostering engagement and promotion of citizenship education in general. (Contains 3 tables.)

In this paper we argue that the inherent flaw in the current Ontario civics curriculum is that it is too heavily influenced by the functional aspects of "what is" Canada, rather than giving the opportunity to experience the emotional qualities of what it means to be Canadian. Creating a community of learners based on the caveats of citizenship and good governance is the key element to the revitalization of a deteriorating democracy. (Contains 3 notes.)

In this article, I have used the 2004 Greatest Canadian contest as an example of media's educational function. Contrary to mainstream discourse of gender-neutral citizenship, this contest reiterates a notion of Canadian citizenship as masculinized, classed, and raced. Gramsci's concepts of "hegemony," "ideology", and "common sense" and Arnot's concept of gender and class "codes" anchor this analysis. Drawing on Canadian feminist and critical race scholarship, and contrasting feminist liberal and feminist postmodern perspectives, I have explored the complications of gender and democratic citizenship, and exposed the limitations of liberal democracy for realizing equity and social justice. (Contains 3 notes.)

Drawing on historical and contemporary scholarship on citizenship education, I have outlined how such education both excludes those outside the normative construction of the Canadian citizen and fails to prepare students for participation in the public sphere. I argue that contemporary citizenship education is in danger of creating individualistic consumers, as opposed to citizens who participate in public life. Invoking Habermasian and Arendtian insights about the ethical requirements for a democratic public sphere, I have illustrated the potential for such participation through the example of Headline Theatre's production of the play "Practicing Democracy." (Contains 6 notes.)

In this article, I argue that despite common assumptions that peace education efforts achieve social change, it is often a normalizing, nation-building project that obscures hierarchies of power. Focussing on a lesson from a popular peace education program currently used in Canadian schools, I have analyzed the convergences between peace and citizenship education and consider the implications of pedagogies that encourage peace as a personal choice and responsibility. I call for an approach to peace education that promotes critical thinking on how knowledge is produced. (Contains 8 notes.)

In this article, I offer a reading of the psychoanalytic concept of identification, with specific attention to its meaning in the context of children's historical learning. In educational contexts, it is not identification but historical empathy that teachers and researchers typically regard as holding pedagogical status. Using examples from my visit to "Historica's" 2004 Heritage Fair, I argue that identification is important for the way it marks the young subject's ambivalent entry into a world of historical relations. A study of identification cannot advance historical consciousness, but it does highlight the senses of vulnerability and emotional conflict in trying to orient the self to a very old world and the losses this implies. (Contains 2 notes.)

This essay proposes a conception of citizenship that highlights its political aspects. Based on the work of Balibar, Rancière, and Biesta, it is argued that democratic citizenship education must include the education of equality. This means that students must have the opportunity to experience not only the membership aspect of citizenship that subjects them to the state but also the democratic aspect of citizenship that positions them as equals to each other and capable of political intervention. The increasing emphasis in state policies on the membership aspect of citizenship must be counterbalanced by an emphasis in education on the democratic aspect of citizenship: the education of equality. The proposed conception of citizenship can be used to evaluate approaches to citizenship education.

Background: This paper considers how textbooks resolve the tension between contradictory goals of promoting a cohesive national identity while teaching respect and equality among diverse social groups in British Columbia (B.C.), Canada. Purpose: The article presents preliminary results of a larger study examining the content of required civic education textbooks in Canada to examine whether and how notions of national identity incorporate the principles of human rights and multiculturalism. Sample: The study draws on curricular material for required high school social science courses in B.C. The sample includes textbooks starting the first year of high school (Grade 8) and covers each year through high school graduation (Grade 12). The central analyses examine the content of 17 core textbooks approved by the provincial government for these courses. Design and methods: This research systematically examines the content of currently approved textbooks for high school social science courses in B.C. A questionnaire designed using the principles of content analysis measures textbook emphases on content relevant to human rights, multiculturalism and national identity. Results: This study finds that traditional notions of national identity are reshaped in response to the rise of emphases on human rights and multiculturalism. Rather than depicting national identity as stemming from a common race, ethnicity, language or history, the government pursues four main strategies to simultaneously promote human rights, multiculturalism and a shared national identity: (1) framing human rights and multiculturalism as part of national identity; (2) using pedagogical approaches that promote multiple perspectives; (3)celebrating social and scientific figures and accomplishments as a main source of national pride; and (4) drawing on exogenous sources to affirm state legitimacy. Conclusion: In a context that values diversity and human rights, contemporary sources of national identity can stem from facets of society that can transcend many cultures and emphasise organisational aspects of the nation-state. A main implication is that the inclusion of principles of human rights and multiculturalism into civic education is changing traditional conceptions of national identity. (Contains 2 figures and 3 notes.)

In this study, we examine how transformative leadership enables students from a low-income and multicultural neighbourhood to learn about democracy, responsible citizenship, and community engagement at school. As part of a graduate seminar on critical pedagogy and cultural studies in education, in-depth group interviews were conducted with students in three different schools. The objective of the study was to give voice to these students and to better understand how and why they had decided to become involved in a democracy-oriented school project. The paper focuses on the results obtained in one of the schools, located in a low-income multicultural neighbourhood, where the students' authentic process of community and civic engagement was facilitated by the transformative leadership of the principal, the assistant principals, and the teacher leaders. (Contains 2 footnotes.)

At the beginning of the twentieth century, English-Canadian schools have attempted to create citizens of good character who were loyal to a Canadian nation defined by its role in the British Empire. Because of the country's experience in World War I, Canadians refined their identity in the 1920s, keeping it distinct from its relationship with Britain. Schools introduced citizenship courses for the first time, which encouraged students to develop skills appropriate for life in a Canadian democracy. On the other hand, English-Canadians have long defined themselves in contrast to the very large English-speaking community to their south: the United States. Indeed, Canadian historian J. L. Granatstein insists "Canadian anti-Americanism...has for two centuries been a central buttress of the national identity." An examination of English-Canadian school curricula and textbooks, however, reveals an understanding of the United States more complex than antipathy. As the schools' understanding of Canadian citizenship and English-Canadian identity changed from 1900 to 1965, so did their images of the United States. This paper is a historical examination of the treatment of the United States in English-Canadian school texts from 1900 to 1965. It relies on a content analysis of curriculum documents and seventy-five textbooks used in history, geography, civics, and social studies courses in English-Canadian elementary and secondary schools during these years. This analysis also reveals change and continuity in the images of the United States taught to several generations of English-Canadian school children. Sometimes, the image was simply negative: it provided a convenient contrast for the myth of the steady, loyal, and law-abiding Canadian. Sometimes, it was very positive: seeing in America a model of freedom and democracy for the world, a model worth emulating. (Contains 112 footnotes.)

Contemplating the root of the word "idiocy" leads the author to explore the challenge that democratic societies face of developing public-minded citizens. The schools, he argues, are the most likely institutions to succeed in that task. Schools in societies that are trying in various ways to be democracies, such as the United States, Mexico, and Canada, are obliged to develop public citizens. The author argues here that schools are well positioned for the task, and in this article he suggest how they can improve their efforts and achieve greater success. (Contains 23 notes.)

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Copyright of Canadian Journal of Higher Education is the property of Canadian Society for the Study of Higher Education and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Comparative & International Education is the property of Canadian & International Education and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)